- Pusat Penelitian Politik - Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (P2P-LIPI)
Gedung Widya Graha, Lantai 11, Jalan Jend. Gatot Subroto 10, Jakarta Selatan 12710. - +62 8222 1496 786
- Researcher at Centre for Politics - Indonesia National Research and Innovation Agencyedit
This study aims to provide an alternative insight into understanding Islamic populism. Previously, there has been a long debate about how to frame Islamic populism in Indonesia. The first approach tends to believe that Islamic populism is... more
This study aims to provide an alternative insight into understanding Islamic populism. Previously, there has been a long debate about how to frame Islamic populism in Indonesia. The first approach tends to believe that Islamic populism is a product of economic inequality, while the second approach underlies the increasing use of religious identity to mobilize people. Considering both sides, this paper used critical review analysis to find out the gap amidst the existing literature. The result shows that, Islamic populism within the Indonesian context seems to be an emotional movement among especially urban Muslim middle class in that attempts to bring religion into line with dogmatic political preferences. They frustrated with existing Islamic political parties which they considered abandoning true Islamic agenda such as implementation of Islamic law and Islamic leadership so that they resorted to populism. This attitude has grown up recently, especially to 212 movement, "Aksi Bela Ulama" and "Aksi Bela Islam" to keep Islam as the majority.
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The concept of "Little Meccas" in Indonesia refers to settlements designed to foster a symbolic connection between local communities and Mecca, the holiest city in Islam. This paper delves into Kauman, a historic enclave in Yogyakarta... more
The concept of "Little Meccas" in Indonesia refers to settlements designed to foster a symbolic connection between local communities and Mecca, the holiest city in Islam. This paper delves into Kauman, a historic enclave in Yogyakarta that has served as a vibrant center of Islamic learning since the Sultanate era. By focusing on Kauman Yogyakarta, this study examines its transformation from a small residential area to a larger community that ultimately inspired the birth of Muhammadiyah, a prominent reformist Islamic movement. The paper explores the historical connections between Kauman and the Middle East, particularly the influence of pan-Islamism and reformist Islamic movements. This influence is further highlighted by the presence of architectural elements reflecting Middle Eastern styles. Notably, Kauman's pedestrianized zones prioritize tranquility for students pursuing Islamic studies in prayer halls (suraus or langgars). This emphasis on quietude underscores the importance placed on Arabic-style Islamic education within the enclave. In conclusion, this study investigates the ongoing influence of the Middle East on Islamic practices and education in Kauman. It sheds light on the concept of "Little Meccas" as a historical and cultural phenomenon in Indonesia.
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Religious moderation has been a government policy since 2015, aimed at countering radicalism and extremism. However, the hierarchical implementation of the program has led to the labeling of "moderate" and "conservative", and the policy's... more
Religious moderation has been a government policy since 2015, aimed at countering radicalism and extremism. However, the hierarchical implementation of the program has led to the labeling of "moderate" and "conservative", and the policy's understanding remains unclear among the community, especially the middle class and youth. Despite the government's campaign, intolerance persists. This research aims to review the religious moderation policy and explore how urban Muslim youths could contribute to religious moderation education. The method involves in-depth interviews with urban Muslim youths in Manado and Semarang and critical analysis of relevant documents. The findings suggest that urban Muslim youths prioritize religious moderation through intensive dialogue and gatherings. Current educational practices should incorporate these informal approaches to be more effective. The inclusion of urban Muslim youths in religious moderation education appears to be a promising way to encourage religious moderation in Indonesia. This highlights the need for religious moderation implementation to be responsive to public aspirations.
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The role of the younger generation in politics has played an important role in shaping Indonesian democracy. Since the era of the independence revolution until the post- reform era, young people have become central actors to be a guardian... more
The role of the younger generation in politics has played an important role in shaping Indonesian democracy. Since the era of the independence revolution until the post- reform era, young people have become central actors to be a guardian of democracy, especially participation in elections. Although the active role of young people is mostly carried out in various extra-parliamentary ways, such as street demonstrations, young people are now increasingly focusing on efforts to combat disinformation/misinformation in cyberspace. This stance is in line with the current development of democracy which leads to the digital world so that young people are also adaptive. The development of Indonesia's digital world directly impacts participation in contemporary elections. Following up with the various arguments previously presented, this study seeks to further elaborate on the political expression of young people in elections, particularly in educating the impact of disinformation. Furthermore, the method used is descriptive analysis by critically reviewing various previous research findings, be it publications in books, journals, or other relevant literature. The research results show that the role of young people is actually active, but differences in socio- economic and socio-demographic backgrounds are obstacles in participating actively in fighting disinformation. In addition, digital literacy, which is still unequal among young people, is also a challenge that needs to be addressed immediately in order to realize better quality Indonesian elections and democracy in general going forward
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Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis instrumentasi wayang kulit sebagai pilar kekuasaan Orde Baru. Memaknai wayang kulit dalam realitas tidak hanya dimaknai seni saja, tetapi juga wayang kulit sebagai cara melihat ritus perilaku... more
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis instrumentasi wayang kulit sebagai pilar kekuasaan Orde Baru. Memaknai wayang kulit dalam realitas tidak hanya dimaknai seni saja, tetapi juga wayang kulit sebagai cara melihat ritus perilaku politik Jawa. Analisa penelitian ini menggunakan cara pikir Barthesian yakni mitologi dan linguistik dalam mendedah instrumentasi kuasa. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa beringin dan Semar adalah dua kata kunci dalam melihat hegemoni kuasa itu berjalan dalam seni wayang kulit. Semar kemudian dipersonifikasikan dengan sosok Soeharto dan beringin disimbolkan sebagai kekuasaan yang kukuh dan mengakar kuat.
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The recent Indonesian Islamic wave in Indonesia appears to be inclined towards a traditionalist turn. This turn specifically denotes the ascendancy of traditional Islamic teachings as the forefront in Indonesia. The resurgence of... more
The recent Indonesian Islamic wave in Indonesia appears to be inclined towards a traditionalist turn. This turn specifically denotes the ascendancy of traditional Islamic teachings as the forefront in Indonesia. The resurgence of traditionalism has consequently led to a decline in the influence of conservatives, that has dominated public preferences from the 2000s to early 2014. While these new waves are likely to persist due to strong government support for religious moderation programs. They provoke both favorable and unfavorable perspectives among urban Muslims. In light of this contentious stance, this paper seeks to explore why urban Muslims display a reluctance towards the traditionalist shift. To address this inquiry, the research employs critical discourse analysis based on literature reviews. The primary finding of this discussion is that as the traditionalist movement extends its influence into urban environments, urban Muslims communities tend to align themselves with conservative ideologies. This poses a challenge for traditionalists aiming to alter religious preferences in urban areas.
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Populisme agama menjadi kata kunci penting dalam membahas pola kebangkitan politik Islam kontemporer. Absennya kemenangan partai politik Islam sebagai pemenang pemilu di Indonesia paska reformasi menjadikan populisme menjadi pilihan logis... more
Populisme agama menjadi kata kunci penting dalam membahas pola kebangkitan politik Islam kontemporer. Absennya kemenangan partai politik Islam sebagai pemenang pemilu di Indonesia paska reformasi menjadikan populisme menjadi pilihan logis dalam menyampaikan aspirasi mengatasnamakan umat Islam. Hal ini setidaknya terjadi pada pemilu Gubernur DKI kontemporer yang dimulai sejak 2007 hingga 2017. Populisme agama menjadi poin penting dalam memberikan narasi penting yang berpengaruh kepada pemilih maupun kandidat yang akan maju di pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta. Tulisan ini akan berusaha mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai transformasi populisme agama yang berlangsung dalam pemilihan Gubernur DKI Jakarta. Adapun metode riset yang digunakan metode riset campuran berbasis studi lapangan dan juga studi kepustakaan. Hasil riset ini memperlihatkan bahwa dampak populisme agama dalam pemilu kepala daerah menjadikan kompetisi elektoral bertensi lebih tinggi. Terlebih lagi ketika di ruang publik, populisme agama berdampak pada labelisasi hitam dan putih yang berdampak pada relasi sosial.
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Artikel ini mengkaji penggunaan politik identitas dalam kontroversi pendirian rumah ibadah di Provinsi DKI Jakarta dan Provinsi Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Kami menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan... more
Artikel ini mengkaji penggunaan politik identitas dalam kontroversi pendirian rumah ibadah di Provinsi DKI Jakarta dan Provinsi Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Kami menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan sosiologi pembanguna. Hasil penelitian kami menemukan bahwa kasus penyegelan Gereja Pantekosta di Indonesia (GPDI) Sleman, diakibatkan oleh kebijakan negara dan intimidasi dari Front Jihad Islam (FJI) Yogyakarta. Posisi minoritas belum menjadi perhatian utama penguasa lokal karena belum memberi dampak timbal balik karena itu berpotensi mendisrupsi tatanan sosial dan ekonomi yang telah eksis. Sedangkan di Jakarta Utara, umat Islam yang menolak penggusuran Masjid Mbah Priok memperlihatkan konservatisme Islam. Posisi Islam menjadi agama favorit Gubernur di Provinsi DKI Jakarta agar kekuasaannya tidak dikacaukan oleh fundamentalis Muslim yang memiliki kekuatan ekonomi dan politik. Akhirnya, relasi sosial di sana lebih bercorak transaksional.
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The 'city for all' concept shows how the new Indonesian capital city Nusantara is expected to create a harmonious and inclusive relationship between its residents and its surrounding environment. There is still a long way to go towards... more
The 'city for all' concept shows how the new Indonesian capital city Nusantara is expected to create a harmonious and inclusive relationship between its residents and its surrounding environment. There is still a long way to go towards its implementation, as there are many unsolved environmental problems related to the new capital city project. In line with the previously-mentioned statement, this study analyzed the feasibility of implementing the city for all concept in the new capital city in view of the existing environmental issues in East Kalimantan. Another objective of this research was to see whether the city for all concept is compatible with the local context. These two research objectives were pursued by using the 'smart city' and 'green city' perspectives to assess the current development progress. We used qualitative research methods, including fieldwork and in-depth interviews with various actors in both the national and local context, as well as intensive archival research. This study revealed that there is a discrepancy in vision between the government, the city planners, and the locals in East Kalimantan. Furthermore, the locals, especially indigenous people, have shown a lukewarm response to the capital city project. Based on the fieldwork, it seems that the city for all concept and the currently existing smart and green city components do not match. This study concludes that solving the current environmental problems and unequal social participation should be done first before carrying on with the capital city development planning.
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The word "hijrah" has been familiar among the Indonesian middle class recently. Hijrah refers to the re-adaption of religious values in daily life, especially for individual Muslims. This attitude responds to various issues such as life... more
The word "hijrah" has been familiar among the Indonesian middle class recently. Hijrah refers to the re-adaption of religious values in daily life, especially for individual Muslims. This attitude responds to various issues such as life crises, mental health issues, anxiety, and increasing religious teaching demands. Therefore, committing to religious values would be the main answer to every problem. Recently, hijrah has not merely been a personal matter, but it has been a collective norm that bound Muslims, especially young people. As a communal norm, the hijrah intention has responded to broad issues. Most importantly, hijrah has become an identity symbol rather than a spiritual motive. Eventually, it might be a critical point to examine the hijrah phenomenon among the Muslim middle class. Following up on these gaps, this research would like to investigate the recent shift of the hijrah movement that affected the Muslim middle class. The research method is a critical literature review. This research shows that committing to hijrah is a way to not only strengthen piousness but also to bring Islam fits in with modernism. This has implications for the way of religious expression in public spaces.
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The Javanese proverb ““narimo ing pandum”” exemplifies a belief among poor people to accept their impoverishment as the Divine will of God. This belief, however, has the adverse effect of habituating people to accept poverty. Such... more
The Javanese proverb ““narimo ing pandum”” exemplifies a belief among poor people to accept their impoverishment as the Divine will of God. This belief, however, has the adverse effect of habituating people to accept poverty. Such perception is conditioned, among others, by the availability of state-provided social aid as well as family or community support, which has helped the poor to stay afloat in moments of crises. In a patriarchal society, poverty poses even more risks and challenges for women, who are often conditioned to be reliant on men to survive. As such, poor women are likely required to find ways to cope with their helplessness. This article seeks to contribute to discussions on the cultural properties of poverty by exploring aspects of gender inequality. Specifically, it discusses how highlander women in Gunungkidul, the region with the highest poverty rate in Yogyakarta, perceive their impoverishment as Divine date, and explores how their perception of poverty affects their survival. The method utilized is a Life History Approach, which captures the multiple facets of our subjects by analyzing their day-to-day activities and interactions.
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This research would like to investigate further religious moderation discourse and its counter-discourse challenges in Indonesia. By taking example of Indonesian muslim middle class, the purpose of this study to reveal why religious... more
This research would like to investigate further religious moderation discourse and its counter-discourse challenges in Indonesia. By taking example of Indonesian muslim middle class, the purpose of this study to reveal why religious moderation still faces obstacles, particularly Indonesian Muslim middle class. This study employs critical discourse analysis by collecting data from relevant literatures. The results of this study are 1) Indonesian Muslim middle classs still uncertain to adopt religious moderation discourse 2) there are three main contra narrations to mention here like religious narcissism, blasphemy, and hate speech that hinder the implementation of religious moderation
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This paper aims at analysing the relationship between foreign workers and its implication for the domestic job market with Australia as the point of reference. The globalized era pushes every nation to open its market including the job... more
This paper aims at analysing the relationship between foreign workers and its implication for the domestic job market with Australia as the point of reference. The globalized era pushes every nation to open its market including the job market. This ongoing trend surely causes disruptions in the domestic market. At the same time, the wave of overseas migrant workers fulfills the job sectors which are rarely filled by domestic workers. It can encourage the transfer of knowledge from foreign to domestic laborers. On the other hand, more overseas workers threaten the existence of domestic employers. Australia has been in a dilemma position on this matter. Many foreign workers come in fulfilling the low-level job sectors, such as fruit handpicking, construction, and nursery. At the same time, their presence threatens domestic workers who could perform better in the same field. This especially occurs when they always ask for higher wages which might be irrelevant to the domestic business cycle. In order to analyze this problem, this paper used the quantitative method. The main findings of this paper show that when the government issues policies to encourage employers to spend more on human investment, it improves the work quality of domestic workers more than foreign ones. This suggests/concludes the way government should be protective and selective in securing the domestic job market from overseas migrant workers.
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The rational voting behaviour within current Indonesian political situation is still debatable. It basically shows the different socioeconomic and socio-political backgrounds among the voters that results in different voting behaviour... more
The rational voting behaviour within current Indonesian political situation is still debatable. It basically shows the different socioeconomic and socio-political backgrounds among the voters that results in different voting behaviour expressions. The urban voters whom middle-class background seems to be rational voters. They would like to be open-minded accepting various preferences rather than one or two preferences. This makes the urban voters could critically asses the parties and candidates they preferred with. Most importantly, they would stress some important issues like money poltiics and national economic evaluation to address voting behaviour expressions. For some reasons, these two factors still be important issues in shaping political choices in Indonesia. This paper will further elaborate empirically the rational voting behaviour in Indonesia. Specifically, this paper used the survey data from 2014 and 2019 elections to elaborate rational voting behaviour recently. These two recent elections basically could represent the latest voting behaviour expressions in Indonesia.
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The interfaith dialogue campaign takes a new turn after the demise of the authoritarian regime in 1998. While the previous campaign was characterized by the important role of public intellectuals, such as Gus Dur, Romo Mangunwijaya and... more
The interfaith dialogue campaign takes a new turn after the demise of the authoritarian regime in 1998. While the previous campaign was characterized by the important role of public intellectuals, such as Gus Dur, Romo Mangunwijaya and Th. Sumartana; the new generation of campaigners adopt more community-based advocacy movement. The shift into a new turn specifically refers to two phenomena; 1) change of the modes and practices of interfaith dialogue movement at the society level and 2) the idea of recent interfaith originates more from communities rather than from prominent public intellectuals. These two phenomena basically show the opportunities and challenges for the future of interfaith dialogue campaign. The study uses two methods, namely archival and case study based on the empirical data from Makassar and Yogyakarta in the mid 2022. The findings show that advocating interfaith dialogues through communities as adopted by the new generation of campaigners apparently more effective for young generations than what is experienced before 1998. It generates the recent interfaith dialogue among young people to be intimate. The findings also implies that the religious moderation discourse and campaign recently propagated by the Ministry of Religious Affairs need to be critically assessed. These two findings interestingly show the conservatives' involvement that eager to join interfaith campaign in order to curb hardliner stigma.
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This study aims to analyze the ongoing pandemic covid-19 that brings unprecedented consequences to the Indonesian democracy system. One prominent thing to note is that the current declining democracy seems to worsen. This condition may... more
This study aims to analyze the ongoing pandemic covid-19 that brings unprecedented consequences to the Indonesian democracy system. One prominent thing to note is that the current declining democracy seems to worsen. This condition may happen due to the restricted civil liberties and increasing use of state control on behalf of pandemic policies. While these two likely result from executive aggrandizement, the latter premise seems to be a side effect of increasing personal power because pandemic makes people dependent on state actors. The way pandemic covid-19 decreases the quality of democracy in Indonesia remains unanswered clearly. This study finds three significant consequences on Indonesia's democracy such as democratic breakdown, political inequality, and deepening clientelism. In other words, these three consequences also mean the pandemic covid 19 becomes blessing in disguise for elites to push their political agendas on behalf of pandemic policies. This study will further investigate other impacts of covid-19 on Indonesian democracy.
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The idea of "voice" has been long existing within society. When it comes to current urban environment, it seems that voice has been declining due to firm influence of individualism in urban areas. This makes the inclusive dialogue space... more
The idea of "voice" has been long existing within society. When it comes to current urban environment, it seems that voice has been declining due to firm influence of individualism in urban areas. This makes the inclusive dialogue space between inter citizens group & government and society relationship faded away. Concerning on this issue, this paper would like to highlight the possibility of "voice" to be the main drive to rebuild political rights for citizens. Utilizing a mixed method that consists of in-depth interviews and critical literature review, this paper shows the need of "voice" that recently has been institutionalised into two ways: formal through e-government and informal through community radio broadcasting. Both ways are able to deliver grass root aspiration to be policymaking issues. The finding of this research suggests the need of active citizen participation to voice their aspiration through different platforms rather than formal ways.
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Polarization was widely used in a large number of publications on Indonesian political studies from 2014 to 2020. This term particularly refers to the divisive society condition because of different political preferences. Previously,... more
Polarization was widely used in a large number of publications on Indonesian political studies from 2014 to 2020. This term particularly refers to the divisive society condition because of different political preferences. Previously, polarization is rare to use to frame Indonesian electoral competition since both parties and candidates counted on ideological spectrum. Since the personalization of politics have been flourishing recently, it drives identity to be marker when it comes to evaluating the candidates. This condition, consequently, makes the election is not merely political competition for power but emotional competition for lives. For the last six years, there were three major elections, including the 2014 Presidential Election, 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election, and 2019 Presidential Election. These three elections had a significant factor in polarizing society at that given time. They specifically referred to the two leading figures that represented the two stark political identity symbols. However, after 2018, the polarization of society itself seemed under control since the ruling regime coalitions and their social groups and allies worked together. It was meant to manage the effect of polarization and also to corner the opposition groups. While the clashes of views still exist, the situation would be worse if the 3 elections had not happened.
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This articles aims at analysing the clientelistic democracy between India and Indonesia. Two countries are considerably the leading democtatic countries in the world. However, recently it seems both countries face declining democracy. One... more
This articles aims at analysing the clientelistic democracy between India and Indonesia. Two countries are considerably the leading democtatic countries in the world. However, recently it seems both countries face declining democracy. One main thing that drives democracy to decline is clientelism. This practice has various intepretations in many practiical ways. This article uses qualitative method, particularly critical literature review. Some relevant literatures that derive from journal and books will be the main source. The findings of this study are while the clintelism practice in India is incorporate in party system, Indonesian version of clientelism does not follow in institutionalisation. Instead, the perpretrators behind the clientelist practice are the informal actors, who famously known as tim sukses "success team". In a nutshell, democracy seems run well in procdural way, but it has delined gradually due to clientlistic practices.
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The term "anti-American" sounds debatable in analyzing the relationship between Islamic world and United States. This term arguably stems from Huntington's thesis on clash of civilization, which argued that the culture is the main... more
The term "anti-American" sounds debatable in analyzing the relationship between Islamic world and United States. This term arguably stems from Huntington's thesis on clash of civilization, which argued that the culture is the main belligerent instead of countries in the conflict. Two main cultures: the contrast between the West and Islam often eventually shapes the rivalry relationship between these two civilizations. Investigating the persistence rivalry between the two through critical literature review method, this article tries to answer the question of why Muslims are still hostile to American culture. It further argues that that media, which are mostly from Middle Eastern countries, have essential in shaping the fluctuated trend of anti-American sentiment among Muslims. This heavily depends on the impact of US foreign policy on Arab that might precipitates anti-American sentiments. [Istilah "Anti-Amerika" mengundang perdebatan ketika menganalisa relasi antara dunia Islam dengan Amerika Serikat. Istilah tersebut kurang lebih berasal dari "clash of civilisation" (benturan antarperadaban) yang pernah diargumentasikan oleh Samuel Huntington. "Benturan" tersebut bukan lagi berfokus pada konflik antarnegara, tapi lebih pada persaingan antarbudaya
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Artikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan potensi pembagian kekuasaan (power-sharing) sebagai kunci utama dalam konflik etnis, khususnya di negara-negara berkembang. Adapun skema pembagian kekuasaan ini sebenarnya menawarkan mengenai adanya... more
Artikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan potensi pembagian kekuasaan (power-sharing) sebagai kunci utama dalam konflik etnis, khususnya di negara-negara berkembang. Adapun skema pembagian kekuasaan ini sebenarnya menawarkan mengenai adanya solusi positif yang seimbang dan setara antara aktor negara dengan kelompok separatis dalam memutus konflik dan kemudian beralih menginisiasi adanya perdamaian di level akar rumput. Dengan menggunakan analisa kuantitatif melalui analisis dataset yang dikembangkan oleh Power Sharing Event Dataset (PSED) and Implementation of Pacts Dataset (IMPACT), artikel ini menunjukkan dua termuan penting. Pertama, skema contoh pembagian kekuasaan yang menjanjikan adalah pembagian wilayah utamanya lewat pemekaran daerah dan pembagian kewenangan politik antara aktor negara dengan kelompok-kelompok separatis. Temuan kedua adalah pembicaraan negosiasi pembagian kekuasaan yang ideal sebelumnya antara para aktor negara dengan kelompok separatis menjadi relevan dalam nantinya menghasilkan kesepakatan pembagian kekuasaan yang terikat hukum antara aktor pemerintah dengan aktor separatis. Konklusi dari studi ini adalah kapasitas negara menjadi faktor penting dalam mengelola konflik. Kapasitas negara yang kuat akan mampu untuk mengelola konflik sedangkan kapasitas negara yang lemah malah justru memperburuk konflik tersebut. Kata kunci: pembagian kekuasaan, pembagian kewenangan, pembagian/pemekaran wilayah, kapasitas negara ABSTRACT This article explains how power-sharing could determine conflict resolution in developing states, particularly in developing countries. This scheme offers a win-win solution between state actors and the separatist movements to curb conflict and initiate peace-building at the grassroots level. Using a quantitative analysis that employed datasets from Power-Sharing Event Dataset (PSED) and Implementation of Pacts Dataset (IMPACT), this article notably reveals two important findings. First, the most promising power-sharing schemes are territorial and political power-sharing. Furthermore, the preliminary talk about ideal power-sharing consensus between the state actors and rebel groups is important to determine the outcome of power-sharing policies. Finally, this article concludes that the state capacity shows the final conflict resolution. Strong
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This study aims to analyse the relationship problem between majoritarian and minorities within Indonesian society. More specifically, relationship between Chinese-Indonesians, which are minorities and majoritarian in both religion and... more
This study aims to analyse the relationship problem between majoritarian and minorities within Indonesian society. More specifically, relationship between Chinese-Indonesians, which are minorities and majoritarian in both religion and ethnicity. By using mixed method such as case study that conducted only in Surabaya.Aarchival
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Article aimed to analyses about construction of voting behavior in Indonesia election implementation. It urge and significant to elaborate and scrutinize political preferential which became base foundation to elect and submit their vote.... more
Article aimed to analyses about construction of voting behavior in Indonesia election implementation. It urge and significant to elaborate and scrutinize political preferential which became base foundation to elect and submit their vote. There are two prominent factor can be main tools to covering voting behavior trend In Indonesia. Firstly, figures presumably primary sources to mention constructing public voting behavior. In Indonesia post authoritarian era, democracy has been suspended due to emergence of strong figure. This become ironic in implementation of democracy when hijacked oligarchic power that still persist and insist their resources in recent era. Secondly, analyzing of voting behavior in Indonesia has been swiftly in every election. It's important to note that main character of voting behavior is swing voters dominated by young residents. Therefore, voting behavior trend fluctuated depending on issue and media news, become main consideration public to elect and submit their vote. In addition to both factor, emergence of political broker in recent election has indicated urgent needs to bridging voter and candidate in order to more engage. Those three factor will be primary focus to be elaborated in this paper, how recent trend in voting behavior in Indonesia and its impact to election event.
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This article aims for revisiting the terrorism studies from different perspective. The terror attacks itself cannot be hundred percent zero but it just fluctuated trend. More specifically, terrorism always adaptive in following trends.... more
This article aims for revisiting the terrorism studies from different perspective.
The terror attacks itself cannot be hundred percent zero but it just fluctuated
trend. More specifically, terrorism always adaptive in following trends.
While terror attacks still to target innocent civilians, the perpetrators could
be closest relatives and neighbors. The way terror attack to reach out that
group of people basically shows the silent role of returning foreign fighters
(RFF)/returnees nurturing dan breeding terror ideologies. By using critical
literature review especially historical narrative analysis, this study wants
to examine the current terror trend that utilizes social media. It can spread
terror narration and also affecting people to join. The way to analyze data
is making clear connection from each literature. The findings of this study
are: the RFF is adept at social media in nurturing terror ideologies and then
making their home country and new terrorist cells to be breeding grounds.
The terror attacks itself cannot be hundred percent zero but it just fluctuated
trend. More specifically, terrorism always adaptive in following trends.
While terror attacks still to target innocent civilians, the perpetrators could
be closest relatives and neighbors. The way terror attack to reach out that
group of people basically shows the silent role of returning foreign fighters
(RFF)/returnees nurturing dan breeding terror ideologies. By using critical
literature review especially historical narrative analysis, this study wants
to examine the current terror trend that utilizes social media. It can spread
terror narration and also affecting people to join. The way to analyze data
is making clear connection from each literature. The findings of this study
are: the RFF is adept at social media in nurturing terror ideologies and then
making their home country and new terrorist cells to be breeding grounds.
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The study of diasporas has been given relatively little attention by Indonesian scholars. A likely reason is the high cost of funding diaspora research in the host countries, motivating scholars to instead focus on other, less... more
The study of diasporas has been given relatively little attention by Indonesian scholars. A likely reason is the high cost of funding diaspora research in the host countries, motivating scholars to instead focus on other, less resourceintensive topics. Although the significance of this research on the Indonesian diaspora may not be immediately evident, its importance lies in how Indonesians maintain their nationalism when living overseas. Two problems particularly felt by them are homesickness and anxiety. Using an ethnographic approach, this research therefore sought to highlight how the Indonesian diaspora based in Canberra, Australia, make social bonds with each other. These bonds serve to make Canberra a second home for Indonesians, especially students and their families, permanent residents, and even naturalised citizens who have Indonesian backgrounds. A main finding was that there are various senses of Indonesianess between groups in the Canberra-based diaspora. While students are much more likely to maintain a feeling of nationalism due to scholarship policies, other groups in the diaspora, such as permanent residents and naturalised citizens, appear to hold onto their Indonesianess less tightly. Although they still engage with Indonesia, they view the country more critically, including on sensitive issues that are labelled as taboo in Indonesia. Despite the existence of these two different conceptions of Indonesianess, Canberra is their home away from home in Australia. These results consequently aid in our understanding of the significance of family ties to shaping most Asian diaspora communities living abroad.
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A B S T R A C T The terminology of radicalism had been accepted largery as physical expression aims to create violence and riots. Radicalism is understood as informal style to negotiate when formal politics unsuccessfully created... more
A B S T R A C T The terminology of radicalism had been accepted largery as physical expression aims to create violence and riots. Radicalism is understood as informal style to negotiate when formal politics unsuccessfully created resolution. The young middle class were categorized vulnerable groups which easily infiltrated within several of ideologies. However, it is important to be noted that radicalism is a way to make expression space for youth people. The role of social media altered characteristic of movement that become rigorious. By using both perspective namely new social movement dan resources mobilization, this article aimed to analyse great transformation on radicalism nowadays.
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This article is aims to analyze middle class as one of the main actors in Indonesian democratization process. Discussion on middle class studies in Indonesian social and political science discourse have been dominated economic... more
This article is aims to analyze middle class as one of the main actors in Indonesian democratization process. Discussion on middle class studies in Indonesian social and political science discourse have been dominated economic understanding based quantitative method. It was an academic challenges for Indonesian social scientist to redefine terminology of middle class. The position of middle class as the political actor in Indonesia still fluctuated due to unclearly standing in terms of relation state and society. On one hand, the middle class could perform as resistant groups against the political regime. In other hand, the Indonesian middle class presumably become subordinated groups towards the political regime. It can be indicated in Indonesia post Authoritarian era, the middle class groups performs itself as the political initiator from grass roots level. That main motivation from Indonesian middle class in recent political era are make alternative representation in order to articulate aspiration. The emergence of internet especially social media have been perceived as political machine that stimulated middle class to make critical points toward government today. Abstrak Tulisan ini hendak menganalisis mengenai kelas menengah sebagai aktor demokrasi di Indonesia. Membincangkan kelas menengah dalam setiap diskursus ilmu sosial dan politik di Indonesia senantiasa dihadapkan pada pembahasan ekonomi secara kuantitatif. Hal yang perlu dicatat adalah keberadaan kelas menengah ini daripada didefinifisikan lebih baik dirasakan keberadaannya dalam kehidupan. Posisi kelas menengah sebagai aktor politik di Indonesia masih fluktuatif. Hal ini dikarenakan kemunculan kelas menengah dalam arus demokrasi Indonesia yang masih ambigu. Kelas menengah ini bisa menjadi kelompok masyarakat yang tersubordinasi dengan negara, namun di satu sisi, kelas menengah juga tampil sebagai kelas masyarakat yang resisten dengan negara. Adanya transisi posisi dan status kelas menengah tersebut sebenarnya bisa disimak dari gerakan reformasi 1998 hingga sekarang ini. Munculnya berbagai macam gerakan politik dengan mengarustamakan demokrasi yang diinisiasi oleh kelas menengah menjadi hal yang terelakkan pasca reformasi ini. Semula, gerakan tersebut hanya berupa aksi penyampaian aspirasi dan kini sudah berkembang menjadi menjadi aksi penuntutan representasi. Adanya perubahan dalam pilihan aksi dan strategi itu menandakan bahwa kesadaran politik di kalangan kelas menengah Indonesia sendiri sudah semikian merata. Mereka tidak hanya menjadi aktor pasif secara politis namun juga aktif dalam menyuarakan aspirasi dan sekaligus pula representasinya. Menguatnya aksi representasi dari kelas menengah ini merupakan implikasi penting semakin menguatnya ranah societal terhadap proses political, dan semakin berperannya netizen dalam menyuarakan kebebasan berekspresi, dan lain sebagainya. Tulisan ini akan mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai akar demokrasi dalam setiap episode kemunculan kelas menengah dalam demokrasi Indonesia. Sejauh mana mereka andil dalam proses demokratisasi di ruang publik.
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Abstrak: Tulisan ini mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai munculnya kelompok uncivil society di Indonesia. Pengertian uncivil society sendiri dapat diartikan sebagai bentuk kelompok masyarakat sipil yang melakukan aksi-aksi yang... more
Abstrak: Tulisan ini mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai munculnya kelompok uncivil society di Indonesia. Pengertian uncivil society sendiri dapat diartikan sebagai bentuk kelompok masyarakat sipil yang melakukan aksi-aksi yang bertentangan dengan demokrasi. Problematika mengenai uncivil society tersebut merupakan ekses dari proses transisi dan konsolidasi demokrasi yang tidak sempurna. Hal itulah yang menjadikan proses artikulasi kepentingan kemudian menjadi arena kompetisi satu sama lainnya. Implikasinya kemudian adalah menguatnya perilaku tindak kekerasan yang dialamatkan demi tercapainya suatu kepentingan. Selain itu pula masalah krusial lain yang dihadapi dalam masyarakat sipil adalah fragmentasi ideologi, identitas, maupun juga kepentingan yang berbeda sehingga terkesan pembentukan masyarakat sipil lebih bersifat elitis. Maka munculnya uncivil society adalah puncak gunung es terhadap proses pendalaman demokrasi yang belum sepenuhnya usai di ranah masyarakat. Abstract: This article aimed to analyse deeply about emergence of uncivil society groups in Indonesia. The terminology of uncivils sociecty could be understood as a form of civil society who acted various practices against democracy. Many problems within uncivil society have related with unfinished transition and democracy consolidation. It was resulted toward interest articulation process that developed into competition arena each others. Many violent practices were addressed to achieve specific goal mainly economic interest. In addition to violent practices, fragmentation of ideology, identity, and other ideology that created civil society more elite than before. Therefore, emergence of uncivil society is a apex of ice mountain in line within unperfectly deepening of democracy in societal arena. Kata Kunci: kelas menengah muslim, demokrasi, uncivil society, kekerasan Pendahuluan Kelompok masyarakat kelas menegah muslim di Indonesia merupakan segmen kelompok masyarakat kelas menengah yang memiliki berbagai keunikan tersendiri. Adapun berbagai macam keunikan tersebut dapat dibaca sebagai berikut. 1) kelas menengah muslim Indonesia merupakan kelompok eksklusif dalam kelas menengah Indonesia karena memadukan nilai dan prinsip Islam bersenyawa dengan modernitas, 2) kelas menengah muslim Indonesia senantiasa dikaitkan dengan agenda global yang terjadi dalam lingkup internasional melalui konsep ummah, 3) kelas menengah muslim Indonesia berpotensi menjadi kekuatan poltik laten mengingat sejarah kontestasi panjang dengan kelompok nasionalis, dan 4) kelompok kelas menengah ini senatiasa ingin menjadi entitas yang ingin diakui sebagai kelompok masyarakat karena selama ini selalu medapatakan perlakuan stereotif sebagai kelompok marjinal.
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Emergence of voluntarism power that occured in 2014 election have indicated new form of middle class in Indonesia. Analyse on middle class always posited as either " leisure class " or " depedent class ". However, in 2014 election, its... more
Emergence of voluntarism power that occured in 2014 election have indicated new form of middle class in Indonesia. Analyse on middle class always posited as either " leisure class " or " depedent class ". However, in 2014 election, its class has been transformed itself as powerful actor from extra-parliamentary arena which able to persuade political succesion with Jokowi as pivotal person. Addresing to recent middle class, using of social media undoubtely become main factor to encouraging political awareness form middle class to be partisan voters. This article using cyberactvism perspective to elaborate more deeply toward middle class power in 2014 election.
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Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengenai karakter politik dan tipologi masyarakat kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia pascareformasi. Karakter tersebut menjadi penting dikaji untuk melihat basis-basis pembentukannya. Pada... more
Abstrak Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengenai karakter politik dan tipologi masyarakat kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia pascareformasi. Karakter tersebut menjadi penting dikaji untuk melihat basis-basis pembentukannya. Pada umumnya, kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia tumbuh karena dua sumber: intelektualisme dan borjuasi. Intelektualisme menandai adanya transformasi pemikiran Islam yang serba ortodoks dan puritan menjadi kritis. Sedangkan borjuasi menandai adanya pergeseran basis ekonomi yang semula bercorak agraris menjadi tergantung pada jasa, perdagangan, maupun birokrasi. Modernisasi menjadi kata kunci terhadap pembaruan kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia. Ia terbagi dalam tiga rentang waktu, yakni masa kolonialisme, pascakemerdekaan dan masa pascareformasi. Sejalan dengan modernisasi tersebut, arah partisipasi dan representasi politik kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia kemudian berkembang ke dalam ranah politik maupun non-politik. Secara politis, pendirian partai politik merupakan solusi bagi mereka dalam mengartikulasikan kepentingannya. Sedangkan, secara non-politis atau kultural, mereka umumnya terepresentasikan dalam kegiatan keagamaan dan pengajian kaum elit.
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This article aims at analyzing agenda of socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslim. Compared with other middle class groups, middle class muslim is a middle class which tends to have political sense toward political... more
This article aims at analyzing agenda of socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslim. Compared with other middle class groups, middle class muslim is a middle class which tends to have political sense toward political changes. It is caused by its political experiences they have got such as alienation, authoritarianism, and inequality. Those ironic experiences make Indonesian middle class become political agent. Political experiences which have happened in middle east such as Turkey, Iran, and Egypt become main preferention to analyze current situation. Therea are two prominent perspectives to see socio-political changes which are addressed to Indonesian middle class muslim: post Islamism and Islam populism. The first perspective, political changes is synergically based on mutual cooperation between Islam, democracy, and liberalism. On the other hand, the second one, revolusion is placed as the main strategy of affirmative political change done by middle class. More specifically, Islamist ideology rejects religious modernity and seeks to oppose Islam against secular, pluralistic and liberal understandings of the " emancipated self " and the democratic public sphere. Those both perspectives are then used to analyze case of Indonesian middle class muslims. This article will elaborate more deeply to analyze socio-political changes among Indonesian middle class muslims. ÅÎÀ¼nÀ¼» ¡mÌNÀ»A é Å°»A Ó¼ § Òé ÎmBÎn»AË Ò°´R»A Ó¯ ¶j°»A hbNλ ½vZÍ LBN¸»A AhÇ :wb¼À»A BñmÌN¿ Bé į AEB· ÅÎÀ¼nÀ¼» ¡mÌNÀ»A é Å°»A .ÔjaÜA ¡é mÌNÀ»A é Å°»BI B¯ÝNaA ÏnÃËfÃÜA ÐCi ½RÀ· ¾ÌvZÀ»A Òé ÎmBÎn»A AE̸I ½ÀrÍ ½v°»A ¹»Ag .Òé ÎmBÎn»A ²ÝNaA Ó¼ § Bé ÎmBÎm jÎvÍjÖBn»A ¾BY ÑjR· .²Ëj¨À»BI ÑjqB¨À»A Ó¼ § hbé NÍ LBN¸»A AhÇ BzÍA ½ÀrÍË .pBÄ»A ½RÀ· ,Lj¨»A Ó¯ ÑjqB¨À»A ½R¿ AEÌ· Ó¯ Òé ÎmBÎn»A .Òé ÎmBÎn»A Ò»Üf¼» ÅÎÀ¼nÀ¼» Bñé mÌN¿ Bé į .AEB¸À»A ¹»Ag Ó¯ Òé ÎmBÎn»A Ò°´R»A Ó¼ § ¶j°»A gBbN¼» Ó»ËÜA iBÎNaA jÎ § ,Ó·jM ,Ôjv¿ Òé οÝmÜA f¨I ÌÇË .ÅÎÀ¼nÀ»A ¡é mÌN¿ é ů O¼¿Ý¨I .Òé ÎmBÎn»A Ò°´Q ¶j¯ j¤Ã Ó¯ AEBÍCi ¾é ËÜA Bé ¿A
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The emergence of social piety is an interesting phenomenon among recent middle class Indonesian muslim. The aims and scope of social piety which established is to redefine spirituality. Process of reconstucting social piety can be traced... more
The emergence of social piety is an interesting phenomenon among recent middle class Indonesian muslim. The aims and scope of social piety which established is to redefine spirituality. Process of reconstucting social piety can be traced from the intersection from both material and spiritual aspect. Spiritual is a holy effort to pray God and material can be analyzed as a complementer factor in spirtual effort. To become pious man is the main thing however the most intention are both recognition and representation from others. This article will elaborate more deeply about the meaning of social piety in recent middle class Indonesian muslim. Abstrak Abstrak Abstrak Abstrak Abstrak Kemunculan kesalehan sosial merupakan fenomena menarik di kalangan kelas menengah muslim Indonesia kontemporer. Adanya upaya mendefinisikan secara ulang makna spiritual menjadi tiitk tekan munculnya kesalehan sosial tersebut. Proses terbentuknya kesalehan sosial dapat di-lacak dari interseksi antara aspek material dan aspek spiritual dalam beribadah. Spiritual dipahami sebagai usaha untuk mendekatkan diri kepada Sang Khalik, sementara material dapat dipandang sebagai alat penujang spiritual tersebut. Menjadi orang saleh memang menjadi tujuan utama kesalehan sosial ini, namun yang lebih penting lagi adalah pengakuan dan afirmasi dari masyarakat terhadap kesalehan sosial yang dkonstruksikan tersebut. Tulisan ini akan mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai makna kesalehan sosial dalm konteks kelas menengah kekinian. Perbincangan mengenai kesalehan sosial sedang marak terjadi di kalangan kelas menengah muslim Indonesia. Secara sederhana, pengertian kesalehan sosial dimaknai sebagai ekspresi dan praktik perilaku orang-orang Islam yang peduli
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Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengenai cyberspace sebagai ruang publik baru bagi kelas menengah Indonesia. Konsep lama ruang publik besasal dari Habermas yang menilai ruang tersebut merupakan bagian dari proses komunikasi dan... more
Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis mengenai cyberspace sebagai ruang publik baru bagi kelas menengah Indonesia. Konsep lama ruang publik besasal dari Habermas yang menilai ruang tersebut merupakan bagian dari proses komunikasi dan advokasi publik. Ruang tersebut dipahami sebagai ruang inklusif, deliberatif, dan juga parsipatif yang mendorong publik untuk berdiskusi satu sama lain. Kemunculan cyberspace melalui sosial media ini menarik untuk dicermati karena mampu mentrasnformasi ruang publik dalam bentuk digital. Dibandingkan dengan ruang publik, cyberspace berinteraksi kapanpun dan dimanapun. Dari situlah kemudian proses kesadaran politik kelas menengah kemudian tercipta. Artikel ini akan mengelaborasi lebih lanjut mengenai aktivisme politik onlone di Indonesia
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The emergence of urban sufism among muslim middle class in urban area can be analyzed in two important premises. First, the phenomenon showed that both intensity and actuality of piety as a solution of life problems. The important notion... more
The emergence of urban sufism among muslim middle class in urban area can be analyzed in two important premises. First, the phenomenon showed that both intensity and actuality of piety as a solution of life problems. The important notion namely, High Tech High Touch becomes critical analysis in reading practice of back to religion from middle class in contemporary era. Religion appeared as a problem solver. Second, urban sufisme has been become collective identity of Muslim middle class to distinguish it from other middle class. Those conditions then implicated toward the emergence of popular culture in order to strengthen Sufi as piety path. This article will elaborate more deeply about both practice and meaning of urban Sufism in case of Muslim middle class.
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This paper aimed to analyzed about both meaning and positioning of civil society as the commons. Its definition have granted an understanding that public have potential power to organize resources. In recent era, management of resources... more
This paper aimed to analyzed about both meaning and positioning of civil society as the commons. Its definition have
granted an understanding that public have potential power to organize resources. In recent era, management of resources just
directing to exploiting nature destructively. Those implication have oriented to massivi disaster who mpacted to human life
sustainibility. Both premises such as tragedy of the commons and risk society have great affluence in order to strengthening of the
commons as main actor. Hegemonic discourses likely global warning and climate change become global issuue. Common pool
resources is alternative resoruces management in amidst state and market way. In other word, the comons needs to be encouraged
in strengthening in instutinasionalisation in order to have strong advocacy to guarding resources preservation.
Keywords: civil society, the commons, natural resources, & common pool resources
granted an understanding that public have potential power to organize resources. In recent era, management of resources just
directing to exploiting nature destructively. Those implication have oriented to massivi disaster who mpacted to human life
sustainibility. Both premises such as tragedy of the commons and risk society have great affluence in order to strengthening of the
commons as main actor. Hegemonic discourses likely global warning and climate change become global issuue. Common pool
resources is alternative resoruces management in amidst state and market way. In other word, the comons needs to be encouraged
in strengthening in instutinasionalisation in order to have strong advocacy to guarding resources preservation.
Keywords: civil society, the commons, natural resources, & common pool resources
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This article analyzes correlation between demographic bonus within economic growth in Indonesia. Demographic bonus assumed to be able to pushing up national economic through growth of productive manpower. In the case of Indonesia,... more
This article analyzes correlation between demographic bonus within economic growth in Indonesia.
Demographic bonus assumed to be able to pushing up national economic through growth of
productive manpower. In the case of Indonesia, demographic bonus is still not optimized to the
fullest due to government policy which is still reluctant about it. Indonesian economic growth has
grew through massive consumption from middle class earned from demographic bonus. Consumption,
however, needs to be balanced with productivity so Indonesia can be avoided from
middle-income countries trap. Therefore, this article will be elaborating more deeply towards demographic
bonus in the context of Indonesia economy.
Demographic bonus assumed to be able to pushing up national economic through growth of
productive manpower. In the case of Indonesia, demographic bonus is still not optimized to the
fullest due to government policy which is still reluctant about it. Indonesian economic growth has
grew through massive consumption from middle class earned from demographic bonus. Consumption,
however, needs to be balanced with productivity so Indonesia can be avoided from
middle-income countries trap. Therefore, this article will be elaborating more deeply towards demographic
bonus in the context of Indonesia economy.
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This article aims to analyze the construction of identity in the case study of Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia. The term “Popular Islam” is part of an academic term to mention of make Islam as an identity for the Middle-Class Muslim in... more
This article aims to analyze the construction of identity in the case study of Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia. The term “Popular Islam” is part of an academic term to mention of make Islam as an identity for the Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia. This term can be interpreted into two premises are popular Islam as a commoditization of Islamic value and Islam as part of celebration Islamic day. Both of these terms later then forked between Islamization and indigenization thus creating their assorted shades of Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia. Consumption then present a cultural sign to distinguish the Middle Class. It was later manifested in the mass cultural products on behalf of Islam. That image displayed on consuming the product and then create construction of an Islamic Middle Class, religious Middle Class, and the Arabized Middle Class. This paper will elaborate more deeply about in search of identity and its impact to Middle-Class Muslim in Indonesia
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This article aims to analyze less cash society as a new model in analyzing the consumption of the middle class in Indonesia. The model has used electronic money card technology (e-money) in altering the consumption patterns of Indonesian... more
This article aims to analyze less cash society as a new model in analyzing the consumption of the middle class in Indonesia. The model has used electronic money card technology (e-money) in altering the consumption patterns of Indonesian middle class. The once cash money has now turned into non-cash in payment transactions in shopping centers. The Indonesian middle class consumption patterns have undergone a transition from subsistence into symbolic needs instead. The pursuit for identity and lifestyle has affected the consumption of Indonesian middle class to become more secondary nowadays. Therefore, the use of electronic money has indirectly affected the transition patterns of the consumption.
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This article aims to analyze genealogies of Muslim middle class in Indonesia. It can be traced from three primary sources such as bourgeoisies, pilgrimage trip (h}ajj) to Mecca and Medina, and education. These three sources have... more
This article aims to analyze genealogies of Muslim middle class in Indonesia. It can be traced from three primary sources such as bourgeoisies, pilgrimage trip (h}ajj) to Mecca and Medina, and education. These three sources have intertwined each other to build up Muslim middle class in social strata system that branch off in two model; bourguoises class and intellectual class. In this section, bourguoises tends to form trade alliance against Chinese domaniance and western traders who had been given privilieges from colonial regime. Meanwhile, intellectual class had focused to form ideal state for umat in Indonesia. Both classes are united altogether to form Islamic state as ultimate goals. High tension of political constellation in post colonial period had resulted in nationalist group as regulator class in Indonesia. Regarding political negotiation from nationalist, Indonesian Muslim middle class focused to establish Muslim society according to Medinan principles. Modern influence based on western style has affected Islamic values in grass roots level, and this resulted in the rise of modern Muslim society that embraced western style of life.
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This article aims to analyze comparatively towards the status and position of temporary employees in Act of 43/1999 and government employees with contract agreements in Act of 5/2014. Analysis has focused on the main duties and... more
This article aims to analyze comparatively towards the status and
position of temporary employees in Act of 43/1999 and government employees
with contract agreements in Act of 5/2014. Analysis has focused on the main
duties and functions of state / country and its standings in state employee
management. The results of this study indicate that there is evolution in
analyzing non-permanent employees form theLaw No. 43/1999 and the latest
replacement rules which is Act of 5/2014. The lack of clarity regarding the
status, position, and the fate of temporary employees,which has not previously
accommodated in Employment Act, has been clarified in the Act of 5/2014
position of temporary employees in Act of 43/1999 and government employees
with contract agreements in Act of 5/2014. Analysis has focused on the main
duties and functions of state / country and its standings in state employee
management. The results of this study indicate that there is evolution in
analyzing non-permanent employees form theLaw No. 43/1999 and the latest
replacement rules which is Act of 5/2014. The lack of clarity regarding the
status, position, and the fate of temporary employees,which has not previously
accommodated in Employment Act, has been clarified in the Act of 5/2014
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The Implementation of River Purification Policy (Progam Kali Bersih) in City of Yogyakartaexperienced many failure. The aim of this study was to analyse the implementation of Prokasih Policyin Yogyakarta. This study used case study to... more
The Implementation of River Purification Policy (Progam Kali Bersih) in City of Yogyakartaexperienced
many failure. The aim of this study was to analyse the implementation of Prokasih Policyin
Yogyakarta. This study used case study to interact with the society, using interviews and
secondarydata. The data was analysed using Retrospective policy, using Rational Comprehensive
and ProblemOriented approaches. The result of this study showed that the failure occurred because
governmentwas always inconsistent in structuring the river ecosystem. Government’s Inconsistency
could beanalyzed in many points 1) funding aspect to implement policy was still lacking because
thegovernment assumed that the environment was normal 2) the absence of environmental laws
tobacking up this policy. The application of environmental laws was crucial to prevent citizen
fromthrowing away their domestic garbage to the river. Garbage was the most important to discuss
in thepanel to revise The Implementation of River Purification Policy (Progam Kali Bersih) in the City
ofYogyakarta. The environmental regulation was the key answer to remake this policy, so that the
riverecosystems could last in the future
many failure. The aim of this study was to analyse the implementation of Prokasih Policyin
Yogyakarta. This study used case study to interact with the society, using interviews and
secondarydata. The data was analysed using Retrospective policy, using Rational Comprehensive
and ProblemOriented approaches. The result of this study showed that the failure occurred because
governmentwas always inconsistent in structuring the river ecosystem. Government’s Inconsistency
could beanalyzed in many points 1) funding aspect to implement policy was still lacking because
thegovernment assumed that the environment was normal 2) the absence of environmental laws
tobacking up this policy. The application of environmental laws was crucial to prevent citizen
fromthrowing away their domestic garbage to the river. Garbage was the most important to discuss
in thepanel to revise The Implementation of River Purification Policy (Progam Kali Bersih) in the City
ofYogyakarta. The environmental regulation was the key answer to remake this policy, so that the
riverecosystems could last in the future
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Pembahasan mengenai kelas menengah dalam perspektif Weberian dikaitkan dalam pembangunan menarik untuk dikaji. Hal sebenarnya lebih menyoal mengenai kapabillitas kelas tersebut dalam pembangunan ekonomi. Meminjam konsep Weber mengenai... more
Pembahasan mengenai kelas menengah dalam perspektif Weberian dikaitkan dalam
pembangunan menarik untuk dikaji. Hal sebenarnya lebih menyoal mengenai kapabillitas
kelas tersebut dalam pembangunan ekonomi. Meminjam konsep Weber mengenai pasar dan
rasionalitas, peran dan fungsi kelas menengah dapat dianalis lebih lanjut. Pengertian pasar
sendiri berada dalam dua ranah yakni kebebasan ekspresi individu dan broker status sosial.
Keduanya mengindikasikan bahwa kelas menengah dalam pembangunan ekonomi adalah
sekelompok individu yang bekerja dan berproduksi sesuai dengan status sosial yang melekat
pada mereka. Adapun rasionalitas lebih merujuk pada sikap tindakan sosial dan mentalitas
dalam pola kehidupan kapitalistik. Maka tulisan ini akan membahas secara teoritik mengenai
peran dan fungsi kelas menengah menurut perspektif Weberian dalam pembangunan
ekonomi.
pembangunan menarik untuk dikaji. Hal sebenarnya lebih menyoal mengenai kapabillitas
kelas tersebut dalam pembangunan ekonomi. Meminjam konsep Weber mengenai pasar dan
rasionalitas, peran dan fungsi kelas menengah dapat dianalis lebih lanjut. Pengertian pasar
sendiri berada dalam dua ranah yakni kebebasan ekspresi individu dan broker status sosial.
Keduanya mengindikasikan bahwa kelas menengah dalam pembangunan ekonomi adalah
sekelompok individu yang bekerja dan berproduksi sesuai dengan status sosial yang melekat
pada mereka. Adapun rasionalitas lebih merujuk pada sikap tindakan sosial dan mentalitas
dalam pola kehidupan kapitalistik. Maka tulisan ini akan membahas secara teoritik mengenai
peran dan fungsi kelas menengah menurut perspektif Weberian dalam pembangunan
ekonomi.
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Link to this book review: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2020/08/vol-9-no-2-book-reviews-wasisto-raharjo-jati/ View the table of contents for this issue: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2020/08/vol-9-no-2-of-southeast-asian-studies/... more
Link to this book review: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2020/08/vol-9-no-2-book-reviews-wasisto-raharjo-jati/ View the table of contents for this issue: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/2020/08/vol-9-no-2-of-southeast-asian-studies/ Subscriptions: https://englishkyoto-seas.org/mailing-list/ For permissions, please send an
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The book unpacks the intriguing practice of Vote Buying in Indonesia. Since the end of the Suharto period, Vote Buying in Indonesia has been an effective way to produce higher turnout and vote share in tight competition among the peer... more
The book unpacks the intriguing practice of Vote Buying in Indonesia. Since the end of the Suharto period, Vote Buying in Indonesia has been an effective way to produce higher turnout and vote share in tight competition among the peer candidates in the same political party. As of 2004, Indonesia has successfully organized an election four times using an open-list proportional voting system. This system encourages a candidate-centered rather than party-centered campaign since personal closeness is the main method to gain votes.
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Artikel Resensi Buku di Kolom Buku Akhir Pekan, KOMPAS, 30 Juni 2018
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Rsensi buku berjudul "Demokrasi Digital" atas buku berjudul "Demokrasi di Tangan Netizen" karya Dr.Fayakhun Andriadi, terbitan RM Books Jakarta, 2016 di KOMPAS hari ini, 11 Maret 2017, halaman 24.
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Kajian mengenai politik kelas menengah Indonesia selama ini didomi-nasi oleh dua pendekatan utama, yakni Weberian dan Marxian. Per-spektif Weberian diawali oleh J.S. Furnivall, Clifford Geertz, termasuk juga Robert W. Hefner. Sedangkan,... more
Kajian mengenai politik kelas menengah Indonesia selama ini didomi-nasi oleh dua pendekatan utama, yakni Weberian dan Marxian. Per-spektif Weberian diawali oleh J.S. Furnivall, Clifford Geertz, termasuk juga Robert W. Hefner. Sedangkan, perspektif Marxian dapat ditemu-kan dalam karya-karya Richard Robison, Farchan Bulkin, dan Vedi Hadiz. Namun, di luar itu sebenarnya masih ada akademisi lainnya seperti halnya Ariel Heryanto yang lebih melihat kelas menengah dari pendekatan cultural studies. Secara umum, karya-karya tersebut menampilkan pengalaman pembentukan kelas menengah di Indonesia yang berangkat dari masa dekolonialisasi yang ditandai dengan munculnya kelompok masyarakat baru dalam struktur masyarakat Indonesia. Sebelumnya, kelompok ma-syarakat Indonesia hanya dikenal dalam dua kelompok yakni raja-kawu-la (penguasa-rakyat) yang itu menyimbolkan struktur kekuasaan yang berlandaskan patrimonialisme. Hadirnya kelompok masyarakat baru tersebut kemudian mengisi ruang kosong antara raja dan kawula ter-sebut yang kemudian berperan sebagai penghubung antara keduanya. Karakter " antara " (in between) yang terdapat dalam karakter kelas menengah Indonesia itulah yang menjadi pintu masuk bagi para il-muwan dalam melakukan analisis. Namun demikian, karakter " antara " tersebut juga bisa berarti ambigu mengingat ketidakjelasan posisi politik * Penulis adalah peneliti di Pusat Penelitian Politik LIPI.
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Resensi Buku "Politik Uang di Indonesia" dieditori Mada Sukmajati dan Edward Aspinall di KOMPAS, 30 Agustus 2015.
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Eksistensi partai politik pasca Orde Baru dianalisis dalam dua pendekatan utama yakni perspektif institusional dan perspektif kartel. Perspektif institusional digunakan untuk melihat dinamika perkembangan pelembagaan partai... more
Eksistensi partai politik pasca
Orde Baru dianalisis dalam dua
pendekatan utama yakni
perspektif institusional dan
perspektif kartel. Perspektif
institusional digunakan untuk
melihat dinamika perkembangan
pelembagaan partai politik.
Sementara perspektif kartel
digunakan untuk menganalisis
kecenderungan partai politik yang
mengalami deideologisasi dan
lebih berpikir secara pragmatis
memperoleh kekuasaan sebagai
tujuan utama.
Orde Baru dianalisis dalam dua
pendekatan utama yakni
perspektif institusional dan
perspektif kartel. Perspektif
institusional digunakan untuk
melihat dinamika perkembangan
pelembagaan partai politik.
Sementara perspektif kartel
digunakan untuk menganalisis
kecenderungan partai politik yang
mengalami deideologisasi dan
lebih berpikir secara pragmatis
memperoleh kekuasaan sebagai
tujuan utama.
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Studi mengenai milenial di Indonesia belumlah banyak dikaji oleh kalangan akademisi sosial dan politik Indonesia. Padahal riset mengenai generasi millennial di Indonesia ini penting dilakukan untuk melihat proyeksi strategis politik... more
Studi mengenai milenial di Indonesia belumlah banyak dikaji oleh kalangan akademisi sosial dan politik Indonesia. Padahal riset mengenai generasi millennial di Indonesia ini penting dilakukan untuk melihat proyeksi strategis politik Indonesia ke depan. Dikatakan sebagai proyeksi strategis dikarenakan politik di Indonesia tidak lagi mengarah pada proses elitis, formalistik, dan permisif, namun akan lebih pada egalitarian, informalistik, dan reaksioner. Indikasi perubahan tersebut setidaknya bisa disimak dalam survey KOMPAS 26-27 Oktober 2017 berjudul " Wajah Kebangsaan Pemuda Milenial " yang secara ringkas menunjukkan empat gejala penting yakni 1) generasi milenial cenderung menghindari institusi partai politik (86,9 % tidak bersedia dan 11,6 % bersedia), 2) identitas menjadi satu Indonesia menjadi hal utama (61,7 % menerima dan 16,2 % menolak), dan 3) cenderung ini melakukan perubahan dan pengabdian pada masyarakat lewat jalur non negara (68,9 % jadi pengusaha dan 10,9 % jadi birokrasi). Dengan melihat ketiga gejala tersebut, karakteistik sosial-politis generasi milenial Indonesia ini ingin berupaya mencari rekognisi dan juga mencari representasi baik secara individu maupun kolektif. Upaya meneguhkan rekognisi ini menarik karena sebenarnya geenrasi milenial ini sebenarnya adalah generasi yang protektif dan dibentuk secara by design oleh orang tua, namun kemudian hari berusaha menemukan jati dirinya sendiri. Oleh karena itulah, secara psiko analisis, generasi milenial ingin membuktikan bahwa mereka mampu dan bisa konsekuen dengan pilihan hidup mereka. Termasuk dalam hal politik, sikap generasi milenial hari ini lebih berupaya membangun forum-forum secara informal untuk menujukkan bahwa mereka " ada ". Sedangkan untuk aspek representasi, kalangan milenial lebih mengandalkan aspek voluntarisme dan berjejaring dalam berupaya membangun representasi politik.Pola praktik instituiona Generasi milenial lebih berupaya membangun konektivitas daripada kolektivitas dan membangun realibilitas daripada kredibilitas dalam melakukan representasi politik. Oleh karena itulah, semangat politik tanpa platform kemudian digaungkan oleh kalangan milenial di Indonesia karena dengan dan tanpa memiliki ikatan insitusional yang
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Disampaikan pada acara diskusi Indonesian Youth Pitstop 2017, Volume 5, 17 Juni 2017.
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Kita menghadapi suatu era bernama internet of beings dalam interaksi sosial pada masa kekinian. Pengertian tersebut merujuk pada penggunaan internet dalam segala aspek kebutuhan manusia yang telah memudahkan berbagai macam penyelesaian... more
Kita menghadapi suatu era bernama internet of beings dalam interaksi sosial pada masa kekinian. Pengertian tersebut merujuk pada penggunaan internet dalam segala aspek kebutuhan manusia yang telah memudahkan berbagai macam penyelesaian urusan kehidupan. Selain itu pula, internet telah membuka ruang – ruang afirmasi, afiliasi, dan juga afeksi baru yang sifatnya alternatif yang tidak ditemui di dunia offline. Kemunculan internet juga diikuti dengan pertumbuhan kelas menengah sebagai user di dunia maya yang semakin meningkat dari tahun ke tahun. Hadirnya internet dan kelas menengah adalah koalisi sinergis yang menunjukkan adanya gerak modernisasi zaman yang kian berkembang. Modernisasi tersebut salah satunya membuka konsekuensi penting yakni privatisasi ruang publik (privatization of public sphere) dan publisitas ruang publik yakni membuka ruang-ruang privat dalam ruang publik untuk menjadi bahan diskusi bersama di kalangan kelas menengah. Maka batasan ruang publik dan ruang privat menjadi kabur (blurred) satu sama lain. Maka, terbukanya ruang privat sebagai bentuk ekspresi maupun juga identitas membawa konsekuensi penting terhadap politik khususnya mengenai perilaku memilih dan juga pengetahuan politik. Internet telah merubah konteks dan konten politik yang semula kaku, elitis, eksklusif, dan lebih berorientasi pada kekuasaan menjadi lebih cair, dinamis, inklusif kini lebih mengarah pada perubahan. Dengan kata lain, istilah politics is personal adalah sesuatu keniscayaan dalam dunia politik kini bahwa semua orang adalah aktor politik baik itu aktif maupun pasif. Selain itu pula terjadi pergeseran isu politik yang semula membahas mengenai masalah kenegaraan menuju masalah keseharian. Dua momentum itu terjadi lantaran semakin terbukanya ruang privat dalam ruang publik maka berdampak semakin mudah dan dinamisnya publik menunjukkan sikap politiknya dan upaya mengidentifikasi diri sebagai bagian dari kelompok tertentu. Kelas menengah sebagai netizen adalah bagian dari
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Paper disampaikan pada “Unbreakable Discussion Series: Public Sphere and Online Activism” di Epikurian Cafe, 9 Januari 2016
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Paper disampaikan pada Seri Diskusi "Epistema Institute" , 5 Agustus 2016, Pukul 15.00 - 17.00 WIB.
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While travelling with colleagues to East Kalimantan to do eldwork in the Indonesian capital city (IKN) in mid-July 2022, we collected 180 responses from people affected by the new capital site. In Java, the relocation of the Indonesian... more
While travelling with colleagues to East Kalimantan to do eldwork in the Indonesian capital city (IKN) in mid-July 2022, we collected 180 responses from people affected by the new capital site. In Java, the relocation of the Indonesian capital from Jakarta to purpose-built Nusantara in Kalimantan raises new hopes for both ruling elites and the Jakarta people. It is expected to eradicate severe congestion, unsustainable land use, and overpopulation in Jakarta, and the knock-on effects of these problems. These problems have haunted not only Jakarta, but also Java, for many decades. When we discussed these issues with our local respondents during informal and formal conversations, the rst impression we encountered was scepticism. This came not only from local academics, activists, and local people, but even local bureaucrats from regency and provincial levels in East Kalimantan.
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Opini KOMPAS, 3 September 2018
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 18 Juli 2018
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS 18 Juni 2018
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 12 Mei 2018
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS 18 April 2018
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS 19 Maret 2018
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 13 Desember 2017
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 24 Oktober 2015
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 9 Mei 2015
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 17 November 2017
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 7 Januari 2016
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 23 September 2016
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 8 November 2016
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 15 April 2017
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 12 September 2017
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Artikel Opini KOMPAS, 14 Oktober 2017
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(kiri ke kanan) Wasisto Raharjo, Ilman Dzikri dan Ali Bin Z. menjadi pembicara di acara forum diskusi Kebhinekaan dalam Ramadhan yang digarap oleh Sinergi Muda bekerja sama dengan Indonesia Berbicara di Sinergi Muda HQ, Kemang Utara,... more
(kiri ke kanan) Wasisto Raharjo, Ilman Dzikri dan Ali Bin Z. menjadi pembicara di acara forum diskusi Kebhinekaan dalam Ramadhan yang digarap oleh Sinergi Muda bekerja sama dengan Indonesia Berbicara di Sinergi Muda HQ, Kemang Utara, Jakarta Selatan pada Sabtu (17/06/17).
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Research Interests: Media Studies and Media
Pada tanggal 31 Maret 2017 dilaksanakan kegiatan MIP Chapter tentang politik kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia dengan narasumber Wasisto Raharjo Jati (Peneliti LIPI Politik Kelas Menengah, masyarakat sipil, dan gerakan politik). Dalam... more
Pada tanggal 31 Maret 2017 dilaksanakan kegiatan MIP Chapter tentang politik kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia dengan narasumber Wasisto Raharjo Jati (Peneliti LIPI Politik Kelas Menengah, masyarakat sipil, dan gerakan politik). Dalam diskusi ini mengkaji konteks kelas menengah Muslim dalam perspektif sosial dan politik. Diskusi ini juga melihat bahwa kelas menengah Muslim Indonesia masih berupaya membangun eksistensi dan representasi politik dengan berupaya beradaptasi dengan modernitas. Dalam keadaan sekarang ini konteks simbolisasi islami juga masih menjadi dominan dalam menunjukkan soliditas dalam kesehariannya. Dalam acara ini dihadiri oleh dosen, mahasiswa IP, MIHI dan dari universitas lain. Diskusi ini juga akan dilanjukan bedah buku pada tanggal 13 April 2017 yang merupakan kerja sama MIP, IP dan JKSG.
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Santrinisasi dan resantrisasi kelas menengah berpengaruh signifikan terhadap pertumbuhan kelompok kelas menengah muslim di Indonesia. Hal ini mengemuka dalam bedah buku Politik Kelas Menengah Muslim Indonesia di Fisipol UGM belum lama... more
Santrinisasi dan resantrisasi kelas menengah berpengaruh signifikan terhadap pertumbuhan kelompok kelas menengah muslim di Indonesia. Hal ini mengemuka dalam bedah buku Politik Kelas Menengah Muslim Indonesia di Fisipol UGM belum lama ini. Bedah buku menghadirkan penulisnya, Wasisto Raharjo Jati, serta dosen Departemen Politik dan Pemerintahan, Fisipol UGM, Hasrul Hanif. Pada bedah buku itu Wasis banyak memaparkan terkait kelas menegah muslim Indonesia dan kaitanya dengan politik. Wasis memulai penjelasannya dengan menjambarkan definisi kelas menengah lalu siapa yang disebut kelas mengenah muslim Indonesia.Wasis menggunakan definisi kelas menengah perspektif Weberian sebagai dasar penjambarannya. Menurut Wasis yang disebut kelas menengah muslim Indonesia yaitu kelas menengah yang menggunakan prinsip, norma, dan nilai Islam sebagai identitas individu dan kelompok yang berkembang sesuai dengan kondisi politik saat itu. " Kelas menengah muslim ini muncul sebagai bentuk diskriminasi dan alienasi terhadap umat muslim yang kemudian memicu aktivitas borjuasi, edukasi, serta filantropi sebagai simbol kebangkitan politik, " jelas Wasis. Ia juga menjelaskan bahwa santriniasasi dan resantrisasi kelas menengah berpengaruh signifikan terhadap pertumbuhan kelompok kelas menengah muslim di Indonesia. Kemunculan kelas menengah muslim Indonesia dianalisisnya melalui konteks calling dan Asketisme dunia. " Adanya konteks filantropi yang membedakan kelas menengah muslim Indonesia dengan kelas
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Jati, Wasisto Raharjo, 2016. Politik Kelas Menengah Muslim Indonesia. Jakarta: LP3ES. Dalam sebuah tulisan di Majalah Prisma tahun 1990, Ariel Heryanto menuliskan kepustakaan tentang kelas menengah yang menurutnya dapat dibagi setidaknya... more
Jati, Wasisto Raharjo, 2016. Politik Kelas Menengah Muslim Indonesia. Jakarta: LP3ES. Dalam sebuah tulisan di Majalah Prisma tahun 1990, Ariel Heryanto menuliskan kepustakaan tentang kelas menengah yang menurutnya dapat dibagi setidaknya ke dalam empat kelompok yakni empirik, kon-septual-teoritik, epistemologis, dan diskursif. Kajian dalam kepustakaan kelas menengah dalam kelompok yang pertama didasarkan pada penga-matan historis maupun kekinian terhadap kelas menengah. Sementara, kepustakaan yang masuk dalam kelompok konseptual-teoretik kajiannya fokus merumuskan pengertian dan makna kata kelas menengah sebagai pengembangan kerangka teoretik tentang konsep kelas menengah itu sendiri. Kepustakaan yang masuk kelompok epistemologis, pokok bahas-annya ada pada tataran filsafat karena yang dikaji adalah hakikat dari konsep kelas menengah. Sementara itu, kelompok kepustakaan yang diskursif adalah kajian yang melihat signifikansi sosial dari kajian kelas menengah ini. Dari keempat kelompok tersebut, kepustakaan tentang kelas menengah, khususnya kepustakaan Indonesia, hingga periode 1990-an didominasi oleh studi empirik (Heryanto 1990). Hingga kini, tulisan-tulisan mengenai kelas menengah nampaknya masih banyak didominasi oleh kajian empirik dibandingkan dengan kajian konseptual-teoritik, epistemologis, maupun diskursif. Beruntung-nya, kajian empirik mengenai kelas menengah tidak membosankan karena ada banyak perspektif yang tersedia. Dalam pembahasan me-ngenai kelas menengah Indonesia, misalnya, para penulis tidak melulu fokus pada aspek historis kemunculan kelas menengah saja, namun juga menggunakan perspektif ekonomi, sosial, politik, budaya, maupun gabungan dari perspektif-perspektif tersebut dalam menyusun studinya. * Penulis adalah Asisten Managing Editor Jurnal Politik.
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Sejak dimulainya reformasi tahun 1998, Indonesia memasuki fase sejarah politik baru. Salah satunya adalah upaya “pemurnian” sistem demokrasi presidensial melalui amandemen konstitusi sejak tahun 1999 hingga 2002. Sebagian besar upaya... more
Sejak dimulainya reformasi tahun 1998, Indonesia memasuki fase sejarah politik baru. Salah satunya adalah upaya “pemurnian” sistem demokrasi presidensial melalui amandemen konstitusi sejak tahun 1999 hingga 2002. Sebagian besar upaya pemurnian sistem demokrasi presidensial melalui amandemen UUD 1945 dapat dikatakan berhasil. Pelembagaan tiga prinsip pokok sistem presidensial terpenuhi, yakni (1) presiden dipilih untuk masa jabatan yang bersifat tetap; (2) presiden dipilih secara langsung oleh rakyat atau melalui dewan pemilih (electoral college); dan (3) presiden merupakan kepala eksekutif yang bersifat tunggal. Tiga prinsip tersebut tidak hanya telah dilembagakan melalui perubahan pasal-pasal UUD 1945, melainkan juga telah diimplementasikan dalam praktik kehidupan politik bangsa Indonesia sejak Pemilu 2004.
Namun demikian, obsesi untuk memurnikan dan memperkuat sistem demokrasi presidensial tidak sepenuhnya terpenuhi. Sistem saling mengawasi secara seimbang (checks and balances) antara lembaga eksekutif dan legislatif misalnya, tidak dilembagakan secara kuat karena presiden tidak memiliki hak veto. Selain itu, obsesi atas presidensialisme tidak didukung dengan pelembagaan sistem perwakilan dan sistem kepartaian yang compatible. Dalam konteks sistem kepartaian, praktik demokrasi presidensial cenderung terpenjara oleh sistem multipartai ekstrem yang menghasilkan struktur politik fragmentatif di parlemen.
Buku ini hendak membahas dinamika dan efektivitas kinerja sistem demokrasi presidensial Indonesia dari masa ke masa atas dasar beragam faktor pengaruh yang dikemukakan tersebut. Secara teoritis sistem demokrasi presidensial dalam buku ini adalah sistem pemerintahan yang menempatkan Presiden sebagai pusat kekuasaan eksekutif sekaligus pusat kekuasaan negara. Atas dasar itu akan tampak mengapa pada waktu-waktu tertentu sistem presidensial bisa bekerja dan pada waktu atau periode lain tidak bisa bekerja. Juga menarik dikaji lebih jauh, aspek institusional dan noninstitusional yang perlu diperbaiki dalam rangka penyempurnaan sistem presidensial ke depan, sehingga pada akhirnya bisa mewadahi kebutuhan bangsa kita akan sebuah sistem pemerintahan yang tidak hanya demokratis, tetapi juga stabil dan efektif –dalam arti, bekerja untuk kepentingan rakyat.
Namun demikian, obsesi untuk memurnikan dan memperkuat sistem demokrasi presidensial tidak sepenuhnya terpenuhi. Sistem saling mengawasi secara seimbang (checks and balances) antara lembaga eksekutif dan legislatif misalnya, tidak dilembagakan secara kuat karena presiden tidak memiliki hak veto. Selain itu, obsesi atas presidensialisme tidak didukung dengan pelembagaan sistem perwakilan dan sistem kepartaian yang compatible. Dalam konteks sistem kepartaian, praktik demokrasi presidensial cenderung terpenjara oleh sistem multipartai ekstrem yang menghasilkan struktur politik fragmentatif di parlemen.
Buku ini hendak membahas dinamika dan efektivitas kinerja sistem demokrasi presidensial Indonesia dari masa ke masa atas dasar beragam faktor pengaruh yang dikemukakan tersebut. Secara teoritis sistem demokrasi presidensial dalam buku ini adalah sistem pemerintahan yang menempatkan Presiden sebagai pusat kekuasaan eksekutif sekaligus pusat kekuasaan negara. Atas dasar itu akan tampak mengapa pada waktu-waktu tertentu sistem presidensial bisa bekerja dan pada waktu atau periode lain tidak bisa bekerja. Juga menarik dikaji lebih jauh, aspek institusional dan noninstitusional yang perlu diperbaiki dalam rangka penyempurnaan sistem presidensial ke depan, sehingga pada akhirnya bisa mewadahi kebutuhan bangsa kita akan sebuah sistem pemerintahan yang tidak hanya demokratis, tetapi juga stabil dan efektif –dalam arti, bekerja untuk kepentingan rakyat.
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Implementing democracy sometimes challenging in recent Indonesian context. It has faced the strong sense of individualism that may disrupt the collectivism spirit. This made democracy was not working since the upper class dominate the... more
Implementing democracy sometimes challenging in recent Indonesian context. It has faced the strong sense of individualism that may disrupt the collectivism spirit. This made democracy was not working since the upper class dominate the public spaces. This inequality should be curbed by revitalizing the civic culture. The latter defi nition simply means how the government could able to accommodate the voice of voiceless into the policymaking processes. It also needs the public commitment to be a watchdog to guard this aspiration from below. I use a mixed method to conduct this research. Because of pandemic COVID-19, the primary data taken through zoom platform with various informant from academia, activists, and member of society. Meanwhile, the secondary data derived from the relevant literatures. The fi nding showed that while the civic culture could be a panacea in shaping democracy especially within urban Indonesia context, this still a long way to go. The political will of both sides government and civil society is important to make democracy working from below.