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In light of the global protests against systemic racism and police brutality, Cambridge University Press has decided to make the chapter on the right of resistance from my book Global Poverty, Injustice, and Resistance open access until... more
In light of the global protests against systemic racism and police brutality, Cambridge University Press has decided to make the chapter on the right of resistance from my book Global Poverty, Injustice, and Resistance open access until the end of July. This means that you can read it for free.
I thought some of you may be interested.
It’s big chapter but the argument can be broken down as follows:
1. Human rights need a right of resistance in order to be ‘rights’ in a meaningful sense. If rights do not have remedies, they are nothing more than rhetoric. Resistance is the ultimate remedy.
2. This right is not overtly recognised in many jurisdictions, but it remains nascent in international law and organisations, in documents such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and various declarations of the UN.
3. The content of this right is difficult to determine but looking at the practice of resistance can help us understand some of the ways that it can be acted on. The test cases focus on resistance to slavery: The Haitian Revolution, Fugitive Slaves, and day-to-day resistance.

PS. Share as widely as possible while it's free.
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/global-poverty-injustice-and-resistance/right-to-resistance/4E3EE8645E1DBD50B29B9B36DBD88CCB
Each year, millions of people die from poverty-related causes. In this groundbreaking and thought-provoking book, Gwilym David Blunt argues that the only people who will end this injustice are its victims, and that the global poor have... more
Each year, millions of people die from poverty-related causes. In this groundbreaking and thought-provoking book, Gwilym David Blunt argues that the only people who will end this injustice are its victims, and that the global poor have the right to resist the causes of poverty. He explores how the right of resistance is used to reframe urgent political questions: is illegal immigration a form of resistance? Can transnational social movements, such as the indigenous rights movement, provide the foundations for civil resistance to global poverty? If peaceful resistance fails, is armed struggle justified? Do people living in affluent states have a responsibility to help even if it requires them to break the law? Giving clear historical examples and engaging with fields including philosophy, international law, history, and international political studies, this volume addresses real-world issues from terrorism to activism. It will be important for anyone interested in applied philosophy and global injustice.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/global-poverty-injustice-and-resistance/958740B0AE0BBE8E63B96F182318B28E
The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed a revival of interest in the role of philanthropy in the international system, especially in the fields of global poverty and health. Yet, despite an emergent critical literature in... more
The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed a revival of interest in the role of philanthropy in the international system, especially in the fields of global poverty and health. Yet, despite an emergent critical literature in development studies and international studies, philanthropy has barely featured in the debate on global distributive justice. This article uses the republican conception of domination as an analytical framework to precisely articulate concerns of justice raised by transnational philanthropy. Using the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and its role in global health as a test case, it argues that transnational philanthropy is characterized by an asymmetric distribution of power, which is sufficient to produce dependence, and that is uncontrolled insofar as its use either rests on the will of powerful agents or on terms of social cooperation beyond contestation. This arbitrary character is particularly relevant to philanthropy because of its use of epistemic power to produce and legitimize knowledge. In short, transnational philanthropy is dominating. If individuals have the right to exercise control over the social institutions that profoundly affect their basic interests, then philanthropy has a problem of justice that cannot be dismissed.
In recent years, the fortunes of democracy have waned both in theory and practice. This has added impetus not only to the republican case for strengthening democratic institutions but also to new anti-democratic thought. This article... more
In recent years, the fortunes of democracy have waned both in theory and practice. This has added impetus not only to the republican case for strengthening democratic institutions but also to new anti-democratic thought. This article examines the claim made by Jason Brennan that epistocracy, rule by the ‘knowledgeable’, is compatible with freedom from domination. It begins by briefly explaining epistocracy and republicanism. It then presents the argument for epistocratic republicanism: that democracy can be a source of domination and that freedom from domination can be secured through non-democratic political institutions. The case against epistocratic republicanism is grounded in concerns about systemic domination and the ability of epistocrats to arbitrarily set the terms of social cooperation. These two arguments are judged on the basis of which better minimises domination while respecting its value to all people. Epistocratic republicanism is found to be less reliable because of the risks of epistemic injustice that accompanies systemic domination; democracy, accompanied by other republican institutions, is better at minimising domination and respecting persons. It concludes that republicans ought to be democrats.

Author's Accepted versions can be viewed at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications
Author's Accepted version can be seen at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications This article defends illegal immigration from the Global South to the Global North, while being agnostic about the right of the state to control borders.... more
Author's Accepted version can be seen at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications

This article defends illegal immigration from the Global South to the Global North, while being agnostic about the right of the state to control borders. This argument is based on two premises: a) cosmopolitan accounts of global distributive justice and b) the human right to resistance. Given that global poverty is an avoidable and intransigent violation of human rights, resistance is justifiable. Illegal immigration is a form of “infra political” resistance that is comparable to fugitive slaves. Like these slaves, people living in extreme poverty experience a durable form of domination in which escape is possible, even though it is highly risky. If one thinks that the fugitive slave did nothing wrong, then one cannot condemn the illegal immigrant.
Author accepted version can be seen at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications This article is premised on the idea that global poverty is the foreseeable and avoidable by-product of the international system. This position is held by... more
Author accepted version can be seen at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications

This article is premised on the idea that global poverty is the foreseeable and avoidable by-product of the international system. This position is held by many cosmopolitans, but rarely do they deal with the consequences of this claim. This paper will examine the idea of a right to resistance in the face of global poverty. It will argue that a right to resistance is a necessary component of the political conception of human rights. It will also be argued that it is latent in some major documents and declarations to the point that it can be considered an emerging practice.

The rest of the article can be found by following the link: http://muse.jhu.edu/article/676705
Author accepted version can be viewed from free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications Pogge has repeatedly compared the causes of global poverty with historical crimes against humanity. This claim, however, has been treated as mere... more
Author accepted version can be viewed from free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications

Pogge has repeatedly compared the causes of global poverty with historical crimes against humanity. This claim, however, has been treated as mere rhetoric. This article argues that there are good reasons to take it seriously. It does this by comparing
Pogge’s thesis on the causes of global poverty with the baseline definition of crimes against humanity found in international law, especially the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. It argues that the causes of global poverty are comparable with the crimes of slavery and apartheid. This has important consequences for cosmopolitan thought, as it makes the need for practical solutions to global poverty more urgent and raises questions about the global poor’s right to resist the international system by violent means.
Author Accepted Version can be viewed for free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications This article begins with an examination of Peter Singer’s ‘solution’ to global poverty as a way to develop a theory of ‘justice in assistance.’ It... more
Author Accepted Version can be viewed for free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications

This article begins with an examination of Peter Singer’s ‘solution’ to global poverty as a way to develop a theory of ‘justice in assistance.’ It argues that Singer’s work, while compelling, does not seriously engage with the institutions necessary to relieve global poverty. In order to realise our obligations it is necessary to employ secondary agents, such as non- governmental organisations, that produce complex social relationships with the global poor. We should be concerned that the affluent and their secondary agents are complicit with unjust institutions or can be the source of injustice. What is needed is a theory of justice in assistance. This is a distinct area of justice theory because these agents are not primary agents, like states, but they often provide the basic social goods that we associate with primary agents. The article ends by putting forward a provisional conception of justice in assistance based on the republican idea of non-domination.
Author's Accepted Version can be viewed for free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications This article seeks to examine how domination manifests in social relationships and institutions. It does this by examining two debates in... more
Author's Accepted Version can be viewed for free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications

This article seeks to examine how domination manifests in social relationships and institutions. It does this by examining two debates in republican literature. The first of which is whether domination requires institutionalisation? This addresses the source of domination. The second debate is on the nature of arbitrary power. This raises questions about the site of domination. It will be argued that the source of domination can be personally or socially constituted and that the site can be interactional or systemic. This yields four modes of domination that can be used to examine social institutions and relationships.

http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/rpow21/current/doi/full/10.1080/2158379X.2015.1010800
Author's Accepted Version can be viewed for free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications This article assesses Thomas Pogge's recent argument that it is sometimes justifiable to harm innocent persons in light of his claims about the... more
Author's Accepted Version can be viewed for free at: https://www.gdblunt.com/publications

This article assesses Thomas Pogge's recent argument that it is sometimes justifiable to harm innocent persons in light of his claims about the causes of global poverty. It argues that if Pogge's two theses are correct then a third thesis follows: that those immiserated by the international system can legitimately resist the institutions responsible for the systemic violations of human rights, even at the cost of grievously harming innocent persons. This article does not assess the validity of Pogge's theses, but draws attention to a neglected topic in the debate on transnational economic justice: the right of resistance.
The genuine threat to liberty exposed by the coronavirus pandemic is that some of those who hold power believe that they ought to be above the law, above scrutiny, and above accountability. The actions of Trump, Johnson and Cummings may... more
The genuine threat to liberty exposed by the coronavirus pandemic is that some of those who hold power believe that they ought to be above the law, above scrutiny, and above accountability. The actions of Trump, Johnson and Cummings may delight their base, but their supporters should bear in mind that a favoured slave is no less a slave.

Read the full essay: https://theconversation.com/why-leaders-breaking-rules-is-a-far-more-serious-attack-on-our-liberty-than-lockdown-itself-139405
Research Interests:
Its not paper, but it is a TEDx talk I gave on transnational philanthropy. It addresses the parallels between slavery and transnational philanthropy. It further argues that this constitutes a violation of the basic interests of the... more
Its not paper, but it is a TEDx talk I gave on transnational philanthropy. It addresses the parallels between slavery and transnational philanthropy. It further argues that this constitutes a violation of the basic interests of the recipients of transnational assistance.