Emancipation

This article presents a new theory of development that unifies disparate insights into a single framework, focusing on human empowerment—a process that emancipates people from domination. Human empowerment sets in when mass-scale technological progress widens ordinary people’s ‘action resources.’ As this happens, life turns from a source of threats into a source of opportunities, and societies climb the utility ladder of freedoms: universal freedoms become instrumental to taking advantage of what a more promising life offers. Accordingly, people adopt ‘emancipative values’ that emphasize universal freedoms. As the utility and value of freedoms rise, ‘civic entitlements’ that guarantee these become undeniable at some point. Human empowerment thus proceeds as the sequential growth in the utility, value and guarantee of freedoms (sequence thesis). Because universal freedoms are a reciprocal good that flourishes through mutual recognition, the utility ladder of freedoms is a social ladder: people climb it in alliance with like-minded others who share similar utilities (solidarity thesis). Historically speaking, human empowerment on a mass scale started only recently because civilization matured late where natural conditions bestow an initial utility on freedoms that has been absent elsewhere (initiation thesis). However, globalization is breaking human empowerment free from its confinement to the initially favourable conditions (contagion thesis). Together, these theses form an evolutionary theory of emancipation. After unfolding this theory, the article presents evidence in support of its major propositions.

The text attempts to rethink the concept of emancipation and how it is structured as political action, while describing its historical origins and how it is further understood by the three important political philosophers: Karl Marx, Hannah Arendt, and Jacques Rancière. All three of them – specifically and with substantial differences – understand politics as a space for political action that leads to emancipation in the name of equality. In order to determine the historical origin of the concept in more detail, the argumentation of the text rely upon its elaboration within the school of “conceptual history”, which deals with the historical semantics of terms and sees the etymology of and the change in the meaning of terms as forming a crucial basis for a contemporary cultural, conceptual, and linguistic understanding, and afterwards it links this “pre-history” with Marx’s, Arendt’s, and Rancière’s understanding of the concept of emancipation, and see how they differ and are related...

Book review. Overall, this book makes significant contributions to the project of understanding the history of the socio-political movements to improve women’s condition in Europe as well as making a persuasive argument for the centrality of this history in the portrait of the Continent in the nineteenth century

This paper presents a literature review of critical information systems (IS) research. Specifically, it focuses on how IS researchers have responded to Myers and Klein’s (2011) call to consider critical approaches and theorists in addition Bourdieu, Foucault and Habermas. The review identifies and discusses three types of critical IS research “beyond Bourdieu, Foucault and Habermas”: work based on a) (other) critical grand social theories, b) postcolonialism and c) data-focused critical methods (i.e., Capabilities Approach, Critical Discourse Analysis, Critical Heuristics and Design, Frame Analysis and Phronetic Enquiry). Based on the literature review, the paper maps the landscape of critical approaches and theories and identify their origins. This analysis is helpful for IS researchers interested in conducting critical IS research by charting the range of critical research approaches beyond Bourdieu, Foucault and Habermas.

How did the material culture of fashion shape power relations between plantation mistresses and their slaves? This inquiry engages the rich historiography on the master-slave relationship. Most historians have not fully appreciated the ways that things had agency and infused violence into the household. While there is a wide agreement that white women oppressed their slaves, few scholars have explored the ways that fashion became contested. In the diary of Northeastern Louisiana’s Kate Stone, one finds numerous incidents of slaves taking and using clothing as a form of resistance. Clothing was also frequently captured or destroyed by Union soldiers, especially USCTs, many of whom were freed slaves and resented the symbolism behind Southern clothing. Extravagant clothing choices for Southern women came at the cost of a labor system based on the exploitation of slaves, a symbolism understood across the South. The destruction of fine clothing led to an increased warning of alternatives, like homespun materials. Wearing these homespun materials furthered Southern rage at the collapsing intuition of slavery and visualized their feelings of decline. Like many of her class, every day as Kate Stone got dressed, her clothing reminded her of her fall from the pedestal of being an elite woman.

Este texto intenta indagar algunas cuestiones relativas a la percepción generalizada en España y en Italia de que el feminismo sea anacrónico o necesite una profunda transformación para adaptarse a los nuevos tiempos que, en dichas opiniones, corresponderían a una época post-patriarcal.
Una de las ideas que más se ha puesto en discusión es un término clásico del vocabulario de las reivindicaciones feministas, a saber, la emancipación. El texto trata de contextualizar históricamente la crítica de la emancipación a través del análisis de un debate que, en el feminismo español e italiano, ha estado muy polarizado y ha tenido gran repercusión política, es el debate entre emancipación y libertad femenina (libertà femminile, en italiano) que corresponde a una forma particular en estos contextos del más amplio debate en el feminismo sobre la igualdad y la diferencia. El capítulo recorre las etapas del debate y analiza ambos términos de la discusión. Finalmente, se proponen algunas consideraciones críticas sobre lo que este debate ha aportado a nuestra actual comprensión sobre el post-patriarcado y el post-feminismo. A través de la noción de autonomía, se analizan algunas características del patriarcado y la forma en las que los discursos sobre la emancipación y la libertad femenina han encarado dichas características con la finalidad de superar el patriarcado.

Der Ruf nach Selbstbestimmung war einst ein Aufbruchssignal der Frauenbewegung. Inzwischen ist die Forderung vielfältig kritisch reflektiert worden. In den Sozialwissenschaften wird die Vorstellung eines autonomen Selbst in den so genannten Gouvernementalitätsstudien auseinandergenommen. Wer kann hier von wem lernen?

The status of learning styles theory in educational studies is uncertain as we inhabit the liminal phase between the theory's death as proclaimed by educational psychologists who avow to have disproven it and whatever afterlife will follow. At this moment, with both past and future in view, that we have an opportunity to reflect on the foundational assumptions of the theory. Engaging in the growing community of Agambenian philosophy of education and the ongoing dialogue around educational potentiality, this article approaches learning styles theory as a paradigm of educational Megarianism. In this frame, the error of the learning styles theorists was not in the construction of a particular typology, but in the metaphysical approach to pedagogy. The reflection upon learning styles as paradigm also contributes a paradigmatic case of educational Megarianism to the discussion of potentiality in Agambenian philosophy of education. Writing about endings is both provocative and attractive. The idea of something ending often unsettles and disturbs, particularly when it involves question of politics or the status of a body of knowledge and the future of a profession…Yet the idea of endings is also attractive, not least because it allows us to reexamine settled assumptions , convictions, and commitments; to ask where we are where we are going, but also how we got here. The question of endings is thus simultaneously a question of beginnings (Williams 2013, p. 648) From the side of educational studies populated most densely with psychologists, we hear a death knell ringing for the theory of learning styles. More of interest to the psychologists than philosophers throughout its fashionable phase, we are now in the liminal space between the fall of learning styles theory and the afterlife-a space where the theory's last

Latin American social movements are reinventing emancipatory politics, in which those invisibilised and excluded by capitalist-coloniality are emerging as the emancipatory subjects of our times. Rather than a method of learning, pedagogy is understood as a radical educational project of subaltern transformation and politics. Emancipatory ped-agogical praxis occurs in multiple spatialities and embraces multiple knowledges and subaltern subjects. These knowing-subjects become creators of political agency, movement practices and imaginaries, and collective self-liberation. I develop my analysis with reference to movement educators who I work with in the Brazilian Movimento sem Terra (Landless Workers Movement, MST) and Colombian Escuela Política de Mujeres Pazífica (Political School of Pacifist Women, Escuela). Latin American social movements are reinventing emancipatory politics, in which those invisibilised and excluded by capitalist-coloniality are emerging as the emancipatory subjects of our times. These new political subjects develop social relations which disrupt the power of capital in their everyday lives through practices which reconnect people and communities with their creative capacities and each other. In this article I conceptualise and reflect on the role of the pedagogical. This is not understood as a method of learning but rather as a political-pedagogical project of subaltern struggle in which practices of learning and unlearning are embedded (Motta and Esteves, 2014). The pedagogical in this sense cannot be confined to the narrow limits of hegemonic understandings of education which alienates and separates the body from the mind, the classroom from the community, and the knower from the known (Motta and Cole, 2014). Rather, emancipatory pedagogical praxis occurs in multiple spatialities, embraces multiple knowledges and subaltern subjects, and these knowing-subjects become creators of political agency, generating movement practices and imaginaries, and promoting collective self-liberation. The emancipatory pedagogical practices of social movements involve the creation of embodied peopled memories, the (re)covery and (re)invention of subaltern philosophies and theorisations through embracing multiple literacies, and an epistemological privi-leging of those on the margins. These philosophical and epistemological commitments are embodied in informal learning in the everyday life of a movement. They include the unlearning of the oppressor's logics as they interpolate our subjectivities and social

The article looks at two concepts that have both an established and a disputed position in the field of educational and social sciences: the concepts of empowerment and emancipation. The guiding questions are: how empowerment and emancipation relate to each other and how they can be used in the field of social pedagogy in Finland and beyond both as theoretical conceptions in articulating the purpose of social pedagogical work and as guiding principles of social pedagogical practices. By exploring these questions, the aim is to provide
one possible map through the conceptual maze around the terms of empowerment and emancipation, specifically from a social pedagogical perspective. The peculiarity of the Finnish language makes the Finnish discussion around the concept of empowerment a well-suited
case example that makes visible how complicated a concept empowerment is and the kinds of problems related to the use of the concept. The field of youth empowerment is explored especially in order to map the diversity of the meanings addressed to the term. The place
and role of the concept of empowerment in the theoretical discussion and practice of social pedagogy in Finland is also briefly analyzed. To broaden the perspective of this study, both conceptually and geographically, the relationship between empowerment and emancipation with the aid of international theoretical discussion around the two concepts is explored. The conclusion suggested is that when the concepts of emancipation and empowerment are analyzed
in relation to social pedagogy, it is useful to take into account the different paradigms or traditions of social pedagogy instead of trying to approach social pedagogy as a consensual whole.

Glazen plafonds, plakkende vloeren, glazen muren: vrouwen hebben het op de arbeidsmarkt niet makkelijk. Dat het vooral vrouwen zijn die moeilijkheden ondervinden, wil echter niet zeggen dat alleen zij voor een oplossing moeten zorgen. Ook mannen zijn deel van de oplossing. Wat kunnen zij doen om emancipatie op de werkvloer te bevorderen?

Dit artikel gaat in op de wijze waarop aan de VU rechtsfilosofisch onderwijs wordt verzorgd, aan de hand van een analyse van de aan het begin van deze eeuw gevoerde rechtszaken met betrekking tot de toelating van vrouwen op de kandidatenlijsten van de politieke partij SGP in het licht van conflicterende grondrechten als het non-discriminatie-beginsel, het passief kiesrecht, de vrijheid van vereniging en de vrijheid van godsdienst.

While coaching is establishing itself as an effective human development approach, there is limited understanding of the dynamics of coaching in the context of oppression. This paper summarises a study that examined the use of coaching as an emancipatory approach, and explored how oppression affects coachees, coaches and the coaching process. Building on a crossdisciplinary review of emancipatory approaches, an initial coaching model was developed. Then, a cooperative inquiry was conducted with twelve coaches from Egypt, who used the model with 22 coachees, leading to the development of a theoretical and practical framework for the use of coaching to support the emancipation and development of individuals. This study is possibly the first to research coaching as an emancipatory approach. It provides insights into how oppression affects individuals and describes the individual’s journey to emancipation. It proposes a detailed framework of the processes that support individuals through...

Izbris, ali dejanje administrativnega etničnega čiščenja, kot ga imenujejo nekateri, je globoko zaznamovalo etičnost slovenske osamosvojitve. Kakršnokoli špekuliranje na temo, ali se je izbris zgodil ali ne, in kakršnakoli brezbrižnost do tega vprašanja sta izjemno nevarna in lahko peljeta le v ponovitev tega akta na neki novi skupini ljudi (odvisno od konteksta, časa in prostora). Izbris se je nedvomno zgodil in predstavlja črn madež na suverenosti Slovenije – s tem se je treba soočiti. Kot tudi s tem, da so posledice izbrisa grozljive in da jih je na individualni ravni nemogoče popraviti. Uničenih in izgubljenih življenj ne more povrniti noben zakon, nobena odškodnina, nobeno opravičilo. Kar ne pomeni, da tako zakonov kot odškodnin in opravičil ne potrebujemo. A zavajanja, manipulacije in podžiganje sovraštva, ki so še vedno sestavni del procesa utrjevanja mita o nastanku slovenske države, k urejanju statusa izbrisanih in razumevanju fenomena izbrisa prav nič ne pripomorejo.

(Spremna beseda romanu Izbrisana, Miha Mazzini, Novo mesto : Goga, 2019. E-dostop: http://www.dlib.si/details/URN:NBN:SI:doc-HZX4FB7Y)

Seit es Entwicklungspolitik gibt, sieht sich diese mannigfaltiger Kritik ausgesetzt. Im Gegensatz zu anderen kritischen Sichtweisen geht es Post-Development-Ansatzen um die Infragestellung von Entwicklungspolitik an sich. Anstatt also vor allem Misserfolge und Mangel in den Blick zu nehmen, kritisieren Post-Development-Autor*innen Entwicklungspolitik auch in Fallen, in denen sie nach eigenen Masstaben erfolgreich ist, und zwar u.a. mit dem Verweis auf die Reproduktion kolonialen Denkens, der Ausklammerung des problematischen Gesellschaftsmodells des Nordens, der Etablierung von Herrschaftsverhaltnissen, der zerstorerischen Wirkung von Entwicklungshilfeprojekten und Modernisierung sowie der Reduktion eines guten Lebens auf soziookonomische Indikatoren. Eine Politik, die globale soziookonomische Ungleichheit als Problem sieht, ohne die Post-Development-Kritik zu ignorieren, muss sich der Frage stellen, wie eine solche auf der Grundlage der Reflexion und Umgehung der skizzierten proble...

With a fundamental interest in further developing and specifying the theoretical and ethical framework of Psychology from the Standpoint of the Subject (PSS), the article at hand asks: What is the PSS researcher's position in and responsibility toward society? What does the theoretical concept of the co-researcher, which is so pivotal in this tradition, entail for conceptualizing the relationship between the academic researcher and all those others who participate from different societal positions? Is there a specific, emancipatory contribution the PSS researcher is to make to the production of societal conditions, including the production of knowledge? What is the contribution of the other co-researchers then, and how do they gain from the PSS researcher's labor, in particular her scientific explorations of the world?
The article's analyses delve into various versions of understanding and implementing emancipation through psychological co-research, i.e. of how PSS research differently aims at bettering one another's living conditions. First, the original methodology developed in the Berlin context is presented, which can be roughly described as a theoretically informed dialogical exchange between academically trained people. This is secondly followed by a critique of this model, articulated by the Scandinavian Practice Research tradition and mounding in substantial conceptual and methodological developments-in particular of the understanding of the (co-)researcher relationship. Thirdly, it is illustrated that Practice Research instantiated some new ambiguities, by analyzing its methodology of fellow knowledge gaining through the lens of cultural-historical psychology and foremost Stetsenko's texts on the researcher as a transformative activist. Finally, it proposes mutual knowledge-sharing as the primary task of PSS co-research projects, in order to specify and nuance the co-researcher concept in relation to the conceptualization of the nominal researcher. Thereby, we intend to resurrect lively debates of PSS’ emancipatory potentials and contribute to dialogically nuancing its self-understanding.

Writing for emancipation While reading through the texts of the Contemporary Period present in the Heath Anthology of American Literature, I had a particular attention on the ones written by women. These authors narrate their experiences making us know what was like being a woman, a black woman or an immigrate woman in the 20 th century ; also we can have a really clear idea of the ideology that the dominant class, and precisely men, had about women. From an historical point of view, what was labelled as the " weaker sex " has always been persecuted since the very beginning of human history, because discrimination is an issue of power. Starting from this, between the end of the 18 th century and the beginning of the 19 th century, women, in the United States as well as in Europe, started to create associations and corporations in order to achieve all the rights that had always been denied to them. My goal is to demonstrate that the gaining of Women rights in America was glorious if compared to Europe, not only for the date when women can vote, but for example, because of the number of women that made writing their professions. That wasn't even thinkable in Europe. So, reading the texts I have decided to focus on, I'll try to prove also how women literature had helped them to emancipate and gain their rights. To achieve this goal, I have decided to divide my paper into four main sections. The first one is going to be on the historical context; I'm going to focus precisely on the main events that represent the beginning of the Women movement in the United States. In the second part, I'll analyse the texts I chose, concentrating on the different experiences they had lived and how their writings helped them to achieve several aims. The third part is going to be a crucial comparison

A análise de obras de Marx, desde os Manuscritos econômico-filosóficos de 1844 até cartas escritas no início dos anos de 1880, demonstra mudanças e continuidades na formação teórica e política desse pensador. Essa dinâmica, por sua vez, também se revela na apresentação que Marx fez em relação ao comunismo. Este artigo apresenta elementos chaves da visão de Marx sobre o comunismo, examina as suas nuances e a sua coerência teórica interna e se refere a aspectos da relevância atual dessa concepção marxiana de organização social. (The analysis of Marx's works, from the Economic-Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 to letters written in the early 1880s, shows changes and continuities in the theoretical and political formation of this thinker. This dynamic, in its turn, appears also in the presentation that Marx about the communism. This article presents some key elements of Marx's communism view, examines its nuances and its internal theoretical coherence and refers to aspects of the current relevance of this Marxian conception of social organization).

Ma réflexion porte sur le post-colonialisme, l'émancipation, le colonialisme et l'identité, et son but est d'offrir un point de vue critique et une analyse sur la question du projet d'unification et de négation de l'identité de l'autre entrepris de tous temps par la colonisation.

Le colonialisme, caractérisé par la négation de l'identité de l'autre ou en tout cas par la hiérarchisation des identités et des valeurs qui les gouvernent, est une crise et constitue une rupture dans l'identité des peuples colonisés. Cette rupture implique le fait de repenser l'identité, de la reconstruire à l'aune de la décolonisation et de l'émancipation des populations ayant vécu l'oppression coloniale. Mais l'impact de la colonisation sur l'identité est aussi à penser du côté des colonisateurs, et c'est ainsi que nous aborderons la question de l'identité à travers le multiculturalisme, ou en tout cas une sortie de l’ethnocentrisme, c'est à dire que nous verrons en quoi il serait préférable de penser l'identité en terme de relation plutôt qu'en terme de confrontation à l'autre et de hiérarchisation, de domination.

Our research on the social movement opposing proposed piracy legislation reveals novel societal opportunities and challenges caused by digitization. We summarize literature on the Katz and Lazarsfeld Two-Step Model of Communication and propose a new model of mass communication for the digital age. We develop a digital discourse bias framework comprised of three structural constraints (on authorship, citation, and influence) and three content restrictions (on frames, signatures, and emotion). Our findings paradoxically reveal social media affords emancipation with regard to structural constraints, but is hegemonic with regard to an important content restriction (i.e., frames). Lean social media mitigated structural advantages and exacerbated content problems. These findings suggest that, as with traditional media, some inevitable evils accompany the societal benefits of social media and that mass media is having a detrimental effect on public discourse. Compared to traditional mass media, digital mass media are in some ways emancipatory (i.e., permitting widespread participation in public discourse and surfacing of diverse perspectives) and in other ways hegemonic (i.e., contributing to ideological control by a few).

Tabby ruins along the marsh and bits of historic ceramic strewn across the surface of the North End Site (9MC81) on Creighton Island, GA, are among the only traces left of a once vibrant African American antebellum and postbellum community. Few historical sources provide a glimpse into the lives and experiences of the people living at this site. Throughout the middle of the 19th century, nearly 100 enslaved men, women, and children lived and worked on the island. Later, at the turn of the century, nearly 100 people lived on the island, working in different roles for the local timber port (Sullivan 2016). In search of the slave community-turned-port, archaeological surveys provide an opportunity to assess the location and spatial organization of the area. Prior archaeologists have primarily focused on the pre-17th century history of this site (e.g. Porter et al. 2016). However, the historic slave village and port community can provide important perspectives to the heritage of contemporary Gullah/Geechee descendants in the area (see Cooper 2017; Barnes and Steen 2012). The formerly enslaved peoples living in the community navigated a tense landscape, reconfiguring the plantation spaces to participate in the growing local timber economy. Thus, the identification of the lived, everyday domestic spaces of the community will aid in identifying the locales where these important place-making practices occur. Combining the results of a systematic shovel test pit survey and excavations in 2018 and 2021, we explore the spatial organization of the antebellum and postbellum communities’ domestic space at the North End Site (9MC81).

En partant des usages actuels de l’autonomie dans les pratiques d’intervention sociale, j’interroge dans cet article sa portée émancipatrice possible, face aux risques de domination et d’assujettissement qui la traversent. Les visions classiques et toujours dominantes de l’autonomie, du sujet, de l’émancipation, inspirées de la philosophie moderne montrent aujourd’hui leurs limites. La perspective pragmatiste dans laquelle je m’inscris considère que c’est par un travail d’enquête avec les acteurs impliqués que des chemins émancipateurs peuvent être identifiés, en s’intéressant à la façon dont ils cherchent eux-mêmes des solutions aux problèmes rencontrés, par des prises de positions, réflexions, expérimentations, recherches. Certains outils conceptuels élaborés par Foucault peuvent cependant contribuer à mettre en lumière ce qui se joue dans les relations de pouvoir au cœur des processus d’intervention, dans la façon même dont les sujets (usagers, intervenants) et leur réflexivité sont impliqués, et à penser de façon renouvelée les « logiciels » de l’émancipation. Je reprends ici les principaux éléments de cette grille de lecture, en ciblant plus spécifiquement la façon dont un processus émancipateur peut se déployer par un travail de transformation de la réflexivité des sujets au cœur des pratiques.

"Ο στόχος του συγκεκριμένου βιβλίου –το οποίο αποτελεί μια συλλογική προσπάθεια, και είναι το προϊόν ενός ετήσιου σχεδίου ομαδικής εργασίας (project) με μεταπτυχιακούς φοιτητές και μεταπτυχιακές φοιτήτριες από το Α.Π.Θ και το Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας– είναι η οριοθέτηση της συζήτησης σχετικά με το ρόλο του κριτικού στοχασμού στη μάθηση και την εκπαίδευση των ενηλίκων, καθώς και του πλαισίου μέσα στο οποίο οργανώνεται η σχετική θεωρία που αφορά κυρίως στον τρόπο με τον οποίο ο κριτικός στοχασμός συνδέεται με την απόδοση νοήματος στην ανθρώπινη εμπειρία (νοηματοδότηση) και τη δημιουργία νέας γνώσης (μετασχηματισμός της εμπειρίας), με στόχο την ενδυνάμωση για την ανάληψη δράσης (αρχικά επικοινωνιακής αλλά στη συνέχεια και χειραφετητικής) που θα επιφέρει την ανάπτυξη και την αλλαγή τόσο σε ατομικό όσο και σε κοινωνικό επίπεδο. Το βιβλίο αποτελείται από δύο μέρη.  Το πρώτο μέρος επικεντρώνεται στην παρουσίαση και ανάλυση των σημαντικότερων θεωρητικών προσεγγίσεων στην ερμηνεία του κριτικού στοχασμού, ως ex-post facto (δια)νοητική διαδικασία, δίνοντας ιδιαίτερη έμφαση στη έννοια της νοηματοδότησης (αποκωδικοποίησης κατά τον Freire), ως έννοια «κλειδί» για την οριοθέτηση αυτής της διαδικασίας. Το δεύτερο μέρος επικεντρώνεται στις πρακτικές προεκτάσεις αυτής της (δια)νοητικής διαδικασίας, δίνοντας έμφαση στη άλλη έννοια «κλειδί», αυτή της ενδυνάμωσης, και στη σημασία ανάπτυξης μίας εκπαίδευσης ενηλίκων η οποία θα στοχεύει στη χειραφέτηση. Για την ολοκλήρωση του συγκεκριμένου βιβλίου, συνεργάστηκαν: Γ. Κ. Ζαρίφης (πρόλογος & συνολική συγγραφική επιμέλεια, κεφ. 1 & 5), Μ. Παρθένη & Γ. Κ. Ζαρίφης (κεφ. 2), Α. Δολιώτη & Γ. Κ. Ζαρίφης (κεφ. 3), Ν. Κιουπέλογλου & Γ. Κ. Ζαρίφης (κεφ. 4), Α. Στρίκου & Γ. Κ. Ζαρίφης (κεφ. 6), Λ. Μωυσιάδης (κεφ. 7),  Α. Κανέλλου (κεφ. 8)
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ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ

ΜΕΡΟΣ ΠΡΩΤΟ: ΘΕΩΡΗΤΙΚΕΣ ΠΡΟΣΕΓΓΙΣΕΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΝΝΟΙΑΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΡΙΤΙΚΟΥ ΣΤΟΧΑΣΜΟΥ ΣΤΗ ΜΑΘΗΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΑΝΑΠΤΥΞΗ ΤΩΝ ΕΝΗΛΙΚΩΝ
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 1
Ο κριτικός στοχασμός ως ‘ex-post facto’ συνθήκη μάθησης και ανάπτυξης στους ενηλίκους.
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 2
Αποτίμηση της σχέσης μεταξύ νοηματοδότησης και κριτικού στοχασμού στη μάθηση των ενηλίκων.
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 3
Ο κριτικός στοχασμός ως προϋπόθεση μετασχηματισμού της ανθρώπινης εμπειρίας και ο ρόλος των συναισθημάτων.
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 4
Κριτικός στοχασμός και ο κύκλος της ‘conscientização’: ζητήματα κατανόησης του πλαισίου δράσης με στόχο τη χειραφέτηση και την κοινωνική αλλαγή.

ΜΕΡΟΣ ΔΕΥΤΕΡΟ: ΠΡΑΚΤΙΚΕΣ ΠΡΟΕΚΤΑΣΕΙΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΝΝΟΙΑΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΡΙΤΙΚΟΥ ΣΤΟΧΑΣΜΟΥ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ ΕΝΗΛΙΚΩΝ
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 5
Από την ενδυνάμωση στη χειραφέτηση: προϋποθέσεις οργάνωσης του ρολού του εκπαιδευτή στο πλαίσιο μιας κριτικοστοχαστικής πρακτικής.
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 6
Ζητήματα προσέγγισης των αναγκών των ενηλίκων εκπαιδευομένων μέσω της ανάλυσης της εμπειρίας τους, στο πλαίσιο μιας κριτικοστοχαστικής εκπαιδευτικής πρακτικής.
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 7
Ο κριτικοστοχαστικής εκπαιδευτής και η κοινωνικο-πολιτικη διάσταση του ρόλου του.
ΚΕΦΑΛΑΙΟ 8
Ο ρόλος του κριτικού στοχασμού στο πλαίσιο του σύγχρονου οργανισμού μάθησης. "

6 κεφάλαια αναρτημένα.

This (german) paper analyses the role of law as a mobilizing and stimulating power for legally repressed groups using the example of the women's emancipation movements in the long 19th century (1789-1914). Firstly the (historical) philosophical and theoretical mechanisms of women's legal and social suppression are studied. One major point here is the shift in arguments used by philosophers to legitimise women's legal powerlessness from the era of the enlightenment to the law of nature and further to World War I. Then the second part focuses on the women's legal arguments and actions taken in the questions of human and civil rights as well as on the impact of those. Therefore the beginning of this part examines the women's reactions to the previously presented legitimating theories and predominant philosophical concepts by developing their own legal and philosophical arguments. Secondly this part studies the women's suffrage as an important aspect of citizenship and well known example for women's legal action, focusing also on the effects of these actions and why change took so long. The third and last part deals with the legal status of women, especially wives, in the new Continental European codifications (eg Code Civil) , the women's claims to change them and their achievements and setbacks throughout the 19th century.

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This article is based on the hypothesis that the fundamental human instinct is mobilization, which is not liberation, but rather a form of submission. This is particularly true in the age of the Web, which is both a specific technology and, first and foremost, a representation of our social reality, in which we are increasingly responsibilized and accounted for. Submission is not an historical contingency, but an anthropological constant. In fact, the way human beings relate to social reality is less that of the legislator than that of someone who is subject to the norms. The thesis of the author is that from such a condition of submission a possibility of liberation emerges. Freedom is not a natural condition, but a conquest. In particular, emancipation can be the result of exemplary actions of common people like Dimitar Josifov Pešev, the Deputy Speaker of the National Assembly of Bulgaria who took a stand against the deportation of Jewish people from his country during World War II. Freedom concerns the collectivity but it cannot come from it. An individual exemplary action is needed, and then collective emancipation might arise according to a principle of imitation. Could this all be applied to the total mobilization of the Web?

Antes de iniciar as reflexões sobre as dimensões que envolvem os processos de
empoderamento, é conveniente elucidar exatamente de que poder estamos falando
quando utilizamos esse neologismo que significa, grosso modo, “dar poder”.
Muitos escritos fazem esse questionamento supondo uma inviabilidade do uso do
conceito por não entenderem quem dá poder e de que tipo de poder estamos falando.
Para aqueles que têm se dedicado aos estudos e reflexões sobre os efeitos tanto
individuais  quanto  coletivos,  acumulados  por  séculos  de  exploração,  alienação  e
aliciamento  de  pessoas,  o  entendimento  do  que  seja  poder  é  quase  intuitivo.  Mas
também  é  intuitivo  para  aqueles  que  apenas  sobrevivem  às  intempéries  diárias  do
sistema de opressão e dominação presentes em suas vidas pensar no significado de
poder  sob  um  viés  negativo  ou,  no  mínimo,  com  alto  potencial  limitador  da
mobilidade social e jugo daqueles que não o têm.
O conceito de poder tem sido interpretado de diversas formas, mas na definição de
Hannah  Arendt,  que  pensa  em  poder  a  partir  da  ação  coletiva,  temos  a  ideia  que
norteia o significado social e subjetivo de poder e que se aplica na compreensão do
que  falamos  quando  assumimos  a  necessidade  de  empoderar  grupos  minoritários,
porque
[…] O poder corresponde à habilidade humana não apenas para agir, mas para
agir em conjunto. O poder nunca é propriedade de um indivíduo; pertence a um
grupo e permanece em existência apenas na medida em que o grupo conserva-
se  unido.  Quando  dizemos  que  alguém  está  “no  poder”,  na  realidade  nos
referimos ao fato de que ele foi empossado por um certo número de pessoas
para agir em seu nome.
2
Já  o  filósofo  francês  Michel  Foucault,  diferentemente  da  tradição  da  Ciência
Política,  pensou  o  poder  não  como  algo  que  está  localizado  ou  centrado  em  uma
instituição. Enquanto na teoria política tradicional se atribui ao Estado o monopólio do
poder, Foucault verifica uma espécie de microfísica do poder, articulado ao Estado,
mas  que  atravessa  toda  a  estrutura  social.  É  importante  salientar  que  o  filósofo
francês não está negando a importância do Estado nessa concepção, mas atentando
para o fato de que as relações de poder ultrapassam o nível estatal e estão presentes
em  toda  a  sociedade.  Sendo  assim,  o  poder  seria  uma  prática  social  construída
historicamente. Em sua obra Microfísica do poder,  Foucault  afirma  que  o  objetivo
seria captar o poder em suas extremidades, em suas últimas ramificações,

Emancypanci i emancypatorzy. The  men  that supported  the  emancipation of Polish women in the second half of the 19th  and at the beginning of the 20th centuries.

In terms of primary realm, the presented volume gives an ability to complete the history of Polish literature with marginalized or omitted literary and journalistic contexts created by supporters of the emancipation inter alia journalists, publicists, writers, publishers (Aleksander Świętochowski, Hipolit Skimborowicz, Adam Wiślicki, Józef Karol Potocki), editors, pedagogues (Jan Władysław Dawid, Piotr Chmielowski), librarians (Edward Chwalewik), lawyers (Karol Dunin, Józef Lange), university lecturers (Piotr Chmielowski, Jan Baudoin de Courtenay), as well as scientists: biologists  (Benedykt Dybowski), sociologists (Ludwik Krzywicki), chemists (Bronisław Pawlewski), ethnologists (Bronisław Piłsudski), bacteriologists (Odo Bujwid), lawyers (Leon Petrażycki), doctors (Włodzimierz Popiel, Walenty Łukasz Miklaszewski), active members and authors of  philosophical schemes (Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz, Karol Lichtański).
The corpus of conducted studies contains in the strict sense  journalistic texts, delivered statements, proclamations, polemics printed in XIX- and  XX-century magazines that came out across all three annexations as well as  socio-cultural, historical and literary dissertations. The primacy have the magazines and dissertations that appearing in Warsaw. Except of these, the research includes also the titles released in Lviv, Cracow and Poznań. The most important ones are as follows: „Przegląd Naukowy. Literaturze, Wiedzy i Umnictwu Poświęcony”, „Przegląd Tygodniowy”, „Niwa”, „Świt”, „Tygodnik Ilustrowany”, „Bluszcz”, „Tygodnika Mód i Powieści”, Lvovian and Varsovian „Ster”, „Nowe Słowo” and  „Głos kobiet”.
I try to present the aforementioned titles in the institutional, scientific and personal context. Consequently, the context of elaborations become official documents such as the context of laws that regulate women’s rights, statutes and activity reports of the selected associations in the interest of  women emancipation along with reports from university sessions of faculty board or regulation concerning 19th century salaries for girls.
The scientific frameworks of the investigated texts due to mark the sociological, anthropological, psychological and biological theories connoted by the supporters and opponents of the women’s emancipation. Notably, among them occurs references to the writings of August Comte, Herbert Spencer, Henry Thomas Buckle, Paul Topinard, Rudolf Gottfried Arndt, Hevlock Ellis, Charles Darwin, Cesary Lombroso, Eduard von Reich.
Significantly, along with them there appear also pedagogical (Klementyna Hoffmanowa born Tańska, Eleonora Ziemięcka, Bronisław Trentowski, Jan Władysław Dawid, Antoni Dygasiński, Ellen Key) and socio-political contexts (John Stuart Mill, Karol Marks, August Ferdinand Bebel).
The investigations of the texts and male activities that sought to support the women that had been fighting for their rights I treat as a work verging on history which was recognised  without  any specific attributes, the history of women and the history from the perspective of gender/ history of humankind (M. van Tilburg, 2000;  D. Kałwa, 2014; D. Kałwa, E. Głowacka-Sobiech, 2010). This is an impulse to rewrite the history of culture (J.-F. Lyotard, 1996). There are two aims that stand behind this impulse. The first is a supplementation of particular  component in the activities of emancipations movements, in the gender dimension. Component of cooperation between women and men and vice versa. The second is an compilation of the previous investigations in the women’s history as well as an attempt to assess an ability among men to operate under the historical women movements in terms of emancipation. Moreover, the goal is also to answer the question what was a possible scope of effects made by independent women in the social structure which prevented them to play any public role, limited their subjective and direct influence on the shape of the politics of the demolished country. The significant indication of the second aim is also the question about enforced coalition between women, the organization of women with social actors, law and custom that gave tools to regulate woman and men lives. In the following way, the texts-artefacts that has been discussed in the volume enrich the knowledge about historical discourse about Polish women emancipation. 
The unsaved history of men-allies of Polish emancipation complicates the main history movement for which historiographic practice known as the women’s history, is being perceived as revision along with the whole emancipation discourse. Nevertheless, it does not mean that the created project is issued to  lead to a revolution and replacement of established, closed women’s history and ingrained historical movement, which creators did not take into account socio- cultural gender context. The result of this investigation should not be a supplement, or as in this case, supplement to the supplement, because in this way the activity history of emancipation supporters under  marginalized history of women’s movements would be presented.
Moreover, the supplement would be associated  with an agreement to recognise the model of discourse about historical knowledge, which background is the hierarchical thinking, the category of appreciation or agreement for existing contract that determines the importance of subjects,  contexts and protagonists (E. Domańska, 2006; F. Ankersmit, 2004). By contrast to that I concentrate on the critical point of work. On the aspect that count for a disagreement in reference to the existing social and narrative order, to the order that is created by authority relations (M. Foucault ).
However, the history of activities and writings of authors that I investigated has a riotous dimension. Previous work that was devoted to literature and activity of women, by presenting literary and worldview polemics, used to put in opposite the most often women’s and men’s pen. It could have resulted  from the polarization of journalistic opinions based upon the slogan »gender war«, which as an critical slogan accompanied the opponents of the emancipation movement all around the Europe in the second half of the 19th and at the beginning of the 20th centuries. The metaphor »gender fight/war « presented and still presents the relationships between women and men in a patriarchal approach, which assumed the gender and systematic subservience, subordination of women. According to this approach, emancipation and feministic turn were to lead to equality of women’s and men’s law, for the latter perceived as rebellion or revolution, as declaring the war against natural order but also against men. As rebellion against established patterns, essence and binary order. The historical research presenting the role of men in Polish emancipation and feministic  movements in 19th and 20th centuries gives a chance to complement this simple thesis with the contexts that are so far unknown. Instead of opposing the roles and interests of women and men, they emphasize the ability of their subjective cooperation, which frequently went beyond main social establishments that shaped contemporary  gender’s relations.
Presented recognitions are being set in the historical contexts, which do not reduce their revolution and modernity level. The letter in an unitary dimension can be assessed in the various ways from the present-day critical positions, which gained their foundation from post-structural research idea referring to “such categories that structure the way of thinking about literature ( but not only about it) as textuality, narrative logic, multiplicity of discourse practice, authority and violence, ethnical and gender diversity” (T. Walas, 2006, s. 127). Nevertheless, the indicated aspect do not belong to my research interests. I clearly distinguish the content of the explored texts without review it with ahistorical verification as well as the way in which the investigated texts has been written.
The first I situate in the historical dimensions, whereas the second in the context of contemporary study in  creating the knowledge about the past.

In recent years, rapper and entrepreneur Jay-Z has tried to promote black entrepreneurship and black capitalism as viable ways of resistance against systems of racism and neoliberal oppression. This thesis, however, argues, that within the subculture of hip-hop, dismantling the master's house with the master's tool is contradictory and ambivalent, and Jay-Z's business acumen hinders him in much of his emancipatory efforts.