Andras Bozoki
Central European University, Political Science, Faculty Member
- Sociology, Political Science, Cultural Studies, Critical Theory, Cultural Theory, Development Studies, and 59 moreDiscourse Analysis, Comparative Politics, Political Sociology, Urban Studies, Popular Culture, Peace and Conflict Studies, Social Theory, Cultural Sociology, European Studies, Nationalism, Critical Discourse Analysis, Identity politics, Critical Thinking, Democratization, European integration, Social Capital, Political Parties, Ideology, Political Culture, World History, Sociology of Science, Sociology of Law, Power (social), Subcultures, Communism, Anarchist Studies, Fascism, State Formation, Change Leadership, Censorship, Political Campaigns, Civil Rights, World Systems Analysis, Central European history, Socialisms, Revolutions, Class, East European studies, Eastern European history, Postsocialism, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Civil War, Development Sociology, Totalitarianism, Populism, History of Democracy, Post-Soviet Regimes, Eastern Europe, Civic Journalism, Western Europe, Hungarian, Neo-Fascism, Conservatism (Political Science), Communism (Revolutions), Southern Europe, Central Europe, Fascism (Revolutions), Conservative Revolution (Revolutions), and Urban Sociologyedit
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Nous examinons l’influence de l’extreme droite sur la formation de la politique symbolique du gouvernement Fidesz dans le contexte du regime politique hongrois. Depuis 2010, la politique culturelle hongroise ne peut etre consideree comme... more
Nous examinons l’influence de l’extreme droite sur la formation de la politique symbolique du gouvernement Fidesz dans le contexte du regime politique hongrois. Depuis 2010, la politique culturelle hongroise ne peut etre consideree comme un secteur gouvernemental independant de la conception du pouvoir du premier ministre Viktor Orban et de sa politique symbolique. La vision du monde autoritaire et la culture politique nationaliste representees par son regne sont etroitement liees a ce que ses subordonnes accomplissent dans la rubrique « politique culturelle ». Apres avoir explique et interprete les piliers fondamentaux du regime, les politiques culturelles du premier gouvernement Orban (1998-2002) sont comparees avec son deuxieme gouvernement marque par le tournant illiberal (depuis 2010). Cette derniere epoque peut etre caracterisee par la domination du discours nationaliste et de la politique symbolique se referant au passe precommuniste. En se referant constamment a la culture nationale, les campagnes de propagande identifient la culture comme etant au service de la nation. Dans le meme temps, les initiatives culturelles alternatives, non etatiques, sont marginalisees et meme ghettoisees. Le gouvernement d’Orban dans la Hongrie contemporaine vise a coloniser la culture, bien qu’il ne puisse pas atteindre le controle monopolistique, en raison de la diversite et de la resistance inherentes a cette sphere.
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Located in East-Central Europe, Hungary has often found itself at a crossroads of political influences of greater powers as well as of different cultures. Although Hungary enjoyed independence for centuries in its early history, the... more
Located in East-Central Europe, Hungary has often found itself at a crossroads of political influences of greater powers as well as of different cultures. Although Hungary enjoyed independence for centuries in its early history, the experience of foreign domination over the last five centuries is one of the defining features of Hungarian public consciousness. Most notably, Hungary was under the control of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Habsburgs in the eighteenth, nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries and the Soviet Union from 1945 until the regime change in 1989. Therefore, Hungarians had to master the techniques of survival under foreign domination. They learned how to operate informally, under and within formal, rigid rules, which represented the interests of the dominant foreign power. Nonetheless, during its twentieth-century history, Hungary made some genuine albeit short-lived attempts to achieve democracy. First, there was the brief liberal-democratic government of Count Mihaly Karolyi in late 1918. A second attempt was made during the semi-democratic coalition government between 1945 and 1947. Finally, Hungary operated as a democracy for twelve remarkable days during the anti-totalitarian revolution of October 1956. The Hungarian revolution was internally successful but was crushed by the intervention of the Soviet Red Army. These shining moments of recent Hungarian history cannot hide the fact that throughout the twentieth century Hungary enjoyed democracy for one decade only, the 1990s.
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Rhetoric of Action: The Language of the Regime Change in Hungary ANDRÁS BOZÓKI Introduction The title of this chapter is an oblique reference to Albert O. Hirsch-man's book The Rhetoric of Reaction, an outstanding study of... more
Rhetoric of Action: The Language of the Regime Change in Hungary ANDRÁS BOZÓKI Introduction The title of this chapter is an oblique reference to Albert O. Hirsch-man's book The Rhetoric of Reaction, an outstanding study of dif-ferent types of conservative argument against ...
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This chapter investigates the ways in which the post-2010 Fidesz government under Viktor Orbán used antisemitic tropes to configure George Soros—once hailed as a champion of market reform, freedom, and democracy—as an ontological threat... more
This chapter investigates the ways in which the post-2010 Fidesz government under Viktor Orbán used antisemitic tropes to configure George Soros—once hailed as a champion of market reform, freedom, and democracy—as an ontological threat to the Hungarian nation that should therefore be expunged from the country, together with “his networks,” including the Open Society Institute and Central European University. To show the government’s communication strategy in action, we combined an analysis of antisemitic discourse on the far right with a media content analysis of Sorosozás in government-backed online news portals from 2015 to 2020. We show that, from 2010, Orbán and his media allies discursively interpellated specific individuals and states as “financiers” and “global powers” as cogs in a global “Soros network.” In doing so, they drew upon well-established fifth-column narratives originally constructed and refined by ideologists from the Kádár era who employed a latent antisemitic ...
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Dans le sillage de la seconde guerre mondiale, la Hongrie s'est trouvée plus de quarante ans durant en situation d'« État membre » du bloc soviétique. Pour survivre, les Hongrois durent apprendre à évoluer dans les réseaux... more
Dans le sillage de la seconde guerre mondiale, la Hongrie s'est trouvée plus de quarante ans durant en situation d'« État membre » du bloc soviétique. Pour survivre, les Hongrois durent apprendre à évoluer dans les réseaux informels cachés sous la structure glacée d'un « ...
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Page 160. Chapter 9 Intellectuals and democratization in Hungary András Bozóki This chapter analyses the political role of the Hungarian critical intelligentsia in the recent past and after the change of system, employing the ...
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Das folgende Kapitel analysiert verschiedene Gruppen der demokratischen Opposition in der Volksrepublik Ungarn. Dabei liegt der Schwerpunkt auf strategischen Konzepten, den Diskursen sowie Identitaten und Selbstreflexionen der... more
Das folgende Kapitel analysiert verschiedene Gruppen der demokratischen Opposition in der Volksrepublik Ungarn. Dabei liegt der Schwerpunkt auf strategischen Konzepten, den Diskursen sowie Identitaten und Selbstreflexionen der ausgewahlten Gruppierungen.