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Milan Znoj
  • Prague, Hlavni mesto Praha, Czech Republic
  • Interested in Democratic Theory and debates about oligarchic tendencies in liberal democracies, he is inspired at tha... moreedit
Předmluva ke knize
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Zdá se, že v současné době prožíváme krizi liberální demokracie. Symptomy jsou nepřehlédnutelné: pokles volební účasti, nebývalá schopnost oligarchií využívat fungování státu ve svůj prospěch, vlády tvrdošíjně prosazující neoliberální... more
Zdá se, že v současné době prožíváme krizi liberální demokracie. Symptomy jsou nepřehlédnutelné: pokles volební účasti, nebývalá schopnost oligarchií využívat fungování státu ve svůj prospěch, vlády tvrdošíjně prosazující neoliberální reformy i přes vytrvalý odpor občanů, odumírání sociálního státu a v neposlední řadě úspěch nového populismu pravice. V této knize se hledá protilék. Příčiny krize autoři nespatřují ve výzvách globálního kapitalismu, natož v pohnuté české historii. Zajímá je vnitřní napětí v liberální demokracii samotné, které spatřují v nedostatečné artikulaci vztahu mezi liberalismem a demokracií. Soudí, že dosavadní artikulace se vyčerpaly, a tak se hledají nové. Postliberální konstelaci považují právě za takový teoretický prostor, ve kterém lze nově tematizovat schopnosti demokracie jednat kolektivně, veřejně a politicky, schopnosti, které liberální teorie ve svých úvahách eliminují. Otázky s tím spojené se v knize zkoumají z hlediska čtyř směrů soudobé demokratické teorie: neorepublikanismu, deliberativní demokracie, postliberální demokracie a demokracie radikální. Odpovědi se pochopitelně liší, společná jim je ale snaha otevřít pro demokratické myšlení postliberální perspektivu.
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This paper is dedicated to the memory of the recently deceased Milan Sobotka. A recognized historian of philosophy, Sobotka focused primarily on the tradition of German idealism. For him, the history of German idealism was the... more
This paper is dedicated to the memory of the recently deceased Milan Sobotka.
A recognized historian of philosophy, Sobotka focused primarily on the tradition
of German idealism. For him, the history of German idealism was the paramount
philosophy, in which human freedom and moral practice were thematized in a way
that surmounted Cartesianism and empiricism in modern philosophy. In the 1960s,
Sobotka was a part of the wider current of humanist Marxism. The article examines
the principle steps that later led him from the young Marx back to Hegel and
also to Kant.
The article accepts Ritter’s dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as... more
The article accepts Ritter’s dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as the warning example of democracy based on the general will of the people which results in a terror. The article seeks to explain the argument that Hegel’s mature theory of representation makes both against Rousseau’s conception of the general will and against the modern tradition of liberal contractualism. Of key importance in this respect are the concepts “political will” and “public opinion”, which play, as Urbinati has argued, a key role in the theory of representation. The starting point of the argument is Schmitt’s distinction between representation and identity as two principles of political form, which is to some extent shared also by Hegel in his polemic with Rousseau as a theorist of democratic revolution. Hegel understands the State as the unification of civil society in political will, which is mediated by a number of institutions. This mediation of will is seen as a process of political representation, in which the fundamental role is played by the estates (Stände). Hegel’s theory of representation also sets it against the tradition of liberal contractualism, as shown in a polemic with Kant’s conception of the public. But Hegel’s conception of public opinion betrays his considerable mistrust of the subversive potential of democracy. Nevertheless, his theory of representation offers us a fundamental way to think about the concepts of political will and public opinion, thus creating an alternative tradition of modern political theory and providing us with a theoretical instrument for contemplating the contemporary crisis of representative democracy.
Nach fast 70 Jahren brach die Koexistenz der Tschechen und Slowaken in einem gemeinsamen Staat ruhig, friedlich und unter weitgehender Zustimmung beider Seiten auseinander. Sie war nur vom Zweiten Weltkrieg unterbrochen worden, als... more
Nach fast 70 Jahren brach die Koexistenz der Tschechen und Slowaken in einem gemeinsamen Staat ruhig, friedlich und unter weitgehender Zustimmung beider Seiten auseinander. Sie war nur vom Zweiten Weltkrieg unterbrochen worden, als grosere und damonischere Machte am Werk waren als nur die gegenseitige Zu-oder Abneigung zweier benachbarter Volker.
The Czech state was born on New Year's eve like a phoenix rising from the ashes. The end of Czechoslovakia had been looming in the background as early as the June 1992 elections, when the leading representatives of the two republics,... more
The Czech state was born on New Year's eve like a phoenix rising from the ashes. The end of Czechoslovakia had been looming in the background as early as the June 1992 elections, when the leading representatives of the two republics, the Czech and the Slovak, reached an agreement concerning the “legitimate end of the federation,” i.e., to ensure that the end of the federation take place “intelligently,” “in an orderly manner,” “without hysteria” and following proper rules. It was not easy to ensure that the end of the Czechoslovak federation would run smoothly, like a kind of chess game in which the Czech side, as it stated at the beginning, had all the major pieces.
ABSTRACT 2., opr. vyd
The article accepts Ritter’s dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as... more
The article accepts Ritter’s dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as the warning example of democracy based on the general will of the people which results in a terror. The article seeks to explain the argument that Hegel’s mature theory of representation makes both against Rousseau’s conception of the general will and against the modern tradition of liberal contractualism. Of key importance in this respect are the concepts “political will” and “public opinion”, which play, as Urbinati has argued, a key role in the theory of representation. The starting point of the argument is Schmitt’s distinction between representation and identity as two principles of political form, which is to some extent shared also by Hegel in his polemic with Rousseau as a theorist of democratic revolution. Hegel understands the State as the u...
Petr Drulák ve své kritice liberální demokracie z leva (Listy 5/2021) říká, že oproti abstraktní liberální rovnosti práv prosazuje neliberální socialistickou rovnost s kořeny. Nicméně jeho výklad vzbuzuje obavy, že konzervativní... more
Petr Drulák ve své kritice liberální demokracie z leva (Listy 5/2021) říká, že oproti abstraktní liberální rovnosti práv prosazuje neliberální socialistickou rovnost s kořeny. Nicméně jeho výklad vzbuzuje obavy, že konzervativní socialismus, který takto nabízí, není než další verzí neliberální demokracie, která se nyní rozmáhá ve střední Evropě a vede k nacionalismu a konzervatismu, které byly, jsou i budou pro progresivní levici smrtelným nebezpečím.
1331 those main problematic areas and issues, common to CEE countries, which were not or were inadequately addressed both by earlier and later reforms. For them, the rich and valuable body of literature published on this topic and listed... more
1331 those main problematic areas and issues, common to CEE countries, which were not or were inadequately addressed both by earlier and later reforms. For them, the rich and valuable body of literature published on this topic and listed in the references does offer lifelines. These earlier and often more in-depth studies to a large extent already cover the alleged gap this handbook purports to fi ll (e.g. on education Koucký [1996] and Micklewright [1999], on labour market Svejnar [1999] and Rut kowski [2006], on welfare Kornai [2006] and Barr [2001]). One of the advantages of a descriptive approach is that it safely manoeuvres complex policy domains. However, describing facts without offering possible explanations is, in my view, telling only half of the story. The topics at hand deserve a fuller treatment.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Thinking through Transition is the first concentrated effort to explore the most recent chapter of East Central European past from the perspective of intellectual history. Post-socialism can be understood as a period of scarcity and... more
Thinking through Transition is the first concentrated effort to explore the most recent chapter of East Central European past from the perspective of intellectual history. Post-socialism can be understood as a period of scarcity and preponderance of ideas, the dramatic eclipsing of the dissident legacy (aswell as the older political traditions), and the rise of technocratic and post-political governance. This book, grounded in empirical research sensitive to local contexts, proposes instead a history of adaptations, entanglements, and unintended consequences. In order to enable and invite comparison, the volume is structured around major domains of political thought, some of them generic (liberalism, conservatism, the Left), others (populism and politics of history) deemed typical for post-socialism. However, as shown by the authors, the generic often turns out to be heavily dependent on its immediate setting, and the typical resonates with processes that are anything but vernacular. "It is impossible, after reading this volume, to still give any credit to those who claimed that 1989 was a revolution without ideas, or could not be a revolution because it offered no ideas. We should be grateful that a new generation of scholars—most of whom not burdened by the assumptions and affinities that have inhibited participants and contemporary observers—can look with a cool eye both at the thinking that accompanied radical change and at the sometimes bizarre amalgams that have furnished political language in the last quarter-century in East Central Europe." - Padraic Kenney, Professor of History and International Studies, Indiana University "This is the most comprehensive and balanced intellectual history so far available of post-communist East Central Europe, and it is particularly instructive on the diversity of the field. The book is essential reading for those who want to know how the multiple transformations of the region were understood from within." - Jóhann P. Árnason, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, La Trobe University,Melbourne
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Sledujeme-li veřejné diskuse, zdá se, že triumfalismus devadesátých let nyní vystřídaly různé katastrofické vize. Zachovat si soudnost v těchto věcech není snadné. Bez notné dávky kritické sebereflexe to ovšem nejde. Konec studené války... more
Sledujeme-li veřejné diskuse, zdá se, že triumfalismus devadesátých let nyní vystřídaly různé katastrofické vize. Zachovat si soudnost v těchto věcech není snadné. Bez notné dávky kritické sebereflexe to ovšem nejde. Konec studené války určitě nebyl žádným koncem dějin, ale naopak začátkem dějů, s jejichž konsekvencemi se nyní potýkáme. Katastrofám se lze vyhnout, když budeme lépe rozumět tomu, co se děje. Chceme-li vyrukovat s nějakou novou studenou válkou, měli bychom se nejprve blíže podívat na konec té staré, kdy to všechno začalo.
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e article accepts Ritter's dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as the... more
e article accepts Ritter's dictum that Hegel is a philosopher of the French Revolution. Admittedly, Hegel considers the French Revolution to be the political birth of the modern era, nevertheless he also sees this historical event as the warning example of democracy based on the general will of the people which results in a terror. e article seeks to explain the argument that Hegel's mature theory of representation makes both against Rousseau's conception of the general will and against the modern tradition of liberal contractualism. Of key importance in this respect are the concepts " political will " and " public opinion " , which play, as Urbinati has argued, a key role in the theory of representation. e starting point of the argument is Schmitt's distinction between representation and identity as two principles of political form, which is to some extent shared also by Hegel in his polemic with Rousseau as a theo-rist of democratic revolution. Hegel understands the State as the unifi cation of civil society in political will, which is mediated by a number of institutions. is mediation of will is seen as a process of political representation, in which the fundamental role is played by the estates (Stände). Hegel's theory of representation also sets it against the tradition of liberal contractualism, as shown in a polemic with Kant's conception of the public. But Hegel's conception of public opinion betrays his considerable mistrust of the subversive potential of democracy. Nevertheless, his theory of representation off ers us a fundamental way to think about the concepts of political will and public opinion, thus creating an alternative tradition of modern political theory and providing us with a theoretical instrument for contemplating the contemporary crisis of representative democracy.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Thinking through Transition is the first concentrated effort to explore the most recent chapter of East Central European past from the perspective of intellectual history. Post-socialism can be understood as a period of scarcity and... more
Thinking through Transition is the first concentrated effort to explore the most recent chapter of East Central European past from the perspective of intellectual history. Post-socialism can be understood as a period of scarcity and preponderance of ideas, the dramatic eclipsing of the dissident legacy (aswell as the older political traditions), and the rise of technocratic and post-political governance. This book, grounded in empirical research sensitive to local contexts, proposes instead a history of adaptations, entanglements, and unintended consequences. In order to enable and invite comparison, the volume is structured around major domains of political thought, some of them generic (liberalism, conservatism, the Left), others (populism and politics of history) deemed typical for post-socialism. However, as shown by the authors, the generic often turns out to be heavily dependent on its immediate setting, and the typical resonates with processes that are anything but vernacular.

"It is impossible, after reading this volume, to still give any credit to those who claimed that 1989 was a revolution without ideas, or could not be a revolution because it offered no ideas. We should be grateful that a new generation of scholars—most of whom not burdened by the assumptions and affinities that have inhibited participants and contemporary observers—can look with a cool eye both at the thinking that accompanied radical change and at the sometimes bizarre amalgams that have furnished political language in the last quarter-century in East Central Europe." - Padraic Kenney, Professor of History and International Studies, Indiana University

"This is the most comprehensive and balanced intellectual history so far available of post-communist East Central Europe, and it is particularly instructive on the diversity of the field. The book is essential reading for those who want to know how the multiple transformations of the region were understood from within." - Jóhann P. Árnason, Professor Emeritus of Sociology, La Trobe University,Melbourne