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  • BSc Psychology, University of Wales, BangorMA Criminology, University of Wales, BangorPhD, University of Wales, Bango... moreedit
This paper argues that armed policing is institutionally racist, specifically in countries that have undergone colonisation like New Zealand. The argument is that more democratic policing models are characterised by their largely unarmed... more
This paper argues that armed policing is institutionally racist, specifically in countries that have undergone colonisation like New Zealand. The argument is that more democratic policing models are characterised by their largely unarmed status, because the consent of citizens to be policed is essential under these circumstances. Policing by consent allows the public the democratic right to access a criminal justice system. However, the introduction of firearms to routine policing can indicate the State’s acceptance that a bullet can be used to circumvent democratic processes, such as a trial, which challenges the rights of the public as citizens. While Britain has typically utilised policing by consent for its citizens it is notable that an armed militarised approach was taken in its colonial territories. New Zealand started out as a militarised armed police designed to suppress the indigenous population. Once this was mostly achieved, unarmed policing by consent became the policing model of choice. In more contemporary times the unarmed status of the police in New Zealand is being challenged. The Police Association appears determined to overturn the more democratic policing by consent model and revert to something that more closely resembles the armed colonial policing model.
This tells the story of prison abolition in New Zealand (Aotearoa) and considers whether the country is emerging from a dark punitive era. First by setting the scene in regard to penal populism and its influence on high numbers of... more
This tells the story of prison abolition in New Zealand (Aotearoa) and considers whether the country is emerging from a dark punitive era. First by setting the scene in regard to penal populism and its influence on high numbers of incarcerated people, especially those of Maori and Pacific decent. Then moving on to provide a historical overview of abolitionist perspectives that have influenced todays activists. This will include extensive consideration of Moana Jacksons work as well as that of People Against Prison Aotearoa (PAPA) and JustSpeak. Finally, consideration is given to the possibility of abolitionists’ goals flourishing in the recent move towards reform in Aotearoa.
This is a small opinion piece on why it is unwise for local politicians seek elections based on populist notions of crime.
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We first explain why independent police oversight is significant for police legitimacy, public confidence, and citizen cooperation. Thereafter, we map the historical struggle for greater independence in New Zealand’s police complaints... more
We first explain why independent police oversight is significant for police legitimacy, public confidence, and citizen cooperation. Thereafter, we map the historical struggle for greater independence in New Zealand’s police complaints process, which involved three major reform cycles. Last, but not least, we critically discuss whether the current complaints organisation is, in fact, independent and how resistant it is to regulatory capture. We conclude with some thoughts on a prospective fourth reform cycle.
This is a short piece on the possibilities of decarcerating towards the abolition of prisons in New Zealand. Written for the Breifing Papers.
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This article describes how prisons have failed in all their goals of deterrence, containment, and rehabilitation. the author goes on to describe how an abolitionast approach with an emphasis on decarceration is needed in any attempt to... more
This article describes how prisons have failed in all their goals of deterrence, containment, and rehabilitation. the author goes on to describe how an abolitionast approach with an emphasis on decarceration is needed in any attempt to resolve the crisis in New Zealand's corrections system.
While internationally there is a large body of quantitative work examining public perceptions of police, there is less in the way of qualitative, particularly anthropological, studies (Garriott, 2013). Moreover, as most studies are based... more
While internationally there is a large body of quantitative work examining public perceptions of police, there is less in the way of qualitative, particularly anthropological, studies (Garriott, 2013). Moreover, as most studies are based in Western democratic nations with a strong rule of law, it is not surprising that findings have shown overall positive public perceptions of police. The case of Indonesia is different. The little quantitative work undertaken on public perceptions of police indicate extremely low levels of public trust and confidence (Muradi, 2014). This present study is thus unique in offering a qualitative analysis of a jurisdiction where public opinion is not favourably disposed towards the police. Drawing on ethnographic data collected between 2008 and 2013, this article critically explores what Indonesians think of their police service, and what they want from their police service in the future. The findings indicate that while people loath police corruption, eradicating corruption is not cited as a top priority. Furthermore, while people express a desire to have a police force that can deter, investigate, and solve crime, these factors do not dominate thinking. Rather, people form judgements of police based primarily on how they, or people they know, are treated by police, sentiments encapsulated in notions of procedural justice policing (Tyler, 1990). It is well-established that public support is essential to effective policing (Murphy & Cherney, 2012), and as such taking into account public desire for a respectful police force above a focus on outcome based policing will significantly aid police reform projects in Indonesia.
The following article analyses contemporary newspaper representations of police corruption in Indonesia's premier English-language newspaper, The Jakarta Post. The article draws on primary data obtained from 114 articles published online... more
The following article analyses contemporary newspaper representations of police corruption in Indonesia's premier English-language newspaper, The Jakarta Post. The article draws on primary data obtained from 114 articles published online between January and December 2013. The subsequent quantitative analysis found that The Jakarta Post reported on various forms of police corruption in both specific and general contexts with a majority of reports focusing on the investigation of corruption allegations where at least three people were involved. Information about suspects was also provided. Qualitative analysis indicated that the following themes were frequently discussed: the extent of police corruption; causes of police corruption; fighting police corruption; the belief that police cannot be trusted to investigate internal police corruption; and that police corruption interferes with external investigations. Despite many obstacles involved in reporting police corruption, the authors argue that overall The Jakarta Post takes a critical view in its reporting of police corruption.
This article constitutes the first analysis of newspaper coverage of police in Indonesia. Analysing 63 articles that appeared in the print version of the Lombok Post between September and October 2011, we were curious to see whether... more
This article constitutes the first analysis of newspaper coverage of police in Indonesia. Analysing 63 articles that appeared in the print version of the Lombok Post between September and October 2011, we were curious to see whether recent media liberalisation meant that the press were now critical of police corruption, brutality and ineffectiveness, or whether there existed a close relationship between police and media such that the press worked as a public relations mouth piece for the police. We
also wondered whether the Lombok Post reported about police in a sensationalist way in order to sell more newspapers. What we found were articles that generally failed to criticise police or promote police interests in any enduring way. We also found that articles reported on police in a benign way by simply describing characteristics of the incident, victim, and suspect, and discussing the status of an investigation or trial. What our article suggests is that the Lombok Post is largely disinterested in police and policing, and in a circular way both reflects and sculpts public opinion of police. Media sig- nificantly shapes public perceptions of police, and as the most widely read newspaper in Lombok, the Lombok Post has the potential to spark critical debate about policing in the region. Until media across Indonesia recognise the importance for democracy of reporting favourably and critically on police, citizens will remain largely disengaged from police, allowing poor policing practices to persist.
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A brief story of the beginning of resistance against removing prisoners voting rights in New Zealand.
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Despite a decade of reform, Indonesia’s police continue to be plagued by systemic corruption. This article examines the reasons for the persistence of police corruption by firstly establishing that corruption is rife and then discuses... more
Despite a decade of reform, Indonesia’s police continue to be plagued by systemic corruption.
This article examines the reasons for the persistence of police corruption by firstly establishing that corruption is rife and then discuses Indonesian police reform post-Suharto. The
international understandings are explored with a view to developing a definition of police corruption that accounts for sociocultural and historical factors in Indonesia. There is an
examination of the relevance of international theories of police corruption for Indonesia. It is argued that these theories are only partially applicable to Indonesia and the authors posit the
‘cultural constraints theory of police corruption’, which accounts for invitational, slippery slope, noble cause, and predatory theories, but recognizes the distinct nature of Indonesia.
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Apparently, New Zealand’s image as a peaceful paradise has been shattered by incidents of tourists becoming victims of serous crimes and disorder. This has been perceived as a threat to New Zealand’s tourism economy. Media representations... more
Apparently, New Zealand’s image as a peaceful paradise has been shattered by incidents of tourists becoming victims of serous crimes and disorder. This has been perceived as a threat to New Zealand’s tourism economy. Media representations of serious crimes against domestic and international tourist are examined. It was found that New Zealand’s embodiment of the rural paradise remained mostly intact with international tourists and that the moral panics about violence and disorder were more pertinent to the domestic tourism market. This is problematic because the domestic tourism market is more lucrative than its international counterpart. Furthermore, the actual risk of becoming a victim of serous crimes is accentuated while ignoring the more prevalent risk from volume crimes.
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Sensationalist accounts of crime and disorder represented in the Media can threaten the tranquil image of tourist destinations by portraying them as dangerous and not suitable for vacationers. This discussion focuses on New Zealand where... more
Sensationalist accounts of crime and disorder represented in the Media can threaten the tranquil image of tourist destinations by portraying them as dangerous and not suitable for vacationers. This discussion focuses on New Zealand where the tourist industry utilizes the rural aspects of the countryside to construct an image of peace and traquillity to sell vacations to perspective holidaymakers.
This article explores whether conflict resolution or restorative justice are able to address sexual violence. Whereas there are similarities between conflict resolution and restorative justice in that both bring stakeholders together to... more
This article explores whether conflict resolution or restorative justice are able to address sexual violence. Whereas there are similarities between conflict resolution and restorative justice in that both bring stakeholders together to determine a mutually acceptable outcome, they do not share the same philosophical positions. Crime is not a conflict to be resolved, neither is it a dispute. The language of conflict resolution and its emphasis on neutral third party facilitators is problematic for sexual violence. Although restorative justice and its focus on community might offer more promise, its “one size fits all” approach ignores the complex dynamics of sexual violence of restorative justice. Further, there are limited safeguards to ensure that societal structures, fostering the sexual violation of vulnerable people, are not merely replicated. The authors conclude that for restorative justice to address sexual violence safely it must co-operate with experts in the field and incorporate new understandings of neutrality, equality and community into its practice.
This article is concerned with perceived differences between rural and urban policing in New Zealand. More specifically with how officers view the impact that rural and urban policing has on their private lives and family members. Using... more
This article is concerned with perceived differences between rural and urban policing in New Zealand. More specifically with how officers view the impact that rural and urban policing has on their private lives and family members. Using grounded theory as a research method because of its reflexivity in regards to generating questions from emergent data, sixteen participants were interviewed. Seven of these participants were stationed in an urban location while nine where recruited from rural stations. The results suggest that rural policing has a greater and often more stressful impact on the private lives of police officers and their families. This suggests a need for the New Zealand Police as an organisation to engage in policy making that gives greater recognition to the rural aspects of policing with a particular focus being the provision of support for the families of rural officers.
During the early 1990s the police in England and Wales set in motion a programme to allay concerns about officer safety. This officer safety program effectively replaced the traditional “Bobbie” with an officer who is visibly better... more
During the early 1990s the police in England and Wales set in motion a programme to allay concerns about officer safety. This officer safety program effectively replaced the traditional “Bobbie” with an officer who is visibly better equipped to deal with violence.  This went mostly unnoticed by the public until 1996 when CS spray (named after Corsten and Stoughton who formulated the CS compound) was introduced.  A number of highly publicized allegations about misuse by officers and the possible side effects of being exposed to CS spray ensured that concerns about public safety were also expressed.  Also the introduction of the Human Rights Act in 1998 provided statutory support for the provision of public safety in officer safety training.  This chapter suggests that officer safety training needs to succeed in three objectives in order to provide safety for all.  First, officers need to be competent in a range of defensive, restraint, and offensive techniques using their bare hands and officer safety equipment. Second, it is important to encourage a calm mind that facilitates the avoidance of harmful mistakes occurring in stressful violent situations. Third, this must all be accomplished within the parameters set down by the laws and guidelines that express a minimum use of force doctrine.  This chapter will use these three criteria as a means of providing a critique of officer safety training in England and Wales.
The ‘Velcro Effect' was proposed to explain how the mere threat of using incapacitant sprays deterred assaults against the police (Kaminski, Edwards, & Johnson, 1998). The deterrent capabilities of CS spray were used to legitimise its... more
The ‘Velcro Effect' was proposed to explain how the mere threat of using incapacitant sprays deterred assaults against the police (Kaminski, Edwards, & Johnson, 1998). The deterrent capabilities of CS spray were used to legitimise its deployment against a background of critical media coverage. However, what Kaminski et al. failed to consider is that batons — and the police uniform — also deter assaults against the police. This suggests an alternative explanation for the ability to deter assaults against the police that centres on the actions of police officers rather than the characteristics ascribed to any single weapon. Based on a study of officers in one of the 43 police forces in England and Wales, this article argues that it is the officer's ability to appear competent and ready to fight that deters would-be assailants. Furthermore, it is argued that in order to deter would-be assailants, police officers have to adopt an aggressive demeanour that is far removed from that of the traditional image associated with routine policing in England and Wales.
Traditionally, officer safety has not been taken seriously enough for police officers to receive regular training in the use of force. However, this changed in the early 1990s, when the officer safety programme was initiated as a result... more
Traditionally, officer safety has not been taken seriously enough for police officers to receive regular training in the use of force. However, this changed in the early 1990s, when the officer safety programme was initiated as a result of a perceived increase in assaults against police officers. Currently, police officers undergo officer safety training at a level and regularity unknown to their predecessors. Using interviews with police officers, observations of officer safety training and official documentation, this article examines the rationale behind officer safety training, while exploring its limitations. It is argued that the officer safety training is structured in a way that encourages pre-emptive uses of force, which is exacerbated by the ambiguous nature of guidelines and rules of engagement that fail to adequately regulate the use of force. Furthermore, suggestions are made for changes that will ensure officer safety, while providing greater safety and accountability to the public.
The United States and to a lesser extent France have a history of using incapacitant sprays and other non-lethal weapons for law enforcement purposes. This was taken into consideration when violent assaults on police officers led to the... more
The United States and to a lesser extent France have a history of using incapacitant sprays and other non-lethal weapons for law enforcement purposes. This was taken into consideration when violent assaults on police officers led to the eventual decision to arm British constables routinely with CS spray. Many police officers in the United Kingdom put their faith in research conducted in these countries. They assumed their greater experience regarding incapacitant sprays would lend support to this policy. This article examines the outside influences involved in the adoption of incapacitant sprays in the England and Wales. It discusses the research conducted on health and operational matters concerning incapacitant sprays as well as identifying the policy objectives of adopting incapacitant sprays. The article challenges the underlying assumptions on which these policies are based. It will question the wisdom of adopting incapacitant sprays for policing purposes and consider the implications of adopting other non-lethal weapons.
For the RECAP Newsletter 2008
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Dr. Shirley Jülich
Dr. John Buttle
Christine Cummins
Erin V. Freeborn

2010
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John W. Buttle (2006) A Report to the New Zealand Police Rural Liaison.



Auckland University of Technology
School of Social Science
Private Bag 92006
Auckland 1028
New Zealand
Email: john.buttle@aut.ac.nz
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The Launch of the BA (Criminology) at AUT
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As a recent arrival from the United Kingdom my credentials for offering a critique of criminology in the New Zealand context are dubious to say the least. However, at a conference with the title of “Promoting Social Critique” I feel... more
As a recent arrival from the United Kingdom my credentials for offering a critique of criminology in the New Zealand context are dubious to say the least. However, at a conference with the title of “Promoting Social Critique” I feel obliged to cast a keen eye over the limitations of criminology to engage in the contemporary issues of the nation. To some extent criminology is at an embryonic stage of development in New Zealand and when a social critique is needed there just are not enough of us to respond. However, it would also be fair to suggest that the few criminologists based in New Zealand are now focusing their work on the international arena or at least on other countries. This paper will discuss the lessons learnt from the successful areas of criminology in New Zealand and suggest productive ways of plugging the gaping holes in knowledge that are evident in the core topics of the discipline. Emphasis will be placed upon the ideal of positioning criminology not just to offer a social critique but also to provide the policy alternatives that may ensure a finer society.
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The 1990s witnessed a fundamental change in policy regarding the provision for officer safety, both in training and protective equipment. Police officers began to be trained in unarmed methods of controlling non-compliant people and were... more
The 1990s witnessed a fundamental change in policy regarding the provision for officer safety, both in training and protective equipment. Police officers began to be trained in unarmed methods of controlling non-compliant people and were equipped with protective body armour, rigid handcuffs and an array of different batons. Even these advances in training and equipment were not considered adequate for delivering officer safety until CS spray was added to the belt of the front line officer. CS spray can incapacitate people by temporarily restricting their ability to see and breathe. While there is no conclusive evidence suggesting that it is the best means of protection, police officers believe it to be the best.

The routine deployment of CS spray has been controversial, with significant negative media coverage causing concern for the legitimacy of the police. However, this did not dampen the enthusiasm for this weapon with police officers. This study examined why CS spray was so popular with the police by assessment of (1) how the deployment of CS spray has affected the relationship between the public and the police, (2) how the police conceive the concepts of danger and fear in relation to their perception of safety, (3) the reasons for the popularity of CS spray with police, which is discussed in the context of alternative officer safety options, and (4) the most appropriate way of regulating the discretion of officers armed with CS spray.

This thesis critically evaluates the officer safety programme in order to propose a shift in emphasis away from an officer-centric safety programme (e.g., ‘the conflict resolution model’) towards a programme that considers both police and civilian safety (e.g., ‘the continuum of force’). Such a proposal will hopefully afford the police and the public better protection.