- Rm. 300, 3F Leong Hall, Loyola Schools, Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City 1108 Philippines
Hansley Juliano
Ateneo de Manila University, Political Science, Faculty Member
- History, Sociology, Philosophy, Global Political Economy, Gender Studies, Political Science, and 24 morePolitical Economy, Sustainable Development, Popular Culture, Japanese Studies, Japanese History, Investigative Reporting, Japanese Nationalism, International Relations, Literature, International Law, Film Studies, Political Theory, Comparative Politics, Political Sociology, Social Research Methods and Methodology, Psychology, Education, Philippine government and politics, Civil Society and the Public Sphere, Democratization, Rolando Gripaldo, Revolution, Social Inequalities, and Public Policyedit
- Mostly interested in elite-oriented political domination, the development of labour and other precariat-based social ... moreMostly interested in elite-oriented political domination, the development of labour and other precariat-based social movements, the historico-political treatments of such developments, as well as the changing contours and contestations of political economy. On downtimes, I run through the entire breadth of Japanese history.edit
- Carmel Veloso-Abaoedit
"APECO–or the Aurora Pacific Economic Zone and Freeport Authority–is the 12,923-hectare special economic zone that is now being built in the once-tranquil town of Casiguran. Shepherded by the powerful Angara dynasty, and pledged to bring... more
"APECO–or the Aurora Pacific Economic Zone and Freeport Authority–is the 12,923-hectare special economic zone that is now being built in the once-tranquil town of Casiguran. Shepherded by the powerful Angara dynasty, and pledged to bring economic progress to one of the 20 poorest provinces in the Philippines, the project has since been embroiled in endless controversies.
APECO’s proponents claim that it will bring economic development to Casiguran, once operational as the Philippines’ first Pacific-side ecozone. As a nascent transhipment hub, it aims
to rake up enough investment to transform the municipality into a self-sustaining industrial, commercial, agro-industrial, tourist, financial and investment centre. Poverty in Casiguran, it is argued, will be alleviated, employment generated for the province of Aurora, and industrial development spurred throughout the Northeastern Philippines in general.
Yet for all the benefits that APECO has been hyped to bring, the project has been constantly mired in controversy. While extending fanciful assurances to bettering the lives of the poor through
growth in employment opportunities and public-private partnerships, further scrutiny shows that these promises ring hollow for the poor and the marginalized. In reality, the Aurora Freeport endangers the livelihoods that around three thousand farmer, fisherfolk and indigenous families already have, endangers their future access to adequate social services, and endangers the natural resources of Casiguran that many of its residents have depended upon for generations.
Should APECO be completed, there is every reason to expect that most of the newly-uprooted residents of Casiguran, as well as the ecozone’s new labour forces, will be left exposed to unequal forms of bargaining power, income and livelihood vulnerabilities, or worse–utter neglect by the Freeport authority. All signs at the present suggest that APECO will disproportionately benefit the ecozone’s investors, high-end professionals and unscrupulous government brokers with the wealth and influence to gain admittance to its lavish facilities and profit-earning opportunities. This kind of “enclave development” has actually been the common legacy of other ecozones in the Philippines and in other nations.
Thousands of Casiguranin farmers, fisherfolk, indigenous people, and other concerned townsfolk, backed by Aurora’s Catholic Church, have consistently challenged APECO since 2007. This
anti-APECO movement internationalized last February 2012 with the organizing of an International Solidarity Mission (ISM) that brought several European church and development leaders to the troubled municipality.
Based on its fact-finding activities, the ISM found APECO to have violated the basic rights of the marginalized sectors in Casiguran–affronting the most fundamental norms of transparency, accountability and meaningful inclusion, stripping farmers, fisherfolk and indigenous peoples from the land, livelihoods, and communal ties that they have cultivated for generations, and
threatening to generate massive adverse ecological effects to one of the Philippines’ few remaining rainforest enclaves if fully implemented. Worse still, the ISM discovered that APECO has failed to comply with basic development project standards, aggravating concerns that the project will likely fail if fully implemented.
A gross imbalance of costs and benefits is evident, and the executives and the sponsors of the Aurora Pacific Economic Zone would be well-advised to drastically reassess their current plans
and actions. Unless the laws creating the special economic zone are effectively repealed, and unless the rights and entitlements of Casiguran’s marginalized townsfolk to their lands and assets are adequately defended through the full implementation of backlogged asset reform programs, APECO’s exponents may, in reality, merely be opening up a new Pandora’s box of perils for the
whole of Aurora."
APECO’s proponents claim that it will bring economic development to Casiguran, once operational as the Philippines’ first Pacific-side ecozone. As a nascent transhipment hub, it aims
to rake up enough investment to transform the municipality into a self-sustaining industrial, commercial, agro-industrial, tourist, financial and investment centre. Poverty in Casiguran, it is argued, will be alleviated, employment generated for the province of Aurora, and industrial development spurred throughout the Northeastern Philippines in general.
Yet for all the benefits that APECO has been hyped to bring, the project has been constantly mired in controversy. While extending fanciful assurances to bettering the lives of the poor through
growth in employment opportunities and public-private partnerships, further scrutiny shows that these promises ring hollow for the poor and the marginalized. In reality, the Aurora Freeport endangers the livelihoods that around three thousand farmer, fisherfolk and indigenous families already have, endangers their future access to adequate social services, and endangers the natural resources of Casiguran that many of its residents have depended upon for generations.
Should APECO be completed, there is every reason to expect that most of the newly-uprooted residents of Casiguran, as well as the ecozone’s new labour forces, will be left exposed to unequal forms of bargaining power, income and livelihood vulnerabilities, or worse–utter neglect by the Freeport authority. All signs at the present suggest that APECO will disproportionately benefit the ecozone’s investors, high-end professionals and unscrupulous government brokers with the wealth and influence to gain admittance to its lavish facilities and profit-earning opportunities. This kind of “enclave development” has actually been the common legacy of other ecozones in the Philippines and in other nations.
Thousands of Casiguranin farmers, fisherfolk, indigenous people, and other concerned townsfolk, backed by Aurora’s Catholic Church, have consistently challenged APECO since 2007. This
anti-APECO movement internationalized last February 2012 with the organizing of an International Solidarity Mission (ISM) that brought several European church and development leaders to the troubled municipality.
Based on its fact-finding activities, the ISM found APECO to have violated the basic rights of the marginalized sectors in Casiguran–affronting the most fundamental norms of transparency, accountability and meaningful inclusion, stripping farmers, fisherfolk and indigenous peoples from the land, livelihoods, and communal ties that they have cultivated for generations, and
threatening to generate massive adverse ecological effects to one of the Philippines’ few remaining rainforest enclaves if fully implemented. Worse still, the ISM discovered that APECO has failed to comply with basic development project standards, aggravating concerns that the project will likely fail if fully implemented.
A gross imbalance of costs and benefits is evident, and the executives and the sponsors of the Aurora Pacific Economic Zone would be well-advised to drastically reassess their current plans
and actions. Unless the laws creating the special economic zone are effectively repealed, and unless the rights and entitlements of Casiguran’s marginalized townsfolk to their lands and assets are adequately defended through the full implementation of backlogged asset reform programs, APECO’s exponents may, in reality, merely be opening up a new Pandora’s box of perils for the
whole of Aurora."
Research Interests:
Akbayan Citizen’s Action Party’s participation in the Aquino administration is fueling continuing tensions not only between and among its leaders and members but also between the party and its allied social movements. What does this... more
Akbayan Citizen’s Action Party’s participation in the Aquino administration is fueling continuing tensions not only between and among its leaders and members but also between the party and its allied social movements. What does this reveal about the nature and dynamics of leftist group participation in Philippine politics? This study is a reappraisal of the contested democracy framework, nuancing it with the Goldstone-Desai framework on social movement consolidation. By reviewing Akbayan’s official party documents and archival studies of Philippine social movements, as well as interviewing key informants and engaging in participant observation, I recount how Akbayan’s alliance with the Liberal Party (LP), leading to its role as coalition partner of the administration of President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III, exhibits the limitations of formalizing coalition networks into a uniform political party. The leadership of the party, in their pursuit of electoral victory and bureaucratic appointments, appears to deviate from the aforementioned intent of their allied social movements to address the sociopolitical issues they carry. The anti-administration stance of Akbayan’s labor ally, the Alliance of Progressive Labor (APL), the less-optimistic views of the rural-poor organization Kilusang para sa Repormang Pansakahan at Katarungang Panlipunan (KATARUNGAN, Movement for Agrarian Reform and Social Justice), and the boltingout from Akbayan of their rural sector ally, the Pambansang Kilusan ng mga Samahang Magsasaka (PAKISAMA, National Confederation of Small Farmers’ and Fishers’ Organizations) are highly illustrative examples. The party leadership, their allied movements, and their members vary in the priority they give to government-based tactics to address such issues. This, in turn, explains the dissonances and tensions between the network of Akbayan, and why other leftist parties continue to pose real challenges to their efforts. These tensions could explain why, despite their constant presence in national politics, Akbayan’s capacity to effect change remains challenged in the context of a dynamically evolving status quo of patronage politics in the country to date.
Research Interests:
Up to the eve of the unveiling of ASEAN Regional Integration in 2015, cases of ethnic and racial discrimination have been reported within ASEAN member countries, with the persecution of the Rohingya of Myanmar being just one of many. This... more
Up to the eve of the unveiling of ASEAN Regional Integration in 2015, cases of ethnic and racial discrimination have been reported within ASEAN member countries, with the persecution of the Rohingya of Myanmar being just one of many. This study is a preliminary look at how negative race and ethnic relations between ASEAN nationals have not abated, coloring their view of regional integration. It looks at how race relations between ASEAN member countries have developed alongside the creation of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) Blueprint in 2007 up to the present. Based on a review of the structure of the ASEAN and a tally of racial conflicts within five Southeast Asian countries, we offer two observations. First, the situation in Southeast Asia parallels the growth of an anti-regionalist sentiment in Europe due to supposed violations of national sovereignty. Second, and perhaps more importantly, due to the fraught histories and conditions of nation-state consolidation experienced by the ASEAN member countries, they do not
fit in the scheme of cross-national integration as framed by the ASEAN itself.
fit in the scheme of cross-national integration as framed by the ASEAN itself.
Research Interests:
The ASEAN Economic Community's (AEC) pursuit of regional economic integration (while maintaining the national sovereignty and interests of its member nation-states) is visibly affected by the institutional developments ASEAN experienced... more
The ASEAN Economic Community's (AEC) pursuit of regional economic integration (while maintaining the national sovereignty and interests of its member nation-states) is visibly affected by the institutional developments ASEAN experienced over the decades. This paper will outline and discuss whether the AEC's current configuration (dominated as it is by state and capital-focused policies and priorities) serves as an actual space for the negotiation, adjustment, meeting and clashing of the ASEAN member-states' national interests, while also pursuing and developing its project of closer regional economic coordination. In turn, the work shall also touch on the implications of such institutional dynamics—particularly on whether the current directions of the AEC address the actual demands of the member-states--not only based on government perspectives, but also on the demands and material concerns of interest groups and social actors within these respective countries. Four ASEAN member-countries are scoped in this study: the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia.
Research Interests:
The election of Davao City Mayor Rodrigo R. Duterte as the 16th President of the Republic has shone new light on the long-standing proposal to shift the Philippines’ form of government from a unitary system to a federal structure. At its... more
The election of Davao City Mayor Rodrigo R. Duterte as the 16th President of the Republic has shone new light on the long-standing proposal to shift the Philippines’ form of government from a unitary system to a federal structure. At its most optimistic, this advocacy has been marketed under the banner of promising the decentralization of governance processes, as well as the promotion of inclusive economic development—clearly an indictment of the post-EDSA presidencies’ adoption of the neoliberal development framework. At the same time, it has been argued that the reforms of the post-EDSA Philippine state has institutionalized a de facto decentralization of government structures, animating opposition to the federalist proposal as a redundancy at best—or a push for further institutional tweaking in favor of the Philippine socio-economic elite.
This study would like to contribute on the developing debate by proposing an oft-ignored aspect: that the current proposal, while couched in developmentalist rhetoric, curiously carries elements of what recent literature calls market-preserving federalism (cf. Berthold and Fricke 2007)—a form of federalization that minimizes the role of states and public institutions in securing economic outcomes.
We shall do this through reviewing, interrogating and critiquing the merits of the current proposal for Philippine federalism through the following: 1) mapping out the debates surrounding the Philippine federalist proposal since its inception in the late 1980s; 2) conduct a critical review of the literature on the proposal informed by global developments and case studies and 3) quantitatively assess the relationship between the form of government of a country and economic outcomes such as growth and inequality. The study would also like to end on posing the research and policy implications of pushing through the federalist advocacy of the Duterte presidency through Congress and other branches of government.
This study would like to contribute on the developing debate by proposing an oft-ignored aspect: that the current proposal, while couched in developmentalist rhetoric, curiously carries elements of what recent literature calls market-preserving federalism (cf. Berthold and Fricke 2007)—a form of federalization that minimizes the role of states and public institutions in securing economic outcomes.
We shall do this through reviewing, interrogating and critiquing the merits of the current proposal for Philippine federalism through the following: 1) mapping out the debates surrounding the Philippine federalist proposal since its inception in the late 1980s; 2) conduct a critical review of the literature on the proposal informed by global developments and case studies and 3) quantitatively assess the relationship between the form of government of a country and economic outcomes such as growth and inequality. The study would also like to end on posing the research and policy implications of pushing through the federalist advocacy of the Duterte presidency through Congress and other branches of government.
Research Interests:
Amidst the spectre of what we call the “world risk society” (Beck, 2006), what are the implications on the prospects of social movements, locally and worldwide? This article examines the impact of crisis situations on land contentions in... more
Amidst the spectre of what we call the “world risk society” (Beck, 2006), what are the implications on the prospects of social movements, locally and worldwide? This article examines the impact of crisis situations on land contentions in the Philippines—more specifically, on how disasters affect the capacity of rural social movements to secure their access to contested lands vis-à-vis political and economic elites. While contentions against elite land control and land-grabbing are hardly new in the Philippines, we argue that present patterns of land politics are conditioned by the following factors: 1) the distinct evolution of Philippine capitalism since the mid-1980’s; 2) the institutional regimes governing access to and use of land resources; and 3) the heightened risks of crisis-induced vulnerabilities, as a result of shifting processes in the global economy and environment.
We explore how these factors play out in four case studies. On one hand, the aftermath of the a) 1991 Mt. Pinatubo Eruption in Hacienda Dolores, Porac, Pampanga, and of b) 2013 supertyphoon Yolanda in Sicogon Island, Iloilo, serve as illustrative examples of how natural disasters can derail local land struggles in an exclusionary fashion, with both Pinatubo and Yolanda accelerating long-term processes of “accumulation by dispossession” by land-based elites and property developers. In contrast, c) the ongoing conflicts within the Province of Leyte regarding the "tide embankment" project in the aftermath of the same supertyphoon Yolanda, as well as d) the campaign of the rural communities of Casiguran, Aurora against the Aurora Pacific Economic Zone and Freeport (APECO), reveals how contingencies of natural disasters, such as the 2013 typhoon Labuyo and 2015 typhoon Lando, may instead open opportunities for rural movements to make significant advances in overcoming such dispossession efforts. Through comparative analyses of these three cases, we explore these negotiated local resistances, historical pathways of relations between state and capital, institutional arrangements, and political impacts of natural and manmade disasters, in order to underscore the importance of reframing questions of land contention amidst rising economic and environmental vulnerabilities in the Philippines. The study, it is hoped, will contribute to a more inclusive, community-based and democratically-empowering approach towards addressing the precarity of land ownership in the country, as well as addressing the very real challenge of inclusive governance to combat and mitigate the impacts of natural and man-made disasters.
We explore how these factors play out in four case studies. On one hand, the aftermath of the a) 1991 Mt. Pinatubo Eruption in Hacienda Dolores, Porac, Pampanga, and of b) 2013 supertyphoon Yolanda in Sicogon Island, Iloilo, serve as illustrative examples of how natural disasters can derail local land struggles in an exclusionary fashion, with both Pinatubo and Yolanda accelerating long-term processes of “accumulation by dispossession” by land-based elites and property developers. In contrast, c) the ongoing conflicts within the Province of Leyte regarding the "tide embankment" project in the aftermath of the same supertyphoon Yolanda, as well as d) the campaign of the rural communities of Casiguran, Aurora against the Aurora Pacific Economic Zone and Freeport (APECO), reveals how contingencies of natural disasters, such as the 2013 typhoon Labuyo and 2015 typhoon Lando, may instead open opportunities for rural movements to make significant advances in overcoming such dispossession efforts. Through comparative analyses of these three cases, we explore these negotiated local resistances, historical pathways of relations between state and capital, institutional arrangements, and political impacts of natural and manmade disasters, in order to underscore the importance of reframing questions of land contention amidst rising economic and environmental vulnerabilities in the Philippines. The study, it is hoped, will contribute to a more inclusive, community-based and democratically-empowering approach towards addressing the precarity of land ownership in the country, as well as addressing the very real challenge of inclusive governance to combat and mitigate the impacts of natural and man-made disasters.
Research Interests:
As a period of founding significance to the Philippine nation-state, the Philippine Revolution (and its figures) has captured our collective imagination. While the legacies of the major figures of the Revolution are subject to competing... more
As a period of founding significance to the Philippine nation-state, the Philippine Revolution (and its figures) has captured our collective imagination. While the legacies of the major figures of the Revolution are subject to competing representations of various historians, a consensus “textbook narrative” has filtered into popular consciousness. It is from this context that recent representations in film emerge, becoming occasions for audiences to reflect on contemporary political conditions. How, then, are each of these films inscribed in existing historical debates and competing forms of historico-political imagination? In this study, we argue that in remembering and re-imagining the Revolution through their chosen “heroes”, these films recruit the audience in demarcated historical debates of not only who among them personifies the Revolution, but more importantly, the legacy of the Revolution itself—with consequences to societal discourse.
It is in this light that we propose to examine the following films: Mark Meilly’s El Presidente, Enzo Williams’s Bonifacio: Ang Unang Pangulo and Jerrold Tarog’s Heneral Luna (the most recent and, so far, most commercially successful). We shall do this by: 1) Reassessing the historical literature on the Philippine Revolution and the respective figures portrayed in the films; 2) Tracing the genealog(ies) from historiography to portrayal-in-film; and 3) Examining how these films attempt to frame our contemporary political and national imagination(s). In doing so, we aim to shed light on the struggle for control over the representations and symbolic significance of this founding period and its personages.
It is in this light that we propose to examine the following films: Mark Meilly’s El Presidente, Enzo Williams’s Bonifacio: Ang Unang Pangulo and Jerrold Tarog’s Heneral Luna (the most recent and, so far, most commercially successful). We shall do this by: 1) Reassessing the historical literature on the Philippine Revolution and the respective figures portrayed in the films; 2) Tracing the genealog(ies) from historiography to portrayal-in-film; and 3) Examining how these films attempt to frame our contemporary political and national imagination(s). In doing so, we aim to shed light on the struggle for control over the representations and symbolic significance of this founding period and its personages.
Research Interests: Philippine History, Political Iconography, Philippine art and culture, Andres Bonifacio, Philippine History and Historiography, and 6 moreEmilio Aguinaldo, Heneral Luna, Antonio Luna, Philippine Film History, Bonifacio: Ang Unang Pangulo, and El Presidente: The Story of Emilio Aguinaldo and the First Philippine Republic
The current presentation is an offshoot of an ongoing project of collaborators driven by the question of growing incidences of ethnic conflict within Southeast Asian countries--all of them members of the Association of Southeast Asian... more
The current presentation is an offshoot of an ongoing project of collaborators driven by the question of growing incidences of ethnic conflict within Southeast Asian countries--all of them members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The presentation makes three major arguments and observations. First, Southeast Asia’s ethnic, political, and cultural diversity already poses a major hurdle towards a common community. Second, ASEAN’s “non-interference” clause allows each member state to respond to diversity with exclusionary and discriminatory nation-building, as a means of increasing legibility in governance. Third, a proposed model shows how each Southeast Asian country's nation-building policies favor a particular/existing ethnic or “ethno-religious” majority, resemble racist ideology, causing domestic conflicts and stymies meaningful regional exchange. The study also points to further points of inquiry and research to address this phenomenon.
Research Interests: Comparative Politics, International Relations, Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, Bangsamoro Studies, and 14 morePhilippine Studies, Burmese/Myanmar history, Human Rights in Asia / ASEAN, Singapore Politics, Politics in Thailand, Global Politics, ASEAN Studies, Rohingya Muslims, The ASEAN Economic Community and New Regionalism, Rohingyas, Pattani, Pattani, Yala & Narathiwat, Racism in Asia, and Racism in Singapore
To the shōnen genre of manga and anime (as is indicated by the name), young boys' and men's adventures, challenges, frustrations and hopes, would be the central focus of the narrative, with women usually playing support roles or merely... more
To the shōnen genre of manga and anime (as is indicated by the name), young boys' and men's adventures, challenges, frustrations and hopes, would be the central focus of the narrative, with women usually playing support roles or merely fetishized and only given value in proximity to masculine characters. Contemporary representations of female characters in shōnen, however, imply an evolving and complex image-repertoire where women are actually becoming a normalized part of the genre (and, as such, suggest images of women playing toe-to-toe with men). Nevertheless, considering the perceived masculinism of Japanese cultural nationalism which backs the image, the repopularization of such archetypes within the most accessible print popular culture among the youth and related demographics suggests a continuing nostalgia for the techno-muscularist age of Imperial Japan. Its reproduction as a social norm in contemporary Japanese society reinvigorates its masculinist ethic which, tied to the failed project of imperial nation-building, has not yet fully recovered. For purposes of analysis, this paper will look at three shōnen series that have been (and remain to be) popular within the shōnen audience from recent memory: Kishimoto Masashi’s Naruto (running since November 1999), Arakawa Hiromu’s Fullmetal Alchemist (published from August 2001 to June 2010) and Isayama Hajime’s Attack on Titan (serialized since September 2009). These three series were chosen by virtue of the length of their serialization and due to their remarkable deconstructions and reconstructions of the stereotypes and standard storytelling devices that have hallmarked the shōnen genre for the past decades. More importantly, these series are set in worlds that could be deemed multicultural and epic in their scope, which gives the study a considerably large amount of feminine representations to analyze. That the images presented across these series are of women capable of struggling with the societal norms created by patriarchal and violence-prone systemic relations imply that, even with the preservation of the outward image of women as deferent, there is always the possibility for resistance and create avenues of discourse-production that are determined and developed in feminine terms. It is therefore not beyond imagining that women, in fiction and in reality, can similarly appreciate the subtleties of regulation that women are subjected upon and, as such, craft appropriate responses so they can continue to traverse such spaces and possible faultlines.
Research Interests:
This study is a critique of past narratives and analyses of possibilities for parliamentary Leftist groups in the Philippines, intending to provide a contemporary picture of political parties, social movements and their... more
This study is a critique of past narratives and analyses of possibilities for parliamentary Leftist groups in the Philippines, intending to provide a contemporary picture of political parties, social movements and their alternating/morphing roles into one or the other — and how their political activities are leaving them to overextend themselves, with counterproductive consequences. Looking at Akbayan Citizens' Action Party's alliance with the Liberal Party, leading to its role as "coalition partner" of the administration of President Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III, exhibits the pitfalls of formalizing coalition networks into a uniform and standing political party. On the other hand, the persisting oppositionist politics of movements affiliated to the National Democratic Front (Bayan Muna, Anakbayan and the like), while still kept afloat by historical undercurrents and attempts to wars-of-position, remain woefully under-equipped, unfocused and fractured in addressing the changing terrains of governance in light of increasing liberalization, privatization and the onslaught of global capitalism’s creative destruction. The disjointed priorities given by the leaderships of these parties, their allied movements and their members to the importance of transformative tactics to address such issues explain their dissonances — and why, despite their seemingly-stabilized presence in national politics, Philippine leftist groups' capacity to effect change remains challenged in the context of a dynamically-evolving status quo of patronage politics in the country to date.
Research Interests:
Contemporary representations of late Tokugawa and early Meiji events and personages, as presented in the annual taiga drama produced by the NHK, continue to reproduce undercurrents of nostalgia for the modernized-yet-traditional Japanese... more
Contemporary representations of late Tokugawa and early Meiji events and personages, as presented in the annual taiga drama produced by the NHK, continue to reproduce undercurrents of nostalgia for the modernized-yet-traditional Japanese ethos following the Wakon-yōsai ("Japanese spirit, Western techniques") ethic of modernity and industrialization. They continue to traverse the fine line between an official “political nationalism” which marks its uniqueness as its contribution to the global-international community, contrasting it to the "cultural nationalism" which harks back to the rich Imperial and pre-modern cultural/societal norms of Japanese society (as well as its extremist manifestations). My study analyzes two dramas: Shinsengumi! (新選組!; 2003) and Ryōmaden (龍馬伝; 2010), which were chosen based on their contemporary time period and their mutual portrayal of similar characters and events. Comparing and contrasting the portrayals would exhibit a consistency of upholding a particular image of Japanese history which emphasizes, in many ways, the nihonjinron way of thinking that highlights the uniqueness of the Japanese ethos vis-a-vis other world-views. This valorization, in a way, also is complicit with the reproduction of a Japanese self-image that underlies its seeming-integration into the global political setup, while simultaneously subverting Orientalist perceptions of Japanese uniqueness.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In Global Poverty: Deprivation, Distribution and Development since the Cold War, Andy Sumner examines the persistence of poverty worldwide despite substantial economic growth, focusing particularly on its occurrence within Middle Income... more
In Global Poverty: Deprivation, Distribution and Development since the Cold War, Andy Sumner examines the persistence of poverty worldwide despite substantial economic growth, focusing particularly on its occurrence within Middle Income Countries (MICs). While the level of economic analysis may be less accessible to casual readers, this book offers a wealth of data for those considering how to ensure economic policymaking leads to more inclusive development.
Research Interests:
In Celebrity Politics, Mark Wheeler offers an analysis of the ways that celebrity politicians and politicized celebrities have had an impact upon the practice of politics. New forms of political participation have emerged as a result... more
In Celebrity Politics, Mark Wheeler offers an analysis of the ways that celebrity politicians
and politicized celebrities have had an impact upon the practice of politics. New forms of
political participation have emerged as a result and the political classes have increasingly
absorbed the values of celebrity into their own PR strategies. Celebrity activists and
humanitarians also play a part in reconfiguring politics for a more fragmented and image–conscious public arena. I encountered some theoretical weaknesses but
believes the book remains useful for students of political communication.
and politicized celebrities have had an impact upon the practice of politics. New forms of
political participation have emerged as a result and the political classes have increasingly
absorbed the values of celebrity into their own PR strategies. Celebrity activists and
humanitarians also play a part in reconfiguring politics for a more fragmented and image–conscious public arena. I encountered some theoretical weaknesses but
believes the book remains useful for students of political communication.
This book sets out to explore shifts in Japanese politics and policy-making following the Fukushima disaster, with perspectives offered by diplomats and policy experts at European embassies to Japan. The book addresses those policy areas... more
This book sets out to explore shifts in Japanese politics and policy-making following the Fukushima disaster, with perspectives offered by diplomats and policy experts at European embassies to Japan. The book addresses those policy areas most likely to be affected by the tragedy – politics, economics, energy, climate, agriculture and food safety – and describes how the sectors have been affected and what the implications are for the future. Useful reading for political scientists and policy makers, I find.
Research Interests:
This collection highlights new features and developments in East Asian politics today. Chapters examine how China, Japan, North and South Korea, and Taiwan are responding to challenges such as globalization, information technology, and... more
This collection highlights new features and developments in East Asian politics today. Chapters examine how China, Japan, North and South Korea, and Taiwan are responding to challenges such as globalization, information technology, and the global recession as well as the impact of resulting domestic and foreign policies for the region and the world. I find this a comprehensive and fascinating read, vital not only for policymakers and scholars, but suitable also for general readers interested in the transformations East Asia is undergoing.
Unplanned Development offers a fascinating and fresh view into the realities of development planning. To an observer, many development projects present themselves as thoroughly planned endeavours informed by structure, direction and... more
Unplanned Development offers a fascinating and fresh view into the realities of development planning. To an observer, many development projects present themselves as thoroughly planned endeavours informed by structure, direction and intent, but here Jonathan Rigg aims to expose the truth of development experience: how chance, serendipity, turbulence and the unexpected define development around the world.
Research Interests:
Contributing to the growing discourse on political parties in Asia, this edited collection looks at parties in Southeast Asia's most competitive electoral democracies of Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines. Focusing on the prominence... more
Contributing to the growing discourse on political parties in Asia, this edited collection looks at parties in Southeast Asia's most competitive electoral democracies of Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines. Focusing on the prominence of clientelistic practices and strategies, both within parties as well as between parties and their voters, the authors argue that demonstrates that clientelism is extremely versatile and can take many forms. I believe this book will be of interest to students and scholars of contemporary Southeast Asian politics, but feels some of the essays lack innovative thinking.
Lecture Presented at the Marx Bicentennial Lecture Series, University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP-CIDS). 30 July 2018, Bahay ng Alumni, University of the Philippines-Diliman Campus. CONTENT: At... more
Lecture Presented at the Marx Bicentennial Lecture Series, University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies (UP-CIDS). 30 July 2018, Bahay ng Alumni, University of the Philippines-Diliman Campus.
CONTENT:
At the London Conference of the International Working Men's Association in 1871, Marx delivered a speech which contained a nugget of principle subsequently developed by Marxian and Marxist-inspired movements throughout the world: "The workers' party must never be the tagtail of any bourgeois party; it must be independent and have its goal and its own policy". Much organizing, party-building and (subsequently) electoral and revolutionary contention by many Marxist movements sought to develop and substantiate this idea. In the Philippines, however, we are clearly confronted by the fact that this has not been achieved at all. The following lecture tries to answer a deceptively simple question: whether this principle has been followed, or it has been visibly ignored and modified--and what might be the historical and social reasons behind this.
CONTENT:
At the London Conference of the International Working Men's Association in 1871, Marx delivered a speech which contained a nugget of principle subsequently developed by Marxian and Marxist-inspired movements throughout the world: "The workers' party must never be the tagtail of any bourgeois party; it must be independent and have its goal and its own policy". Much organizing, party-building and (subsequently) electoral and revolutionary contention by many Marxist movements sought to develop and substantiate this idea. In the Philippines, however, we are clearly confronted by the fact that this has not been achieved at all. The following lecture tries to answer a deceptively simple question: whether this principle has been followed, or it has been visibly ignored and modified--and what might be the historical and social reasons behind this.
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Lecture delivered as part of Basic Political Education Module, Labor Education and Research Network (LEARN). Villa Lorenzana, Pililia, Rizal. June 13, 2017.
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The current presentation is an offshoot of an ongoing project of collaborators driven by the question of growing incidences of ethnic conflict within Southeast Asian countries--all of them members of the Association of Southeast Asian... more
The current presentation is an offshoot of an ongoing project of collaborators driven by the question of growing incidences of ethnic conflict within Southeast Asian countries--all of them members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The presentation makes three major arguments and observations. First, Southeast Asia’s ethnic, political, and cultural diversity already poses a major hurdle towards a common community. Second, ASEAN’s “non-interference” clause allows each member state to respond to diversity with exclusionary and discriminatory nation-building, as a means of increasing legibility in governance. Third, a proposed model shows how each Southeast Asian country's nation-building policies favor a particular/existing ethnic or “ethno-religious” majority, resemble racist ideology, causing domestic conflicts and stymies meaningful regional exchange. The study also points to further points of inquiry and research to address this phenomenon.
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Amidst the spectre of what we call the “world risk society” (Beck, 2006), what are the implications on the prospects of social movements, locally and worldwide? This article examines the impact of crisis situations on land contentions in... more
Amidst the spectre of what we call the “world risk society” (Beck, 2006), what are the implications on the prospects of social movements, locally and worldwide? This article examines the impact of crisis situations on land contentions in the Philippines—more specifically, on how disasters affect the capacity of rural social movements to secure their access to contested lands vis-à-vis political and economic elites. While contentions against elite land control and land-grabbing are hardly new in the Philippines, we argue that present patterns of land politics are conditioned by the following factors: 1) the distinct evolution of Philippine capitalism since the mid-1980’s; 2) the institutional regimes governing access to and use of land resources; and 3) the heightened risks of crisis-induced vulnerabilities, as a result of shifting processes in the global economy and environment. We explore how these factors play out in four case studies. On one hand, the aftermath of the a) 1991 Mt. Pinatubo Eruption in Hacienda Dolores, Porac, Pampanga, and of b) 2013 supertyphoon Yolanda in Sicogon Island, Iloilo, serve as illustrative examples of how natural disasters can derail local land struggles in an exclusionary fashion, with both Pinatubo and Yolanda accelerating long-term processes of “accumulation by dispossession” by land-based elites and property developers. In contrast, c) the ongoing conflicts within the Province of Leyte regarding the "tide embankment" project in the aftermath of the same supertyphoon Yolanda, as well as d) the campaign of the rural communities of Casiguran, Aurora against the Aurora Pacific Economic Zone and Freeport (APECO), reveals how contingencies of natural disasters, such as the 2013 typhoon Labuyo and 2015 typhoon Lando, may instead open opportunities for rural movements to make significant advances in overcoming such dispossession efforts. Through comparative analyses of these three cases, we explore these negotiated local resistances, historical pathways of relations between state and capital, institutional arrangements, and political impacts of natural and manmade disasters, in order to underscore the importance of reframing questions of land contention amidst rising economic and environmental vulnerabilities in the Philippines. The study, it is hoped, will contribute to a more inclusive, community-based and democratically-empowering approach towards addressing the precarity of land ownership in the country, as well as addressing the very real challenge of inclusive governance to combat and mitigate the impacts of natural and man-made disasters.
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Up to the eve of the unveiling of ASEAN Regional Integration in 2015, cases of ethnic and racial discrimination have been reported within ASEAN member countries, with the persecution of the Rohingya of Myanmar being just one of many. This... more
Up to the eve of the unveiling of ASEAN Regional Integration in 2015, cases of ethnic and racial discrimination have been reported within ASEAN member countries, with the persecution of the Rohingya of Myanmar being just one of many. This study is a preliminary look at how negative race and ethnic relations between ASEAN nationals have not abated, coloring their view of regional integration. It looks at how race relations between ASEAN member countries have developed alongside the creation of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) Blueprint in 2007 up to the present. Based on a review of the structure of the ASEAN and a tally of racial conflicts within five Southeast Asian countries, we offer two observations. First, the situation in Southeast Asia parallels the growth of an anti-regionalist sentiment in Europe due to supposed violations of national sovereignty. Second, and perhaps more importantly, due to the fraught histories and conditions of nation-state consolidation experienced by...
Research Interests: International Relations, Southeast Asian Studies, Sovereignty, Political Science, Bangsamoro Studies, and 13 moreEthnic Conflict, Burma Studies, ASEAN, Singapore Politics, Politics in Thailand, Regionalism in South Asia, ASEAN Studies, Ethnic Group, Rohingya Muslims, Blueprint, Bumiputeraism, ASEAN and regionalism in Southeast Asia, and Racism in Southeast Asia
In Global Poverty: Deprivation, Distribution and Development since the Cold War, Andy Sumner examines the persistence of poverty worldwide despite substantial economic growth, focusing particularly on its occurrence within Middle Income... more
In Global Poverty: Deprivation, Distribution and Development since the Cold War, Andy Sumner examines the persistence of poverty worldwide despite substantial economic growth, focusing particularly on its occurrence within Middle Income Countries (MICs). While the level of economic analysis may be less accessible to casual readers, this book offers a wealth of data for those considering how to ensure economic policymaking leads to more inclusive development, writes Hansley A. Juliano.
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Southeast Asia’s ethnic, political and cultural diversity continues to pose major policy and governance hurdles in enforcing a common community born out of the post-colonial nationalist baggage of almost all the region’s countries.... more
Southeast Asia’s ethnic, political and cultural diversity continues to pose major policy and governance hurdles in enforcing a common community born out of the post-colonial nationalist baggage of almost all the region’s countries. ASEAN’s “non-interference” clause gives leeway to each member state to respond to its ethnic diversity with nation-building projects through exclusionary governance. With this leeway, each Southeast Asian country’s nation-building policies legitimize a particular, existing ethno-nationalist or “ethno-religious” majority at the expense of democratic accountability. This study proposes a preliminary quantitative model which uses regression analysis to compare Southeast Asian countries’ data on their religious and ethnic populations. The initial model categorizes the types of minority management strategies depending on their respective ethnic heterogeneity. This study hypothesizes that a) states with more ethnically homogenous populations will have more excl...
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Research Interests: Geography and Serendipity
Akbayan Citizen’s Action Party’s participation in the Aquino administration is fueling continuing tensions not only between and among its leaders and members but also between the party and its allied social movements. What does this... more
Akbayan Citizen’s Action Party’s participation in the Aquino administration is fueling continuing tensions not only between and among its leaders and members but also between the party and its allied social movements. What does this reveal about the nature and dynamics of leftist group participation in Philippine politics? This study is a reappraisal of the contested democracy framework, nuancing it with the Goldstone-Desai framework on social movement consolidation. By reviewing Akbayan’s official party documents and archival studies of Philippine social movements, as well as interviewing key informants and engaging in participant observation, I recount how Akbayan’s alliance with the Liberal Party (LP), leading to its role as coalition partner of the administration of President Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III, exhibits the limitations of formalizing coalition networks into a uniform political party. The leadership of the party, in their pursuit of electoral victory and bureaucratic ap...
Research Interests: Sociology, Public Administration, Political Theory, Social Movement, Political Science, and 15 morePolitics, History of Political Parties, Public Participation In Governance, Labor Movements, Social movements in the Philippines, Alliance, Alliances, Coalitions, Liberal Party, History of Political Parties in the Philippines, Leftist Movements, Victory, Philippine Left, Akbayan, and Agrarian Reform Movementss
A briefer on the development of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) commissioned for the SOCDEM Asia & GPF-PES-S&D Politicians Meeting on the topic of “Developing Progressive Agenda and Forging Partnerships toward the ASEM Summit”, on 29-30... more
A briefer on the development of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) commissioned for the SOCDEM Asia & GPF-PES-S&D Politicians Meeting on the topic of “Developing Progressive
Agenda and Forging Partnerships toward the ASEM Summit”, on 29-30 September 2014 in Makati, Holiday Inn and Suites Makati, Philippines.
Agenda and Forging Partnerships toward the ASEM Summit”, on 29-30 September 2014 in Makati, Holiday Inn and Suites Makati, Philippines.
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(NOTE: The current document is a compilation of selected papers from the aforementioned conference. The following abstract is for my individual work, "Performing the Nation: Representing Japanese Nationalism(s) in the NHK’s Taiga... more
(NOTE: The current document is a compilation of selected papers from the aforementioned conference. The following abstract is for my individual work, "Performing the Nation: Representing Japanese Nationalism(s) in the NHK’s Taiga Dramas.")
Contemporary representations of events and personages from the late Tokugawa era and the early Meiji era as presented in the NHK’s annual taiga dramas continue to reproduce undercurrents of nostalgia for the modernised-yet-traditional Japanese ethos following the wakon-yōsai ("Japanese spirit, Western techniques") ethic of modernity and industrialisation. They continue to traverse the fine line between an official “political nationalism” which marks its uniqueness as its contribution to the global-international community, and its spirit of "cultural nationalism" which harks back to the rich imperial and pre-modern cultural/societal norms of Japanese society (and its many extremist manifestations). My study analyses two dramas: Shinsengumi! (新選組!, 2003) and Ryōmaden (龍馬伝, 2010), which were chosen based on their contemporary time period and their portrayal of similar characters and events. Comparing and contrasting the portrayals would exhibit a consistency of upholding a particular image of Japanese history which emphasises, in many ways, the nihonjinron way of thinking that highlights the uniqueness of the Japanese ethos vis-à-vis other worldviews. This valorisation, in a way, is also complicit with the reproduction of a Japanese self-image that underlies its alleged integration into the global political setup, while simultaneously subverting Orientalist perceptions of Japanese uniqueness.
Contemporary representations of events and personages from the late Tokugawa era and the early Meiji era as presented in the NHK’s annual taiga dramas continue to reproduce undercurrents of nostalgia for the modernised-yet-traditional Japanese ethos following the wakon-yōsai ("Japanese spirit, Western techniques") ethic of modernity and industrialisation. They continue to traverse the fine line between an official “political nationalism” which marks its uniqueness as its contribution to the global-international community, and its spirit of "cultural nationalism" which harks back to the rich imperial and pre-modern cultural/societal norms of Japanese society (and its many extremist manifestations). My study analyses two dramas: Shinsengumi! (新選組!, 2003) and Ryōmaden (龍馬伝, 2010), which were chosen based on their contemporary time period and their portrayal of similar characters and events. Comparing and contrasting the portrayals would exhibit a consistency of upholding a particular image of Japanese history which emphasises, in many ways, the nihonjinron way of thinking that highlights the uniqueness of the Japanese ethos vis-à-vis other worldviews. This valorisation, in a way, is also complicit with the reproduction of a Japanese self-image that underlies its alleged integration into the global political setup, while simultaneously subverting Orientalist perceptions of Japanese uniqueness.
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Seminar given at the Conference Training Workshop, Ateneo Project for Asian and International Relations (APAIR), January 26, 2015.
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Talk given to the Sentro ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa, 23 July 2014.
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Report presented to the National Association of Broadcast Unions, April 22, 2014.
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Presented at the National Conference on Industrial Policy by the Sentro ng mga Nagkakaisa at Progresibong Manggagawa (SENTRO), December 13, 2013.
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National Political Situationer given to the John J. Carroll Institute on Church and Social Issues, October 7, 2013.