Chen-kuo Lin

This essay attempts to explore through discourse analysis the making of Hsiung Shih-li's identity as a Neo-Confucianist. Four levels of hermeneutical analysis, i.e., historical-narrative, semantic, philosophical, and existential, are taken as a methodical guide. My analysis leads to the following conclusions: (1) On the existential level, as Tu Wei-ming points out, Hsiung considered as his own ultimate concern " the quest for true self " or " the search for the truth in which life can abide ". (2) On the philosophical level, such existential quest resulted in a holistic, creative, and dynamic on-tology of transformation. (3) On the semantic level, a chain of metonymic replacement can clearly be seen in Hsiung's usages of " transformation " and " mind-volition-consciousness " , based on the

This essay focuses on NISHITANI Keiji's 西谷啟治 early and late thinking, in the discourse on world history and modernity during wartime and the postwar meditation on emptiness and historicity in Religion and Nothingness. Following the first part of the analysis, I will trace Nishitani's critical indebtedness to Heidegger's existential-phenomenological analysis of historicity in Being and Time, and thereby analyze how Nishitani attempts to solve the aporia of modernity by recourse to the Buddhist doctrine of emptiness. The essay will conclude with some critical remarks that discern the limits and hidden dangers in Nishitani's philosophical project.

This article argues that, as far as the problem of Confucian religiosity is concerned, there is an interpretative turn from MOU Zongsan's moral metaphysics to TU Weiming's religious hermeneutics. Some concluding remarks are made: First, Tu's hermeneutics is rooted in the ontology of self as interrelatedness, which is completely different from Mou's theory of true self as transcendental subjectivity. Second, Tu's hermeneutics of self can be better illuminated with the help of Heidegger's notion of Dasein as Being-with (Mitsein). For Tu and Heidegger, self cannot be seen as something separate from community. This article also points out that the paradigmatic shift is evidenced in another similarity between the four categories of self, community, nature, and the transcendent in Tu's hermeneutics on the one hand, and the four symbols of earth, sky, divinities, and mortals employed by Heidegger to interpret the meaning of dwelling, on the other. In such a primordial situation of dwelling, gods are not supposed to be intellectually known; they are rather to be neighbors in community.

Syllogism and Exegesis in Kiben’s and Kaidō’s Commentaries on Dignāga’s Ālamabanaparīkṣa Verses 1-3

Lin, Chen-kuo

Professor, Department of Philosophy, National Chengchi University

Abstract

Inspired by Chinese Buddhist scholar-monks’ interest in Dignāga’s Investigation of the Percept (Ālamabanaparīkṣa) during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Japanese scholar-monks also composed several commentaries on this epistemological treatise during the Tokugawa era. Unfortunately, these Japanese commentaries are preserved only in manuscript form and have not received the attention of modern scholars. Aiming to complete the historical picture of the reception of Dignāga’s Ālamabanaparīkṣa in early modern East Asian Buddhism, this paper focuses on Kiben’s 基辨 (1718-1791) and Kaidō’s 快道 (1751-1810) commentaries to examine their analysis of Dignāga’s syllogism. According Kuiji 窺基 (632-682), Dignāga composed the first three verses of Ālamabanaparīkṣa in the form of syllogism to refute the various realist theories of atom (paramāṇu). Unfortunately, most of Kuiji’s and his contemporary scholars’ commentaries were lost in China and therefore not available to the Ming scholars. On the contrary, Xuanzang’s Yogācāra heritage remained unbroken in Tokugawa Japan. Not surprisingly, both Kiben and Kaidō criticized the Ming Chinese commentaries for failing to properly understand the text and its logical arguments. This study concludes that a philosophical quest for the dialogue with realism was also shown in both Kiben’s and Kaidō’s works, which can be taken as a domestic clue to explain why modern European Buddhology and Indology had firmly taken root in the Meiji era without much resistance.

Keywords: Dignāga, Ālamabanaparīkṣa, hetu-vidyā, Kiben (1718-1791), Kaidō (1751-1810), Zhixu (1599-1655), Ming Buddhism, Tokugawa Buddhism

This essay attempts to explore through discourse analysis the making of Hsiung Shih-li's identity as a Neo-Confucianist. Four levels of hermeneutical analysis, i.e., historical-narrative, semantic, philosophical, and existential, are taken as a methodical guide. My analysis leads to the following conclusions: (1) On the existential level, as Tu Wei-ming points out, Hsiung considered as his own ultimate concern " the quest for true self " or " the search for the truth in which life can abide ". (2) On the philosophical level, such existential quest resulted in a holistic, creative, and dynamic on-tology of transformation. (3) On the semantic level, a chain of metonymic replacement can clearly be seen in Hsiung's usages of " transformation " and " mind-volition-consciousness " , based on the

戒定與江戶時代《唯識二十論》的講論熱潮

林鎮國 （國立政治大學哲學系名譽教授）

世親的《唯識二十論》傳至中土，凡有三譯。在諸多唐疏中，唯窺基《唯識二十論述記》至今獨存。然考之經藏，直到十八世紀初之前，不論是在中國或日本，既未見《二十論》之注疏，亦無任何《二十論述記》複疏的出現。相對於歷史上《唯識三十論》及《成唯識論》註疏眾多，《唯識二十論》可說是庭前寂寥，乏人問津。這情況到了江戶前期突然有了巨大變化。據結城令聞《唯識學典籍志》所載，江戶時期的《唯識二十論》註釋計有十本，《唯識二十論述記》註釋則有二十七本，若再加上基辨的《唯識二十論順釋論夾註》一本，則約有四十本註疏之多，可謂蔚為大觀。此現象和窺基《唯識二十論述記》重新出土于日本元祿年間有關。本文選取戒定（1750-1805）的《二十唯識論帳祕録》為研究對象，將該錄置於江戶唯識學發展脈絡中，考察戒定如何從華嚴宗與真言宗的判教立場，批判窺基《述記》的正統性詮釋。

關鍵詞：窺基、戒定、二十唯識論帳祕録、江戶佛教、唯心

Kaijou (1750-1805) and the Commentaries on Vasubandhu's Viṃśatikā during the Edo Period

Chen-kuo Lin (Professor Emeritus, National Chengchi University)

Vasubandhu’s Viṃśatikā (hereafter VS) has three classical Chinese translations. The last one was translated by Xuanzang in 661 A.D. and subsequently commented by his disciple, Kuiji (632-682). However, no further commentary and sub-commentary on VS had been found in East Asia until Kuiji’s Weishi Ershi lun Shuji was rediscovered and published in 1702 in Japan. As a result, there was a boom on the studies of VS and Shuji. Approximately forty commentaries were composed during the Edo period. This study focuses on Kaijou (1750-1805)’s Yuishiki nijuron chohiroku, one of the most influential commentaries, and examines the hermeneutics as displayed in this text. A special attention will be also paid to the legacy of Kaijou in the modern Japanese scholarship on Yogācāra-Vijñaptimātra Buddhism.

結論 參考文獻 導論 《觀所緣緣論》 (Ālambanaparīkṣā)是六世紀印度哲學家陳那(Dignāga) 的著作，全論由八頌及長行所構成的哲學小論，以認識對象(所緣)的探討為全 論的主題。該論在印度有護法(Dharmapāla，六世紀) 、調伏天(Vinītadeva， 七世紀)的註疏，在七、十七、二十世紀的中國，以及十八、十九世紀的日本與 西藏，分別出現講論註疏的熱潮，成為陳那哲學在印度之外最受矚目的論典之一。 陳那晚年造《集量論》 (Pramāṇasamuccaya) ， 「所緣」成為其中的子題，從《集 量論》的角度解讀《觀所緣緣論》 ，可以是合法的讀法。然而，該論在歷史上更 多地從瑜伽行唯識學的角度來解讀。若從唯識學派和阿毗達磨教義的關係來看， 二者之間關於知識論的爭議則有明顯的承繼關係。雖然該論著重於破斥外境實在 論，形上學旨趣濃厚，然而整體來看，其知識論旨趣和形上學旨趣乃一體之二面： 試圖透過知識論的分析以解決形上學的爭論。不僅如此，如同所有的古代印度哲