Prospect Theory and Other Topics
Prospect Theory and Other Topics
Prospect Theory and Other Topics
PROSPECT THEORY
According to the expected utility theory, the economic agent is rational and selfish, and has
stable tastes. Psychologists, however, challenge this assumption. They believe that people are
neither fully rational, nor completely selfish. Further, their tastes tend to change over time. The
two disciplines seemed to be studying different species which the renowned behavioural
economist Richard Thaler labelled Econs and Humans. As Amos Tversky, a distinguished
psychologist famously remarked, “While my colleagues in the economics department study artifi
cial intelligence, we study natural stupidity.” For several years, Daniel Kahneman and Amos
Tversky looked at how people make decisions in the face of risk. They established a dozen facts
and several of these were inconsistent with expected utility theory. So, they developed a theory
that modified expected utility theory just enough to explain the collection of their observations
and called it prospect theory in their seminal paper titled “Prospect Theory: An Analysis of
Decision under Risk.
Choices among risky prospects exhibit several pervasive effects that are inconsistent with the
basic tenets of utility theory. In particular, people underweight outcomes that are merely
probable in comparison with outcomes that are obtained with certainty. This tendency, called
certainty effects, contributes to risk aversion in choices involving sure gains and to risk seeking
in choices involving sure losses.” While the prospect theory was closely modeled on utility
theory, it departed from the latter in fundamental ways. It is a purely descriptive model which
seeks to document and explain systematic violations of the axioms of rationality in choices
between gambles. The approach taken by prospect theory was in the spirit of a field of
psychology called psychophysics founded by Gustav Fechner, a German psychologist, who was
obsessed with how mind and matter are related.
This theory is developed by Kahneman and Tversky in 1979. The second groups of illusions
which may impact the decision process are grouped in prospect theory. He discussed several
states of mind which may influence an investor’s decision making process. The key concepts
which he discussed are as follows:
1. Loss aversion: Loss aversion is an important psychological concept which receives increasing
attention in economic analysis. The investor is a risk-seeker when faced with the prospect of
losses, but is risk-averse when faced with the prospects of enjoying gains. This phenomenon is
called loss aversion. Ulrich Schmidta, and Horst Zankb discussed the loss aversion theory with
risk aversion and he aceepted the Kahneman and Tversky views.
2. Regret Aversion: It arises from the investors’ desire to avoid pain of regret arising from a poor
investment decision. This aversion encourages investors to hold poorly performing shares as
avoiding their sale also avoids the recognition of the associated loss and bad investment decision.
Regret aversion creates a tax inefficient investment strategy because investors can reduce their
taxable income by realizing capital losses.
3. Mental Accounting: Mental accounting is the set of cognitive operations used by the investors
to organise, evaluate and keep track of investment activities. Three components of mental
accounting receive the most attention. This first captures how outcomes are perceived and
experienced, and how decisions are made and subsequently evaluated. A second component of
mental accounting involves the assignment of activities to specific accounts. Both the sources
and uses of funds are labelled in real as well as in mental accounting systems. The third
component of mental accounting concerns the frequency with which accounts are evaluated and
'choice bracketing'. Accounts can be balanced daily, weekly, yearly, and so on, and can be
defined narrowly or broadly. Each of the components of mental accounting violates the
economic principle of fungibility. As a result, mental accounting influences choice, that is, it
matters.
4. Self Control: It requires for all the investors to avoid the losses and protect the investments.
As noted by Thaler and shefrin, investors are subject to temptation and they look for tools to
improve self control. By mentally separating their financial resources into capital and ‘available
for expenditure’ pools, investors can control their urge to over consume.
Traditionally, it was believed the net effect of the gains and losses involved with each choice are
combined to present an overall evaluation of whether a choice is desirable. Academics tend to
use "utility" to describe enjoyment and contend that we prefer instances that maximize our
utility. However, research has found that we don't actually process information in such a rational
way.
Prospect theory contends that people value gains and losses differently, and, as such, will base
decisions on perceived gains rather than perceived losses. Thus, if a person were given two equal
choices, one expressed in terms of possible gains and the other in possible losses, people would
choose the former - even when they achieve the same economic end result. According to
prospect theory, losses have more emotional impact than an equivalent amount of gains.
For example, in a traditional way of thinking, the amount of utility gained from receiving $50
should be equal to a situation in which you gained $100 and then lost $50. In both situations, the
end result is a net gain of $50. However, despite the fact that you still end up with a $50 gain in
either case, most people view a single gain of $50 more favorably than gaining $100 and then
losing $50.
Evidence for Irrational Behavior
Kahneman and Tversky conducted a series of studies in which subjects answered questions that
involved making judgments between two monetary decisions that involved prospective losses
and gains. For example, the following questions were used in their study:
1. You have $1,000 and you must pick one of the following choices:
Choice A: You have a 50% chance of gaining $1,000, and a 50% chance of
gaining $0.
Choice B: You have a 100% chance of gaining $500.
2. You have $2,000 and you must pick one of the following choices:
Choice A: You have a 50% chance of losing $1,000, and 50% of losing $0.
Choice B: You have a 100% chance of losing $500.
If the subjects had answered logically, they would pick either "A" or "B" in both situations.
(People choosing "B" would be more risk adverse than those choosing "A"). However, the
results of this study showed that an overwhelming majority of people chose "B" for question 1
and "A" for question 2.
The implication is that people are willing to settle for a reasonable level of gains (even if they
have a reasonable chance of earning more), but are willing to engage in risk-seeking behaviors
where they can limit their losses. In other words, losses are weighted more heavily than an
equivalent amount of gains. It is this line of thinking that created the asymmetric value function:
This function is a representation of the difference in utility (amount of pain or joy) that is
achieved as a result of a certain amount of gain or loss. It is key to note that not everyone would
have a value function that looks exactly like this; this is the general trend. The most evident
feature is how a loss creates a greater feeling of pain compared to the joy created by an
equivalent gain. For example, the absolute joy felt in finding $50 is a lot less than the absolute
pain caused by losing $50.
Money Illusion
An important theme of behavioural finance is frame dependence which holds that differences in
form may also be substantive. An example of frame dependence is money illusion. To
understand money illusion, let us look at the following questions from a 1997 study by Eldar
Shafir, Peter Diamond, and Amos Tversky. Example: Consider two girls Ann and Barbara, who
passed out from the same college a year apart and took up similar jobs.
Ann started with a yearly salary of $30,000. After one year; during which there was no inflation,
Ann got a 2 per cent ($600) raise in salary.
Barbara too started with a yearly salary of $30000. After one year, during which there was 4 per
cent inflation, Barbara got a 5 per cent ($1500) raise in salary.
As they entered the second year on the job
(a) Who was better off economically?
(b) Who do you think was happier? and
(c) Who do you think was more likely to leave her present job for another job? Most people think
that Ann is better off economically, Barbara is happier, and Ann is more likely to leave her
present job for another job. This is somewhat puzzling. Why is Ann less happy and more likely
to look for another position, if she is better off economically? According to Shafir, Diamond, and
Tversky, although people know how to adjust for inflation it is natural for them to think in term
of nominal terms. Hence, people’s emotional reaction is guided by nominal values, and those
seem to be better for Barbara than they do for Ann.
MENTAL ACCOUNTING
Traditional finance holds that wealth in general and money in particular must be regarded as
“fungible” and every financial decision should be based on a rational calculation of its effects on
overall wealth position. In reality, however, people do not have the computational skills and will
power to evaluate decisions in terms of their impact on overall wealth. It is intellectually difficult
and emotionally burdensome to figure out how every short-term decision (like buying a new
phone or throwing a party) will bear on what will happen to the wealth position in the long run.
So, as a practical expedient, people separate their money into various mental accounts and treat a
rupee in one account differently from a rupee in another because each account has a different
significance to them. The concept of mental accounting was proposed by Richard Thaler, one of
the brightest stars of behavioural finance. Businesses, governments, and other establishments use
accounting systems to track, separate, and categorize various financial transactions. People, on
the other hand, use a system of mental accounting. The human brain is similar to a file cabinet in
which there is a separate for each decision, which contains the costs and benefits associated with
that decision. Once an outcome is assigned to a mental account, it is difficult to view it in any
other way. Mental accounting can influence a person’s decisions in unexpected ways as the
following example suggests:
Mr. and Mrs. Sharma have saved ` 10 lakhs for their daughter’s wedding that may take place 3
years from now. The money earns interest at the rate of 9% in a bank fixed deposit account. They
just bought a new car for ` 6 lakhs on which they have taken a 3 year car loan at 12%. The above
example suggests that people often have money in a fixed deposit account (earmarked for a
certain purpose) that earns a low rate of interest and yet they borrow money at a high rate of
interest for some other purpose. While money does not come with labels, the human mind puts
labels on it. Mr. and Mrs. Sharma labelled their fixed deposit as “daughter’s wedding provision”
in a separate mental account and did not want to draw on it to finance a car even though it made
sense to do that.
Mental Budgeting
Just the way people use financial budgets to monitor and control their spending, the brain uses
mental budgets to reflect the psychological benefits and costs in each mental account. A pay-as-
you-go payment system is usually preferred because of the tight match between costs and
benefits of the purchase. When the pay-as-you-go system is not available, things get more
complicated. In a study, respondents were asked to choose between the following payment
options for a hypothetical purchase of a clothes washer and dryer costing $1200:
A. Six monthly payments of $200 each before the arrival of the washer and dryer.
B. Six monthly payments of $200 each during the six months beginning after the arrival of the
washer and dryer.
Eighty-four per cent of the respondents chose postponed payment option B. Since the benefits of
the washer and dryer is derived over a long period (hopefully years) after their purchase, the
choice of option B is consistent with the cost/benefit matching of mental budgeting. Further,
option B is consistent with traditional economics, because it allows borrowing at 0% interest
rate. In the same study, the respondents were asked two further questions.
In the second question they were asked to choose between the following payment options for a
hypothetical one week vacation to the Caribbean costing $1200.
A. Monthly payments of $200 each during the six months prior to the vacation.
B. Monthly payments of $200 each in the six months period beginning after the vacation.
Sixty per cent of the respondents chose option A, the prepaid option, an option that is
inconsistent with traditional economics. People seem to find a prepaid vacation more
pleasurable than one that must be paid for subsequently. If the payment is made earlier, the pain
associated with payment is over and hence, the vacation is more pleasurable. If the payment is to
be made later, the pleasure of the vacation diminishes by wondering, “How much is this
pleasure going to cost?” In the third question, the respondents were asked how they would like
to be paid for doing few weeks of work on the weekends in the next six months—before doing
the work or after? Surprisingly, 73 per cent of the respondents said that they would like to be
paid after doing the work instead of before. Again, this is not consistent with traditional
economics as it violates the wealth-maximizing principle. The above examples suggest that
people are willing to incur monetary costs to facilitate their mental budgeting process. They are
willing to accelerate payments and delay income to match better the emotional costs and
benefits, ignoring the time value of money principles.
Sunk Cost Effect
Traditional economics assumes that while making a decision, people ignore past costs and
consider only the present and future costs and benefits associated with that decision. In reality,
however, people routinely consider historical costs when making decisions about the future.
Such behavior is called the sunk-cost effect. It may be viewed as a tendency to continue an
endeavor, once an investment of money, time, or effort has been made. There are two
dimensions of sunk costs, viz., size and timing.
To understand the size dimension consider the following scenario:
You have a ticket to attend a live musical concert by your favourite rockstar. The ticket is worth
` 2,000. On the day of the concert there is a big thunderstorm. While you can still attend the
concert, the thunderstorm will cause considerable inconvenience. Are you likely to go to the
concert if you had purchased the ticket for ` 2,000 or if you had received the ticket for free? If
you had purchased the ticket for ` 2,000, you are likely to go to the concert, but if you had
received the ticket for free, you are not likely to go to the concert. Why? When you purchase the
ticket for ` 2,000, you open a mental account with a ` 2,000 cost attached to it. If you do not
attend the concert, you have to close the mental account without the benefi t of enjoying the
concert, resulting in a perceived loss. To avoid the emotional pain of this loss, you are likely to
attend the concert. On the other hand, if you receive the ticket for free, you can close the mental
account without a benefit or a cost.
To understand the timing dimension of the sunk cost, consider the following scenario. You have
long anticipated going to the musical concert by your favourite rockstar. On the day of the
concert, there is a thunderstorm. Are you likely to go to the concert if you had purchased the
ticket for ` 2,000 yesterday or one year ago? The purchase price of ` 2,000 is a sunk cost in both
cases, but the timing of the sunk cost seems to matter. You are more likely to go to the concert if
you had purchased the ticket yesterday than if you had purchased the ticket last year. As
Nofsinger put it, “The pain of closing a mental account without a benefit decreases over time. In
other words, the negative impact of a sunk cost declines over time.”
Mental Accounting and Investing
Mental accounting adversely affects your wealth in two ways. First, it accentuates the disposition
effect, which is reflected in the tendency on the part of an investor to sell the winners and ride
the losers. You have an aversion to sell a stock because doing so closes the mental account and
causes regret. Mental accounting compounds this aversion. With the passage of time, the
purchase of the stock becomes a sunk cost. The emotional pain associated with wasting some of
the sunk cost on a loser decreases over time. So, you are likely to sell the losing stock later as
opposed to earlier. Second, mental accounting affects how we view our investment portfolios.
Thanks to mental accounting, we segregate our portfolio into different mental accounts.
LIMITS TO ARBITRAGE
Economists argue these behavioural biases and deviations from rationality are not material as the
people who repeatedly make mistakes will learn out of their mistakes and the biases will
disappear. Although learning can mitigate the mistakes but it cannot eliminate it altogether.
Further, the proponents of traditional finance point out that these behavioural biases would not
matter as any mis-pricing would be corrected by arbitrage. The proponents of behavioural
finance believe that stock prices can diverge from their intrinsic value because of limits of
arbitrage. The arbitrage depends on the law of one price, which states that identical
securities should sell at identical price. The most cited example of this violation is Royal
Dutch and Shell case. The twin securities show enormous divergence from the expected one.
This evidence is a deep challenge to efficient market theory. The explanations such as risk and
trading cost cannot account for such large deviations. The behavioural economists assert that
arbitrage can be limited due to fundamental risk, implementation costs and model risk. They
argue that arbitrageurs may be exposed to fundamental risk. The concept of arbitrage relies on
the notion of price convergence: that price of the security will eventually converge to
fundamental value. Suppose one buys an under priced security in the hope of earning profit. But
it may happen that price may not converge, or might diverge much before it converges, and the
investors may end up losing money. The irrational traders can infect prices with their irrational
beliefs and push it in wrong direction. Secondly, exploitation of arbitrage opportunity might be
difficult because of the costs involved such as margin requirements or restriction placed on short
selling may hamper it. Lastly, the model used to value security might be faulty. For instance,
Capital Asset pricing model is widely used model of asset pricing but it may be the case that
CAPM does not hold.