Politology

Estas notas proponen que la politología tradicional hace nodo en la reproducción del poder colonial condicionando el espacio de lo posible de la política en América mediante al subalternización se saberes y formas otras de organización política. Asimismo sugiere que es en ese espacio fronterizo invisibilizado por el saber politológico tradicional donde está la fuente de su giro necesario, donde es posible pensar una politología para la resistencia.

Winner of the "Premio FRIULI STORIA", national award for Italian history books (www.friiulistoria.it), this volume shows the Cuban Missile Crisis from a new perspective. The most dangerous nuclear crisis has been widely and accurately studied, but its transnational nature, and its socio-cultural dimension still remain largely unknown. This study aims to provide a contribution in this direction.
Based on more than 7 years of research conducted in the archives of several countries (US, UK, Italy and more), the book also makes extensive use of the international press of those days, complemented by selected oral history interviews.
It argues that the public showdown between the US and the USSR constituted a global experience, as the fear of a nuclear escalation ignited reflections, demonstrations and repercussions all over the world, with different intensity and color. The global nature of the crisis is highlighted in the Preface chapter, applying theories by Fernand Braudel and Marshall McLuhan. Part One provides a detailed account of the crisis’ events. Part Two then turns to their perceptions, both on a political and socio-cultural level, showing the interconnections between the two spheres. Such approach is applied here to two national contexts (US, Italy) and three transnational categories of observers (political thinkers, religious figures, scientists).

(560 pages)
Foreword by John L. Harper

http://www.mondadorieducation.it/libro/leonardo-campus/i-sei-giorni-che-sconvolsero-il-mondo/120900042793
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Punto di svolta della Guerra fredda nonché dell'era nucleare tuttora aperta, la crisi di Cuba è uno degli eventi più studiati dalla storiografia internazionale. Questo libro – il primo italiano sul tema da vent'anni a questa parte – non si limita ad aggiungere particolari a una produzione ampia e variegata, ma attua un ribaltamento di prospettiva, ricostruendo non solo gli eventi, ma anche le sue percezioni internazionali. Il "braccio di ferro" atomico verificatosi nell'ottobre 1962 fu infatti uno shock globale, capace di suscitare reazioni nei contesti più diversi: presso governi, opinioni pubbliche, media, intellettuali, politologi, artisti, scienziati, religiosi. E si tratta di reazioni rivelatrici, come mostrano qui i casi di USA e Italia. Muovendo da una reinterpretazione di Braudel e McLuhan e poggiando su una vasta documentazione inedita reperita in sette anni di ricerche (tra archivi di vari Stati e un'analisi certosina della stampa internazionale di quei giorni), il libro da un lato mostra il carattere della crisi come esperienza globale, dall'altro comincia a indagarne la dimensione socio-culturale, finora trascurata, ma destinata a diventare la prossima frontiera della storiografia su quest'evento.

(560 pagine)
Prefazione di John Harper

http://www.mondadorieducation.it/libro/leonardo-campus/i-sei-giorni-che-sconvolsero-il-mondo/120900042793

Il libro ha vinto il Premio nazionale "FRIULI STORIA" edizione 2015 (www.friulistoria.it), assegnato da una giuria di 100 lettori entro la terna di finalisti scelta da una giuria scientifica di 7 storici di chiara fama, "all’opera che sappia meglio coniugare originalità, rigore scientifico e potenzialità di diffusione oltre la cerchia degli addetti ai lavori".

Книжка присвячена нинішньому стану, проблемам та перспективам консолідації Центрально-Східної Європи. Держави цього макрорегіону тривалий час мирилися зі становищем об’єкту політичного та ідеологічного диктату з боку Заходу й буферу між Москвою та головними європейськими гравцями. Впродовж останніх років ситуація почала змінюватися: політичні успіхи консервативних сил і запуск інтеграційних процесів створюють передумови для посилення геополітичної ваги усього макрорегіону і захисту його етнічної та культурної самобутності. Одначе шанс, який отримали народи Центрально-Східної Європи, може стати втраченим. Детальніше https://cutt.ly/likJX9Q

Nauki o bezpieczeństwie są stosunkowo młodą dyscypliną naukową, w której podejście interdyscyplinarne jest niejako koniecznością. Badacze muszą korzystać z dorobku różnych dziedzin,w szczególności w odniesieniu do technik i narzędzi badawczych. Geografia polityczna w ocenie autora stanowi pewnego rodzaju fundament lub punkt wyjścia do wielu analiz i badań na gruncie nauko bezpieczeństwie. Celem opracowania jest przedstawienie wzajemnych powiązań między geografią polityczną a bezpieczeństwem, w szczególności podkreślenie przydatności jej dorobku dla teorii i praktyki bezpieczeństwa (badań i analiz naukowych oraz realizacji zadań przez różne podmioty w ramach
szeroko rozumianego bezpieczeństwa narodowego i międzynarodowego), a także zasadności kształcenia w tym przedmiocie na kierunkach studiów związanych z bezpieczeństwem.

მეთოდური სახელმძღვანელო პოლიტოლოგებისთვის, ჟურნალისტებისთვის, ენათმეცნიერებისთვის. შედგება სამი ნაწილისგან: 1) რას წარმოადგენს პოლიტიკური დისკურსი: 2) კონტენტანალიზი, მისი რაობა, საფეხურები და გამოყენების ველი; 3) ავტორის მიერ შედგენილი მეთოდური სავარჯიშოები.

Il lavoro parte dalle origini filosofiche ed ideologiche del populismo, che comunque risiedono nel cosiddetto mondo occidentale, per arrivare all'analisi dei “primi” regimi populisti, o meglio i primi ad essere rinominati in questa maniera, ovvero quelli latinoamericani che si svilupparono tra gli anni '30 e gli anni '50 del Novecento in Argentina, Brasile e Messico.
Infine si è passati all'analisi dei regimi cosiddetti “neo-populisti” attuali sempre nella regione latinoamericana e più precisamente in Venezuela, Ecuador e Bolivia. È proprio sulla situazione boliviana che si concentra l'ultima parte della tesi, non solo in quanto il paese è caratterizzato da peculiarità culturali, sociali ed etniche praticamente uniche al mondo, ma anche e soprattutto per l'elezione di Evo Morales, il primo presidente di origine india in America Latina.
Questo studio si basa anche sulle interviste ad attori sociali privilegiati, come professori universitari, giornalisti, politici e studiosi in scienze sociali, eseguite tra il Febbraio e il Maggio del 2011 in Bolivia, tra la città di Santa Cruz e quella di Sucre, presenti nell'appendice finale di questo testo.

Ancient Rome and the Middle Ages: two “myth-making forces” in constructing the history of the nation and small homelands during the Risorgimento and Fascism.
This study considers how, from the early nineteenth century to the Second World War, themes and symbols borrowed from Antiquity and the Middle Ages were enlisted to construct the political and cultural identity of the Italian nation. The bond with the legacies of the past in Italy took on peculiar forms compared to other European nations. The development described here reveals an increasingly clear hierarchy of the two periods, interpreted not as opposed but integrated. The first, Classical Rome, was adopted to stand for the nation in terms of unity and refound power; the second, the Middle Ages, was used to narrate a nation and its composite construction, starting from the prosperous cities that flourished in the age of the communes. Among the many possible examples, two are particularly emblematic of this political language: the Vittoriano monument in Rome, with the statue of the goddess Roma depicted beneath the statues of the largest Italian cities, which in turn form the base of the statue of the King of Italy; and the choice during the Fascist period to call the head of government Dux and the heads of local communal administrations podestà.

SERBIAN THINKERS ON THE CHRISTIAN FOUNDATIONS OF MONARCHY

This paper will attempt to show the basic directions of development and understanding of the state-forming concept of the Orthodox monarchy among the Serbian authors. This state-forming ideal has its origin in the Eastern Roman theological and political teaching on symphony, as synergy, ie. voluntary cooperation between the Church and the state, as the common exploit of governing an Orthodox state and spiritual caring for the salvation of its subjects. Medieval Serbia, as a part of the so-called Byzantine Commonwealth, has adopted this state-forming concept and adapted it to its own national spirit and historical experience. This state-forming model of church-state relations culminated during the reigns of the Holy Nemanjich, Lazarevich, and Brankovich dynasties, and its beneficial influence also exerted a certain effect on liberation and state-forming movements in the Serbian ethnic territories in the XIX and XX centuries, during the reign of Petrovich-Njegosh, Karageorgevich and Obrenovich dynasties, cultivating certain echoes (positive or negative) in the thoughts and ideas of contemporary Serbian authors.

(The English sections are at pages 7 and 277-282)

У овом раду се настоји на приказивању основних праваца развоја и схватања државотворног концепта православне монархије међу српским ауторима. Речени државотворни идеал има своје исходиште у источноромејском богословском и политичком учењу о симфонији, као синергији, тј. добровољној сарадњи Цркве и државе на заједничком подвигу руковођења једном православном државом и духовног старања за спасење њених поданика. Средњовековна Србија, као део тзв. византијског комонвелта, усвојила је овакав државотворни концепт и прилагодила га сопственом народном духу и повесном искуству. Овај државотворни модел односа између Цркве и државе доживео је свој врхунац за владавине светородних династија Немањића, Лазаревића и Бранковића, а његов благотворни утицај имао је извесног ефекта и на ослободилачке и државотворне покрете на српским етничким просторима у XIX и XX веку, за владе династија Петровића-Његоша, Карађорђевића и Обреновића, проналазећи извесног одјека (позитивног или негативног) у размишљањима и идејама савремених српских аутора.

Covid-19 as an Immune event. Multiple Irritation scenarios beyond Western modernizations Covid-19 como evento inmune. Múltiples escenarios de irritación más allá de las modernizaciones occidentales Gerhard Preyer and Reuss-Markus Krausse Mexican Journal of Political and Social Science Vol. 66, No. 242 (2021) http://www.revistas.unam.mx/index.php/rmcpys/article/view/79327/70080

Metaphorics in Polish political browser games pictures the browser games in the development process. The Reader learns about them as the metaphors of the political processes taking place in Poland in the years 2005-2013. The applications analyzed in this elaboration contain scenarios visualizing the processes, their reasons, courses and consequences. They also picture the role played in them by political actors, resembling the real-life politicians, imaged in the game’s world, or the so-called typical heroes – politicians seen as generalized characters that cannot be given names or surnames. The browser games of this type are not developments featuring contents that the Reader would find in manuals dwelling on political theory and political systems. No one will become a political scientist even after playing dozens of games. They provide a moving commentary by the Internet community on the current situation at a given time and place and to the realities of the life of individuals and societies.

W Metaforyce polskich politycznych gier przeglądarkowych przedstawiam gry przeglądarkowe w procesie rozwojowym. Czytelnik poznaje je jako metafory procesów politycznych zachodzących w Polsce w latach 2005-2013. Aplikacje analizowane w tej książce zawierają scenariusze wizualizujące owe procesy, ich przyczyny, przebieg i konsekwencje. Obrazują też rolę, jaką odgrywają w nich aktorzy polityczni przypominający realnie istniejących polityków, odwzorowywanych w świecie gry, albo tzw. bohaterów typu – polityków postrzeganych jako postaci uogólnione, których nie sposób nazwać rzeczywistymi imionami i nazwiskami. Gry przeglądarkowe tego rodzaju nie są jednak wytworami zawierającymi treści, które Czytelnik znajdzie w podręcznikach traktujących o teorii polityki czy o systemach politycznych. Po ukończeniu kilku, a nawet kilkudziesięciu gier nie stanie się politologiem. Są to bowiem poruszające świadomość komentarze społeczności internetowej do aktualnej w danym czasie i miejscu sytuacji i do realiów życia jednostek i społeczeństw.

Kniha Podzim postmodernismu je souborem dvanácti studií z oblasti filosofie, politologie, estetiky a literární vědy. Impulsem k sestavení knihy byla konference Cesty z postmodernismu? Postmodernismus, kapitalismus, utopie, která se konala 13. prosince 2013. Smyslem setkání filosofů, politologů a estetiků byla diskuse nad knihou Michaela Hausera Cesty z postmodernismu. Filosofická reflexe doby přechodu (Filosofia, Praha 2012), v níž autor představil svou koncepci překonání rozporů a jednostranností postmoderního myšlení. Příspěvky, které na konferenci zazněly (V. Bělohradského, J. Pechara, J. Fialy, J. Stejskala a R. Kandy), však tvoří menší část předkládané publikace. Ta se díky tvůrčímu podílu dalších oslovených autorů, kteří se tehdy debaty aktivně nezúčastnili, podstatně rozrostla a změnila se také její původně zamýšlená koncepce. [The Autumn of Postmodernism. Thoughts on Michael Hauser’s Book Roads out of Postmodernism (and More) (Podzim postmodernismu. Úvahy [nejen] nad knihou Michaela Hausera Cesty z postmodernismu) is a collection of twelve studies from the fields of philosophy, politology, aesthetics, and literary studies. The inspiration to compile this book lay in the conference Roads out of Postmodernism? Postmodernism, Capitalism, and Utopia (Cesty z postmodernismu? Postmodernismus, kapitalismus, utopie) held on December 13th, 2013. The purpose of this meeting of philosophical, political, and aesthetic scholars was to discuss Michael Hauser’s book Roads out of Postmodernism: A Philosophical Reflection on a Time of Transition (Cesty z postmodernismu. Filosofická reflexe doby přechodu, Filosofia, Praha 2012), in which the author presented his approach for overcoming the contradictions and biases in postmodern thought. However, the contributions read at this conference (by V. Bělohradský, J. Pechar, J. Fiala, J. Stejskal, and R. Kanda) comprise only the minority of the publication presented here. Authors who had not actively taken part in the debate at the time were approached, and thus the publication grew substantially in size—and took on a design different from that originally intended.]

This paper is an attempt to open up the issue of the role of diplomacy in the fight against terrorism. Diplomacy has a great and irreplaceable role in the fight against modern terrorism. Diplomatic skills probably appeared at the very beginning of human civilization during the creation of first organized human communities. Although warfare and use of weapons have been the most important means of foreign policy for thousands of years, the appearance of states has necessarily lead to diplomatic communication between them. As a result of this, it is possible to identify a certain diplomatic practice in ancient China, India, Assyria, Egypt, Persia, etc. Diplomatic relations were regulated for the first time in ancient Greece, in which city-states persistently fought for hegemony, entering into and dissolving alliances, and changing missions. The most significant result of this is the principle of absolute inviolability of envoys. This principle was also later on taken over by Rome. Gaius Julius Caesar also demonstrated great diplomatic skills by
applying the method that was later on raised to the axiom contained in the Latin proverb divide et impera (divide and rule).
As early as at that time, diplomacy was present as a discourse in peaceful management of international relations, mostly through negotiations, although diplomacy mostly preceded wars. It is beyond doubt that most diplomatic activities require an extensive use of knowledge. In this context, diplomacy may be described as an intellectual activity based on continuous gathering and processing of information, its analysis and the resulting decision making.

Necesitatea abordării unui asemenea subiect este, după părerea mea, crucială în contextul socio-politic și cultural global actual, întrucât problematizarea migrațiilor și a mișcării populațiilor dintr-un teritoriu în celălalt reprezintă astăzi, nu doar una dintre cauzele tensiunilor armate care au loc între marile puteri ale lumii, ci și unul dintre motivele (sau pretextele) de înarmare.

This article, written in 1994 and published in 1997, is divided into three parts. Part I deals with the official name of the country, ǧamāhīriyya. Parts II and III show that Kadhafi’s concepts of « socialism » and « nationalism » are deeply rooted in the Arabic language: the former is linked to the root ’-ǧ-r and the words formed thereon, whereas the latter is linked to the old term of qawm.

Articolul este o scurtă prezentare a încălcării grosiere a Tratatului de Aderare al României, a Trataului UE și a Tratatului EC,  de Comisia Europeană, prin Decizia MCV din 2006, și de C.J.U.E. prin Hotărârea CJUE din 18 mai 2021 care validează Decizia MCV din 2006 și o impune ca obligatorie României. Analiza privește doar acest aspect al Deciziei C.J.U.E din 18 mai 2021, respectiv Decizia MCV din 2006 , fără a analiza restul soluțiilor pronunțate prin Hotărârea CJUE din 2021 privind alte probleme : S.I.I.J., regimul juridic al răspunderii magistraților, etc. Articolul este scris într-un limbaj accesibil oricui, fiind doar  sinteză scrisă în limbaj comun a a unui studiu mai extins de natură juridică asupra  tututor soluțiilor pronunțate prin Hotărârea CJUE din 18 mai 2021, încă nefinalizat. Articolul încearcă să arate și modul de operare  al Comisiei Europene și al CJUE, atât juridic cât, și mai larg, politic în ce privește relația unui bloc politic( UE) cu membrii săi cu forță politică și economică redusă( România). Acest modus operandi nu diferă cu nimic de acela al oricărei birocrații și de cel din cadrul oricărui bloc politic, precum UE, indiferent de culoarea politică a blocului politic si de perioadă istorică în care acționează. O varianta a articolului, un pic mai extinsă și mai polemică, poate fi citită pe https://curatconstitutionalblog.wordpress.com/

This article analyses changes in the teaching and attitudes of the Ukrainian Greek-
Catholic Church towards elections and their political manipulation in the country.
Its main focus is on the Church’s efforts to ensure informed participation of
the citizens in elections, considering especially the goals of respective political
programs and their impact. Even during the escalated political conflicts of the
last fifteen years, the Church kept policy of non-indulgance with a particular side
involved in the conflicts.