Political Behaviour

How do leaders' idiosyncrasies are developed, and how do these, in turn, impact their political behaviour? This study traces the idiosyncratic behaviour of Presidents Andrew Jackson and Donald Trump. It details four historical traditions-Hamiltonian, Wilsonian, Jeffersonian, and Jacksonian. The study expands upon Jacksonian tradition and sees that how Trump pursued this tradition and how is his political behaviour remained similar to that of Andrew Jackson. Three specific areas in which these variables are determined are personal lives, narcissism and authoritarian behaviour, and populism and corruption. The paper also charts out the ways and means through which Donald Trump's administration is termed as Jacksonian in nature.

The Ukrainian crisis of 2014 has been a popular theme of journal and media articles for obvious reasons. Its "Chinese", or rather Sino-Russian dimension has been less so, though the Chinese reaction to the Ukrainian crisis and the implications of this reaction represent interesting political phenomenon. This article tries to fill this gap and uses the description of Russia and China policies during the crisis as a case study of Moscow's and Beijing's political behavior on the international scene in general. Its thesis is that the Ukrainian crisis represents a great case study of these behaviors. Moreover, this case is also a supplement to the general discussion in the field about the state of Russia-China contemporary political relations.

This is my HD thesis in Polish. Short version of this book in English was published under the title "Social Bonds in the Political Culture in Kyrgyzstan". This pdf file includes: table of contents and summary in English and Russian, additionally  also theoretical & methodological introduction, conclusions, and name index.

Praca powstała dzięki grantowi habilitacyjnemu MNiSW (rozliczany już w NCN). Recenzentami wydawniczymi byli prof. Wojciech Jakubowski (UWM) i prof. Andrzej Wierzbicki (UW), a recenzentami w przewodzie habilitacyjnym: śp. prof. Andrzej Chodubski (UG), prof. Franciszek Gołembski (AON), prof. Alicja Stępień-Kuczyńska (UŁ) i prof. Stanisław Tokarski (PAN).

How do leaders' idiosyncrasies are developed, and how do these, in turn, impact their political behaviour? This study traces the idiosyncratic behaviour of Presidents Andrew Jackson and Donald Trump. It details four historical traditions - Hamiltonian, Wilsonian, Jeffersonian, and Jacksonian. The study expands upon Jacksonian tradition and sees that how Trump pursued this tradition and how is his political behaviour remained similar to that of Andrew Jackson. Three specific areas in which these variables are determined are personal lives, narcissism and authoritarian behaviour, and populism and corruption. The paper also charts out the ways and means through which Donald Trump's administration is termed as Jacksonian in nature.

تناولت هذه الدراسة بالبحث والتحليل محددات السلوك التصويتي للناخب الشاب الأردني، في انتخابات البلديات ومجالس المحافظات في العام 2017. وقد تم تصنيف هذه المحددات إلى عدة مجالات رئيسة شملت: المعرفة بالعملية الانتخابية وقوانين الانتخاب، دوافع المشاركة في الانتخابات،مستوى المشاركة، العلاقات الاجتماعية، الدعاية الانتخابية، مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي،خصائص المرشح المفضل، النوع الاجتماعي (التصويت للمرأة وأسبابه) بوصفها محددات للسلوك الانتخابي للشاب الناخب الأردني، وجرى اختبار فرضيات الدراسة المرتبطة بهذه المجالات في ضوء معالجة إحصائية تبعا للمتغيرات الأولية التي وصفت الخصائص العامة لعينة الدراسة (الجنس، العمر، الحالة الاجتماعية، مكان الإقامة، المستوى التعليمي، مستوى الدخل، امتلاك حساب على مواقع التواصل الاجتماعي، والاتجاه السياسي)، والتي أظهرت أن تأثير هذه المتغيرات في محددات السلوك التصويتي ثنائية الاتجاه، فتارة توجد فروق ذات دلالة إحصائية في محددات السلوك التصويتي يعزى لبعض متغيراتها دون الأخرى، وتارة أخرى لا يوجد فروق ذات دلالة تعزى لهذه المتغيرات, كما هو موضح تفصيلا في اختبار فرضيات الدراسة.

The aim of study this to enhance understanding of employee’s attitude towards organizational politics. The positive and negative impact of perception of organizational politics on employee job attitudes is discussed in this paper which caters to one of the most significant issue attracting much of attention by organizational scientists. Numerous productive and counter productive work attitudes are identified by extensive literature review of research papers, articles and different sources at internet. An extensive study of literature has been carried out to discuss two theoretical models of perception of politics. Therein, the article sheds light on the positive outcomes of politics through the first model followed by underlining the negative outcomes of politics at the workplace. The paper also enlightens readers` knowledge and understanding on how organization can work to make the most of this prospect whilst ensuring it does not affect any organizational objectives. The review also forwards lays discussion on both the models for scholars enthusiastic to test and confirm the assertions of both the models for better managerial implication in future.

Political Behaviour determines electoral process and voting pattern in every democratic regime. In Nigeria, the political and socioeconomic settings as well as historical background of the country shaped the behaviour and voting pattern of the electorates in the Presidential elections that took place in the history of the state so far. This paper examined how political behaviour and voting pattern in the recently concluded 2015 Presidential Election determined the outcome of the votes and the winner. The main objective of the paper is to examine how the 2015 Presidential Election differs from the previous Presidential Elections in Nigeria as a result of the influence of political behaviour and voting pattern of the electorates. The methodology adopted for this work is the use of qualitative data where a case study was adopted. The research concludes that, the 2015 Presidential Election is different to some extent with the previous Presidential Elections in Nigeria as a result of change of political behaviour of the electorates and voting pattern from religious affiliation, ethnicity, regionalism, nepotism, to issue-based politics including corruption, insecurity, poverty, unemployment, and many other related issues. The paper recommends that, for a better and more free and fair elections that will produce good leaders to occur, the electorates should be reoriented to focus their choice of leaders based on performance, accountability, issue based campaign and a totally free electoral umpire that can conduct an election without any favour.

While it is common wisdom that “identity matters” in Ukrainian politics, we still lack a robust understanding of precisely when and how it matters. Reflecting challenges facing the broader interdisciplinary field of comparative identity politics, authors frequently bring to their analyses very different notions of the nature of identity itself, skipping a rigorous examination of these notions in an effort to get right to documenting the effects of identity. Similarly, identity is frequently operationalized in quantitative studies without much discussion of the implications of selecting one particular measure over another or of what precisely each measure is reflecting, not to mention what might have changed over time. While we do have nuanced research on Ukrainian identity, it tends not to address the evolution of identity over time or the moments and conditions of identity change. Such issues are particularly important for current research since identities and their associated meanings may shift or “harden” during severe crises or conflicts like those that unfolded in Ukraine during 2013–14. The five original articles that make up this special issue1 all address these challenges, with important implications for how we understand Ukrainian politics after the EuroMaidan.

States have not always been since time immemorial. They are a recent invention in the course of human evolution, which for millennia has been predominated by small hunter-gatherer groups with flat hierarchies. How, then, did this – on an evolutionary time scale – rapid transformation occur from a world without states to a world where the non-existence of states is almost unthinkable? The paper therefore provides answer to this question by examining the role of states in regional integration by examining two selective regional integration arrangements – European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU). After critical historical analysis of the role of states in this two regional integration arrangement, it is observed that the EU is succeeding at its integration agenda because of the high level of commitment from member states; however the same is not the case for African Union. Though regional integration in itself has not failed in Africa, but progress has been hampered by the lack of political will in implementing and accumulating the necessary resources for the success of it. Therefore, it can be said that success or otherwise of a regional integration arrangement is dependent on the states' commitment – both those within (member-states) and without (non-member states) the integration arrangement. States are undeniably then, among the most important factors in shaping the conditions of life and death of people around world.

D. Mair, L. Smillie, G. La Placa, F. Schwendinger, M. Raykovska, Z. Pasztor, R. van Bavel, Understanding our political nature: How to put knowledge and reason at the heart of political decision-making, Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg, 2019. 100 pp. ++ The behavioural sciences, social sciences and humanities can bring us new insights into our political behaviour, such as how and why emotions, values, identity and reason affect how we think, talk and take decisions on political issues.
Misperception and disinformation: our thinking skills are challenged by today's information environment and make us vulnerable to disinformation. We need to think more about how we think. Motivated reasoning makes people resist evidence that runs against their beliefs. Misinformed people do not think of themselves as ignorant - they hold facts which they believe to be true. False news, particularly political is diffused 'significantly farther, faster, deeper and more broadly than the truth'. Corrections do lead to more accurate assessments of the facts although generally do not change people's views.
Collective intelligence: science can help us re-design the way policymakers work together to take better decisions and prevent policy mistakes. Thinking collectively can significantly improve the quality of political decisions but only if collaborative processes are carefully designed. Only if all critical information, unique knowledge and expertise are shared can collective intelligence be achieved and groupthink or polarisation avoided. Psychological safety is essential for the sharing of critical information, ideas, questions and dissenting opinions.
Emotions: we can't separate emotion from reason. Better information about citizens' emotions and greater emotional literacy could improve policymaking. Emotions are just as essential to decision-making as logical reasoning and as likely to enhance rationality as to subvert it. Angry people are less likely to seek information and more likely to adopt a closed mind while anxiety may lead to a deeper processing of information. Sensing citizens' emotions more effectively could better guide policy choices. Learning to integrate and use emotions, rather than trying to suppress them could improve decision-making and collaboration in government.
Values and identities drive political behaviour but are not properly understood or debated. Political decisions are strongly influenced by group identity, values, worldviews, ideologies and personality traits. Political polarisation is on the rise and a new form of cultural, rather than economic, polarisation has emerged, with the far right opposed to immigration and multiculturalism. Values strongly influence not only our political behaviour but also our perceptions about facts.
Framing, metaphor and narrative: facts don't speak for themselves. Framing, metaphors and narratives need to be used responsibly if evidence is to be heard andunderstood. There is no such thing as a neutral frame; something is included at the expense of something else. The ways in which policy problems are framed can substantially influence beliefs. It is not the side with the most or best facts that wins an argument, but the one that provides the most plausible scenario that feels intuitively reliable, communicated by a perceived credible source.
Trust and openness: the erosion of trust in experts and in government can only be addressed by greater honesty and public deliberation about interests and values. Trustworthiness depends on expertise, honesty shared interests and values. The ideal of value-free science is more complex in reality: values may enter at several stages of the process. This does not mean that science cannot be trusted but that there is a need to be more transparent about the role of values in science. Opening evidence to public scrutiny is crucial to maintain scientific authority. Deliberative democracy and citizen engagement can be effective responses to the loss of trust in democratic institutions.
Evidence-informed policymaking: the principle that policy should be informed by evidence is under attack. Politicians, scientists and civil society need to defend this cornerstone of liberal democracy. The framing of a policy problem is a political rather than technical issue that determines what research is needed, what evidence counts and what should be ignored. The commitment to evidence-informed policy cannot be taken for granted. Partisan leadership in highly polarised political environments undermines the capacity of governments to use evidence effectively. There are extensive barriers to the use of evidence - scientists and policymakers have different norms, cultures, languages, misaligned incentives, understanding of time and budget constraints. A well-designed evidence-informed policy system would include knowledge brokers and boundary organisations between scientists and policymakers. The principle of informing policy through evidence could be recognised as a key accompaniment to the principles of democracy and the rule of law.

The Election Commission of India proclaimed the results of India’s 2019 electoral decision of public on May 23, 2019 for the lower house of the Indian parliament. Bhartiya Janata Party led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has won a whopping majority—303 seats, out
of 543. Looking into 2014 general election the party won only 282 seats. This indicates that Indian citizens have given a clear mandate to rule once again to Modi by centralized consolidation by a national party, the first since 1984. Past studies have focused on electoral voting behaviour of citizens with a political quotient. However, limited studies are conducted among citizens, especially on Y generation. Following theory of reasoned action,
a study was conducted, incorporating variables of attitude and ethnicity on intention to vote, with the moderating effect of social media and gender. The study followed quantitative research method with cross sectional study design to collect data from five locations of
Gujarat. A sample size of 1680 voters were considered by applying purposive sampling. PLS-SEM analysis results revealed that attitude and ethnicity relate to voter’s behaviour assimilating social media and gender. Implications of the study extends better insight to the politicians, political parties and leaders in understanding the political behaviour of citizens during elections.

The Maidan protests provide us with insights into Ukrainian society and the dynamics of mobilisation more generally. Based on the EuroMaidan Protest Participant Survey, on-site rapid interviews with protesters, interviews with politicians, activists and journalists, and focus groups with ordinary citizens and activists, this essay maps the actors, claims and frames of each phase in the protest cycle. It highlights the diversity of actors and the inability of activists and party leaders to coordinate as the central features of the protests. Our analysis reveals the fluid and contingent nature of cleavages commonly portrayed as fixed and politically salient.

The rise of anti-immigrant xenophobia in Western Europe is well-documented. In what ways, if at all, does this impact on the political participation of those who experience xenophobia? This statistics paper explores this question using data from the European Social Survey (Round 5). Through paying attention to group consciousness and political trust, it is found that those who experience xenophobia are statistically significantly more likely to engage in almost every type of political activity, with the stark exception of casting their votes in national elections.

The present study is gone for testing the hypothesis of three types of support (specifically political traditional, political unordinary, and social) and that they can be followed back to similar determinants. The study was done on students under Agra and Kanpur commissonary who finished a self-assessment survey. Independent factors incorporated into the investigation were; organization put stock in value, political premium, political viability, a criticism towards governmental issues, political socialization, socio demographic factors, for example, sex, age and pay, and political factors. Results demonstrate that the three types of investment are not fundamentally unrelated, with the goal that the association in one doesn't really involve the rejection of the other two. Nevertheless, they can't be followed back to a typical pool of predecessors: the model proposed must be upheld for political, and not for social cooperation, which remains generally unexplained.

The July 2019 parliamentary election was the first national election since Greece officially exited the eight-year bailout programmes in August 2018. It was preceded by three ballots on European Parliament, regional and munici- pal elections in May 2019, which served as a decompression valve for the electorate to punish the incumbent government and indicate a clear will for governmental change, since the conservative party ND won by a landslide. Whereas ND’s victory in the parliamentary election was anticipated, it was its scale that would define the shape of the new government. Increasing its score by 11.76 points since September 2015, ND won 39.85% of the vote, securing a comfortable majority of 158 out of 300 seats. This is the first majority government in Greece since 2011, marking the return of the country to a new normality. Even if SYRIZA failed to deliver the anti-bailout pro- gramme which had initially brought the party to the centre of electoral com- petition, it still gathered 31.53% of the vote, losing just 3.93 points since its last victory in 2015, hence securing its place as one of the two key actors in the new two-partyism. Party fragmentation was limited to six parliamentary parties instead of eight, with the neo-Nazi party, Golden Dawn, having lost its parliamentary representation.

Abstract The argument advanced in this article is that interaction in social networks has a strong, though often over-looked, influence on the propensity to participate in politics. Specifically, I argue that social interaction creates opportunities for individuals to gather information about politics that allows them to live beyond personal resource constraints, thereby supporting the political activity of many people.

This paper uses data from the European Election Studies (EES), to investigate the determinants of voter turnout in the 2004 European Parliamentary Elections. It introduces measures of television news exposure and political talk into models of electoral participation and finds that the frequency of watching general television news is not a significant predictor for voter turnout, whereas watching a program about the elections on television as well as political talk are. A binary logistic regression model of turnout and television news exposure and political talk shows that individuals who more frequently watch a program about the elections on television and show higher levels of political talk with friends and family are more likely to turnout to vote, whereas general television news exposure does not have a significant impact on voter turnout.

Objectives: An attempt has been made in the paper to analyze how emerging technologies have influenced people's political behavior, how technology and politics are intrinsically interrelated, and the possible consequences of theirinterrelation. This paper also tries to evaluate the role of technology on the electroral politics of India and what type of role technology is going to play in the forthcoming days. Furthermore, it illuminates how technology is used by the different political parties, political leaders, to maximize their political end and influence outcomes. Research Methods/ Data Analysis: To discover all those questions, the study used experimental, historical, descriptive and analytical methods and collected data from governmental and non-governmental reports. All data have been collected from Pew Research Center, Centerfor Strategic and International Studies, Social Science Research Council, Fobes and Carnegie India. Bar diagrams have been used for data analysis. Internet sources have also been used to update the empirical data and for the overall enrichment of studies. Findings: After analyzing the data from various sources and surveys, it can be opined that technology has both positive and negative ef ects in the Indian political system. The use of various technology, social media and startup companies in electoral politics has changed the traditional features of Indian politics. After reviewing the opinions of social media users, it can be said that technology and politics are both sides of the same coin. Despite various shortcomings, in the contemporary era, the interrelation between politics and technology has become important to enjoy better political freedom. Novelty/Applications: The study provides an experimental analysis of both the positive and negative aspects of the interrelationship between politics and technology. In this digital age, study will give people the right path by which they can choose the right way for their development.

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In this paper, an indicator to measure the degree of electoral political sophistication was created to determine along with the traditional indicator of political sophistication the impact of communicative variables. For this, an analytical survey was carried out after the gubernatorial elections of the Mexican states of Nuevo Leon (2015), Puebla (2016) and Mexico (2017). Findings showed a positive impact of the use of web pages about politics and interactive communication in both dimensions of sophistication as well as electoral debates on electoral sophistication.

This paper describes policy alternatives as lotteries, and studies how policy preferences are distorted by the cognitive anomalies postulated by Prospect Theory. Loss aversion induces a status quo bias. However, due to the reflection effect, the bias is asymmetric: too moderate attitudes toward a good reform or a good candidate, and too low severity toward bad politics. The reflection effect also determines low loyalty in partisan voting and weak concerns about partisan issues. Preferences about nonpartisan issues are independent of wealth because people use the status quo as a reference point. Ambitious platforms have more chances to pass than incremental and detailed changes because people are risk seeking in the realm of losses.
In general, according to Prospect Theory the policy conflict within the society is smoother than under full rationality. Moreover, a pure majority system yields either prolonged conservatism or a radical abandonment of the status quo.

Los elementos clásicos que han venido explicando el comportamiento electoral a lo largo del siglo XX se ven en entredicho ante el contexto de las sociedades contemporáneas. La neurociencia representa un más que prometedor campo de estudio para su aplicación en el análisis del comportamiento de los votantes, acercándonos a la posibilidad de estudiar qué papel juegan las emociones en el mismo. El neuromarketing aplicado al marketing político se nos presenta como una poderosa herramienta que nos permitiría observar cómo diferentes targets del electorado reaccionan neurológicamente ante un determinado estímulo de carácter político, identificando así nuevos elementos configuradores del comportamiento de voto. Sobre las futuras aplicaciones y proyección de la neurociencia en el campo de la política trata este artículo, que además, busca poner de relieve la necesidad de tomar en consideración el papel de las emociones en el comportamiento de los electores.