Plutocracy

Contemporary political science has fetishized a product of its own invention: the elite theory of democracy. American political science’s understanding of “democratic elitism” is founded on a fundamental misreading of the Italian School of Elitism and Joseph Schumpeter’s political thought. This essay historicizes the early phases of the interpretive tradition known as democratic elitism, represented by the following authors: 1) Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, Robert Michels, 2) Joseph Schumpeter, and 3) Robert Dahl. I not only track how the Italian School’s concern over the threat of plutocracy was suppressed, and their aspirations for political transparency discounted by American political science, but also trace the shift, over time, in the literary dispositions that undergird what we now call “elite” or “minimal” theories of democracy. I argue that in contrast to the Italian theorists’ and Schumpeter’s pessimism, Dahl infused optimism into his understanding of representative government with pernicious consequences for democratic theory.

https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/701636

Originally published privately in 1944, the first edition of this work was disseminated amongst 200 or so members of the U.S. Congress with the intention of alerting Senators to the machinations of the power behind the throne of international Finance.
"Several members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee accorded some attention to this."
Publishers in 1944 were largely reluctant to publish Knuth's damning exposé of the financial power elite at the heart of British Imperialism, declaring that there would be little interest or demand, outside of an audience of "men of professional standing". Publishers felt there would be no appeal for such information amongst the American public. Due to the nature of the subject matter, one cannot help but suspect what the underlying motives of the publishers may have been, and whether the hand of suppression was at work, coupled with the fear of rocking the boat, or biting the hand that feeds.
"How has it been possible to erect this Internationalistic structure of mis-representation and deception in our midst and to protect it from exposure for nearly half a century? Why have not our professors of history, our college presidents and educators, or our crusading newspapers exposed this monstrosity? ...
... Our newspapers are absolutely dependent for their existence on the advertising of great business interests, and perhaps the principle function of college presidents is to collect the funds upon which the existence of their institution depends, to be on the right terms with the right people. ...
... The startling aspect of the dual nature of the British Government has the support of many eminent authorities on the subject, despite the fact that millions of American school textbooks and works of popular reference, and the books of thousands of pseudo history experts, have woven a fabric of deceit, and created popular acceptance of an illusion and a fallacy by the cumulative force of constant repetition."
The author wrote an additional 3 chapters to the work in 1945, and the second edition of the work was again copyrighted in 1945. It would appear that this edition of this largely overlooked treatise, on the secretive international policies of the British government, and the history of its geopolitical power plays from roughly 1827 until 1944, that led it to rise to the top of a vast clandestine order of global finance, was published for public consumption as late as 2006.

The circumstances surrounding this texts publication for public consumption could be used to discredit it's authenticity or even relevance, but nevertheless, I found it an interesting (if at times dry) read for the information it contains.  It is well referenced and researched, containing excerpts from the writings of politicians, and legal and historical texts; this makes the dismissal of its revelations as mere speculation difficult.

The book's existence, despite being rather occulted, provides an important understanding of the geopolitical situation of today, and if nothing else, demonstrates that history can appear largely cyclical, as much of the geo-strategic landscape in the build up to World War One and World War Two, mirrors current areas of conflict on the globe today.  To move away from the temptation to view this similarity as a reflection of the cyclic nature of history, observing the geopolitical similarities in a more linear fashion, the impression which emerges is one of a drawn out plan of political hegemony, enacted in a 'long game' through the past to the present, with a consistent ideological foe in mind.

http://www.whenthenewsstops.org/2016/03/the-empire-of-city-secret-history-of.html

http://www.whenthenewsstops.org/p/book-reviews.html

Al igual que los dos primeros, el presente volumen contiene medio siglo de aportes sociológico-puntuales de Xavier Gamboa Villafranca.  Presenta contribuciones de resultados de sus análisis coyunturales, utilizando la visión de la ciencia social aplicada a la lucha 1969-2018, por lograr en México un cambio alineado a justicia social, solidaridad,  cooperación y  ayuda mutua.  De la veintena de grandes categorías en que es posible agruparlas a todas, este tomo incluye a once.  Abrcan de los apartados 9 al 19.  De ahí su considerable tamaño: de más de setecientas cincuenta páginas.

Now, to better understand the Oligarchy or the 1% (actually, those who are really in control of our world are of much less than 1%, but it is easier to just say, "the 1%"), we need to not only ask questions, but to answer them as well. It just so happens that I had already been researching the Oligarchy for more than 20 years before people like Jimmy Carter, Jesse Ventura and Bernie Sanders started talking about it.

Thus, I am perhaps the one main person who not only knows the most about them, but who will also tell you about what I now know. Others who know, may not know as much, and they may not want to tell you what they know. The fact of the matter is that you most likely will not find out anything about the Oligarchy or the 1% via an education from within present day academia. In fact, what you "learn" or are told from within academia today, most likely will steer you away from what you would need to know about the subject.

Esta publicação deve interessar a quem procura por uma interpretação filosófica independente/autônoma, em uma palavra, libertária, da história política do Brasil. Expor que este livro segue essa cultura denota que a obra não está à mercê de partidos políticos, presidentes, reis, empresários, latifundiários, generais, donos das TVs, papas, pastores, magistrados, enfim, de governantes e seus dogmas. Simultaneamente, a análise denuncia o establishment, a “ordem” pautada na ampla desigualdade social, na miséria, na concentração de riqueza, na exploração e subjugação do trabalhador, na falta de comida, saúde, educação, moradia, terra, paz, vida digna e direitos para milhões de pessoas.
O fio condutor desta pesquisa é o trato histórico-comparado das plutocracias e da regulação trabalhista no Brasil desde as primeiras leis, no início da República, até a governança política de Michel Temer.
Oferecemos especial ênfase às governanças políticas petistas (Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff), tendo-as como epicentro, passando por uma importante comparação interna com o legado do varguismo, o retrocesso da Ditadura Militar-Plutocrática-Desavergonhada, o avanço da Constituição de 1988 e, por fim, os exemplos daquilo que denominamos por “Plutocracias Neoliberais Desavergonhadas” (tucanas e emedebista, sob as governanças políticas de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Michel Temer, respectivamente). Os papéis do empresariado, dos sindicatos dos trabalhadores e das governanças institucionais e sociais foram vistos como um ponto nuclear com relações recíprocas para a elaboração e a mudança da regulação trabalhista.
Em resumo, ao perscrutarmos os diferentes tipos de regulações trabalhistas postos em prática por diferentes governos no Brasil significa que teremos clara noção sobre os resultados para os governados (vendedores de força de trabalho), pois a conquista/perda de direitos para os trabalhadores consubstancia exatamente em um cabo de força diante dos governantes. Com efeito, as características das leis laborais (tipo, garantia, extensão de direitos, ataques sofridos) são de fundamental importância para avaliarmos o caráter de um determinado governo, privilegiando seus propósitos para a classe que vive do trabalho.
O livro está dividido em dez capítulos. No primeiro, introduzimos o tema com uma importante discussão bibliográfica/historiográfica sobre diferentes correntes interpretativas da relação capital-trabalho no Brasil. Com efeito, poderemos identificar os múltiplos princípios teóricos-metodológicos das interpretações liberais, sociais-democratas, marxistas e anarquistas para o nosso objeto de estudo. Para quem se interessa por identificar os diferentes métodos/postulados das diversas teorias no Brasil esse é um bom começo, pois explicitará as características idiossincráticas de cada uma. Como resultado dessa discussão, o leitor terá a clara compreensão do tipo de lente utilizada pela nossa análise.
No segundo capítulo, apresentamos os antecedentes históricos da regulação trabalhista no Brasil, priorizando o que chamamos de nove governanças/opressões sociais. Para tanto, começamos com a descrição da coação capitalista que imputa aos governados a se subjugarem aos governantes; também discutimos a relação governantes-governados durante o Império e a Primeira República. Aqui, trazemos algumas fontes que mostram como as associações coletivas dos industriais clamaram pela intervenção do Estado na relação entre capital e trabalho, antes de 1930, desmistificando ideias em contrário. Também mostraremos como a gênese da carteira de trabalho tinha meramente como objetivo controlar e coagir os trabalhadores revolucionários e rebeldes.
No terceiro capítulo, discutimos a regulação trabalhista na “grande” Era Vargas, entre 1930 e 1964, quando foi instituída a CLT. Classificamos o varguismo como uma “Plutocracia Corporativista Estatal”, como mostraremos.
Nos capítulos quatro e cinco, apresentamos uma crítica à Ditadura Militar-Plutocrática-Desavergonhada (1964-85) e às suas diferentes interpretações teóricas. Aqui, a lente anarquista se mostrará como grande diferencial nos possibilitando enxergar para além da institucionalidade e, portanto, ampliando a crítica ao militarismo reinante no Brasil. Também perscrutamos as principais alterações na regulação trabalhista no período.
No sexto capítulo, debateremos a chamada Nova República, quando a governança política passa para o controle de civis; todavia, o militarismo e a guerra psicológica continuam sobre negros, pobres, favelados, indígenas, LGBTQIA+ e contestadores do sistema. Por isso, denominaremos esse período por Ditadura Plutocrática-Militar-Dissimulada, como mostraremos.
O grande capítulo sete é dedicado a discutir os governos petistas como epicentro. Privilegiamos uma importante comparação entre as governanças políticas tucanas (PSDB-PMDB), 1995-2002; petistas (PT-PMDB), 2003-2016; e emedebistas (MDB -PSDB), 2016-2017. Assim, pudemos identificar semelhanças, diferenças, mas, especialmente, continuidades. As governanças políticas foram apreciadas com destaque para as opções sobre a regulação trabalhista, na qual discutimos as plutocracias neoliberais, umas desavergonhadas e outras dissimuladas, como veremos. Nesse capítulo, analisamos o Congresso da FIESP e documentos públicos da FIRJAN e da CNI sobre suas posturas acerca da regulação trabalhista e sobre as governanças políticas petistas. Com efeito, arrazoamos, principalmente, desde fontes primárias, a posição das associações coletivas dos governantes da economia e dos sindicatos com relação às leis trabalhistas entre 1990 e 2018. Esta apresentação proporcionou saber duas questões fundamentais: 1) se houve diferenças de postura dos governantes da economia sobre a legislação trabalhista nos diferentes contextos pesquisados no Brasil; 2) o quanto as governanças políticas petistas, tucanas e emedebista atenderam às reivindicações dos empresários. Ainda nesse capítulo, ostentamos uma quase conclusão do livro, onde resgatamos algumas das principais teses debatidas nas páginas anteriores, bem como ratificamos a importância da utilização de novos conceitos que nos possibilite libertação da velha e moribunda história conservadora do Brasil.
No oitavo capítulo, seguem os principais resultados da pesquisa comparada. Mostramos que na história política do Brasil, embora tenha passado por governanças políticas de diferentes colorações ideológicas e com distintas “representações simbólicas de maiorias excluídas”, não foi possível acabar com as governanças sociais e institucionais. Portanto, os trabalhadores continuaram submissos e tendo que prestar obediência aos diferentes governantes, sem a almejada emancipação social. Continuaram, em uma palavra, governados.
Concluímos a pesquisa resgatando as diversas teses desenvolvidas ao longo da obra, mostrando semelhanças e diferenças entre as distintas plutocracias e destacando o quanto a ação direta e a propaganda pelo fato foram de fundamental importância para a conquista de direitos para os governados.
(...)
Ademais, este livro não deve fazer bem a nacionalistas xenófobos, racistas, homofóbicos, militaristas, igrejistas, usurpadores em geral, amantes da autoridade, da coerção e das desigualdades e hierarquias sociais; enfim, a ativistas conservadores agressivos, defensores do capitalismo e/ou das opressões e suas governanças reinantes no país. Mas se você tiver inclinação para amar ao próximo, amar a liberdade, a igualdade, o autogoverno e lutar contra todo tipo de discriminação, de autoritarismo, exploração, por fim contra todas as governanças e opressões, entendendo que, principalmente, a ação direta dos governados pode levar à emancipação social, espero que essa obra contribua para o seu conhecimento.
Boa leitura! Vamos à pesquisa!

Istilah Demokrasi lazimnya digunakan untuk menggambarkan ideologi dan mekanisme Suatu pemerintah. Amerika Serikat dan Republik Indonesia menyelenggarakan sistem pemerintahan kedua negara berdasarkan kaedah-kaedah demokrasi. Dalam merealisasikan kondisi perpolitikan demokrasi yang stabil selalu berjalan dengan peran dan fungsi pokok partai politik yang dianggap sebagai atribut Utama dalam demokrasi. Pemetaan partai-partai politik di kedua negara memiliki perbedaan bentuk sistem kepartaian, sehingga berdampak kepada stabilitas penyelenggaraan demokrasi di negara. Kajian ilmiah Ini akan berupaya menjelaskan indikator-indikator Utama yang mempengaruhi proses demokratisasi di kedua negara dengan mempertimbangkan Satu fenomena politik global; plutocracry dalam negara demokrasi.

Arria Antonina, had other names. And we know this because her 'Antonina' name was the feminine form of her father's alias name of 'Arrius Antoninus'. The name 'Antoninus' was a name created by using one of Arrius Piso's inherited names ('Antonius') and 'ninus' (i.e., "baby boy"), which alluded to Arrius Piso as the baby Jesus. Even though I knew about Arria Antonina for awhile, I was not able to comment upon her in any of my works until now. The reason is that because of her name, I was not entirely certain that she was a different individual other than her sister Claudia Phoebe, who was aka Arria Fadilla. In all of these instances where there are similar names involved, caution and diligence is absolutely necessary or mistakes can be easily made. And, also, because under that name, she was associated with certain other people-which meant that I had to do more investigation and research into just what her relationship was with other family members. Finding out things such as this can take time. Remember, even with all of my knowledge of the subject, my expertise and experience, and even working upon this with a high level of expertise for more than 20 years, it is only within the last few years that I discovered that Arrius Piso had this other daughter. And, the only way that such things can be discovered is by doing this exactly as I have been doing it, by building profiles or data bases for each individual and working slowly, carefully and with certainty. If one were to read and believe the histories of the time as written, believing that the authors were being honest and forthright, we would never discover all of the things such as this, that they were hiding or disguising. If we thought of Claudia Phoebe, for instance, only as Pompeia Plotina, we would not know that she had children. The only way to discover such things, is to find out what alias or alternate names...

The COVID-19 pandemic has both exacerbated and accelerated the ‘hollowing out’ of the American liberal democratic state’s ability to provide public goods to its citizens while at the same time greatly benefiting its richest families and the multinational corporations under their ownership and control. With the pendulum shifting in the recent presidential and congressional elections from one major political party to another, US federal governmental (and the governed’s) economic interests are now in a direct collision course with plutocratic privilege and prerogative. While the state now seeks to revitalize the public infrastructure—for the American people—family dynastic and plutocratic interests seek to increasingly maximize their economic profits and, in the process, further defund and commoditize such public goods.

This article is coming out soon in the journal Cultural Politics (2019, Duke). It analyzes two notorious photos of Donald Trump and Nigel Farage—one on their own, and one alongside Arron Banks, Gerry Gunster, Andy Wigmore, and Raheem Kassam—standing in a gold-plated elevator after Trump had won the US election. The article provides a cultural and political analysis of the plutocrats who are playing at being ordinary " winners, " or what it calls normcore plutocrats. Analyzing the symbolic and material contexts of these two images, it considers the physical context of the lift within Trump Tower; the tangled web of relationships uniting the men in the lift; and the photograph's later life as a social media meme. Asking how a depiction of glittering luxury can be presented as populist revolt, it discusses how elites draw on discourses of meritocracy, of " traveling up the social ladder " to validate their actions. That Trump and friends are not on a ladder but in an express lift symbolizes the attempted velocity of this phase of corporate meritocracy. In the process the analysis provides a multilayered contribution toward understanding how these normcore plutocrats in gold elevators have achieved and extended their power.

Contemporary political science has fetishized a product of its own invention: the elite theory of democracy. American political science’s understanding of “democratic elitism” is founded on a fundamental misreading of the Italian School of Elitism and Joseph Schumpeter’s political thought. This essay historicizes the early phases of the interpretive tradition known as democratic elitism, represented by the following authors: 1) Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, Robert Michels, 2) Joseph Schumpeter, and 3) Robert Dahl. I not only track how the Italian School’s concern over the threat of plutocracy was suppressed, and their aspirations for political transparency discounted by American political science, but also trace the shift, over time, in the literary dispositions that undergird what we now call “elite” or “minimal” theories of democracy. I argue that in contrast to the Italian theorists’ and Schumpeter’s pessimism, Dahl infused optimism into his understanding of representative government with pernicious consequences for democratic theory. https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/701636

OWS, RT, Russia, What’s Next?
By Dr. George Krasnow on December 2, 2011
http://www.veteranstoday.com/2011/12/02/ows-rt-russia-what%E2%80%99s-next/
RT (Russia Today TV News Network) has covered the Occupy Wall Street movement so extensively and boldly that it begs the question: What does the Kremlin have to do with the OWS movement? From what I have observed in both Russia and the USA, the answer is: Very little or nothing at all, to my regret, which I’ll explain later...

Documento faccimilar de la denuncia de hechos  que, el 11 de agosto de 2020, presentó a la Fiscalía General de la República (México), Emilio Lozoya.  Aparece en público el 20 de agosto de 2020.

Lozoya fue director general  de la paraestatal Petróleos Mexicanos, en el gobierno federal 2012-2018, presidido por Enrique Peña Nieto. Se refiere sus actividades en la canalización de dinero sucio proveniente de la empresa Odebrecht,  para corromper.  Entre otros muchos, entrega de dádias millonarias, para comprar diputados y senadores del Congreso de la Unión, a cambio d que votarn a favor de la reforma energética del 2014. 

En el campo de las ciencias sociales, su contenido es información primaria de gran importancia.  Dificilmente se puede consegduir. Útil para enl científico social que requiera tener el detalle judicial de de UN CASO del teje-maneje de redes establecidas por la plutocracia para enriquecerse y controlar a sus operadores en los estados nacionales.  Es decir, de un caso, en el giro del negocio de corromper con dinero público robado, para generar dinero privado "blanqueado" o "cuasi limpio".

Este manejo fue el recurso preferente, de la neoliberal cúpula burocrático-pseudoempresarial que detentaba el poder político-económico.  En algunos países del planeta tierra, el verbo se conjuga en presente: ES el recurso preferente...

The economic crisis has prompted an increasing interest about the growing asymmetries in the concentration of wealth. The focus has been put especially on the richest 1% of the population. It has not been studied, however, the way in which these elites have come about and how they have acted for several decades as a global plutocracy, developing internationalization strategies and a tendency to secede from society, as well as to project a decisive power in the dynamics of the world. To show this is the main purpose of this paper, that additionally analyzes the ontological status of this social category acting on a global scale, and outlines some implications deriving from this issue.

In order to explain this, a completely new range of sources in sociological research is used, such as annual reports from major banks, and companies that have emerged recently which are specially dedicated to monitoring large fortunes and generating feedback about them.

El presente artículo examina el origen, evolución y universalización de la democracia y presenta la idea de la aretecracia que implica democracia cualificada con un alto componente ético. La metodología empleada es la revisión documental, bibliográfica y análisis crítico, mediante la cual se diserta sobre la evolución de la democracia hasta su universalización y presenta la propuesta de cualificación previa a la que debe someterse cualquier aspirante que pretenda representar al pueblo con idoneidad. Se concluye principalmente que la aretecracia proporciona herramientas jurídico-políticas que garantizan el "deber-ser" de la democracia y evitan su deformación en plutocracia y/u oclocracia. -/- This article examines a theoretical idea of origin, evolution and universalization of democracy called aretecracy that implies qualified democracy with a high ethical component. The methodology used is a documentary and bibliographical review with critical analysis, by which it discusses the evolution of democracy to its universalization and presents the concept of aretecracy and its pre-qualification proposal to which any aspirant must be submitted to represent the people with suitability. It is concluded that aretecracy provides legal-political tools that guarantee the "must-be" of democracy and prevent its deformation in plutocracy and/or ochlocracy.

Publisher: Films For Action / Belfast Telegraph / Johnpilger.com
Author: John Pilger
Date: Mar. 4, 2015

American Fascism, American Hegemony, Democratic Decay, Civil Liberties, Democratic Decay, Fascism, Fascist, Government Surveillance, Hegemony, Human Rights, Income inequality, Inequality, Inequality (Economics), Neo-Fascism, Oligarchy, Plutocracy, Political Revolution, Poverty and Inequality, Social Justice, Wealth inequality, Western Democratic Decay

NOTE: Fareed Khan makes no claim to the authorship of this article / commentary.

Większość zachodnich demokracji stała się dzisiaj plutokracjami. Nowa oligarchia, w cichym porozumieniu z mediami podsycającymi fałszywą świadomość, trzyma władzę polityczną i społeczną za gardło. Brakuje zorganizowanej siły politycznej zdolnej do przeprowadzenia reform politycznych dla dobra ogółu.

This document contains my contributions to an extended debate on the Russell-l list with Oliver Kamm (now a well-known columnist for the Times).  Our topic was the American political scene. I argued for three theses: 1) that America is a corrupt democracy, that is, a democracy that conspicuously falls short of the democratic ideal, 2) that it is a de facto plutocracy, and 3) that there are strong fascistic tendencies within America's political culture. The debate dates back to 1997, but subsequent events have not disconfirmed my views. The exchange is perhaps of interest because under Kamm's questioning I was forced to clarify  the the idea of a de facto plutocracy, converting the claim that the USA is a de facto plutocracy into a falsifiable (but unfalsified) thesis.  The quotations from Oliver Kamm's emails are included with his kind permission.

The political party system of Iceland has since the 1980s developed from decay to crisis. This article explains this development with the real critical conjuncture in 1979-1983 that marked the introduction of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland. It argues that despite the crisis of the regime and the political party system, the traditional parties and new political movements such as the Pirates are not likely to create a real critical juncture that will generate post-neoliberalist regime change. Hence, due to structural strains of Iceland as a small economy that suffers from high levels of oligopoly, and because of the persistence of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland, it is likely that this regime will generate another financial crisis in the years to come.

Ripercorrendo liberamente il periodo greco e quello medievale si cercherà di trovare delle risposte alla crisi dell'educazione contemporanea. È vero che il rapporto tra libertà e verità non può che essere escludente? Dietro la lotta per l'uguaglianza di status tra professore e alunni si celano interessi democratici o plutocratici? Queste alcune delle domande principali attorno cui ruota questo articolo, che vuol essere uno spunto di riflessione che cerchi di riscoprire ciò che di buono esisteva nel passato e che oggi potrebbe tornarci utile.

The biocultural ethic affirms the vital value of the links that have coevolved between specific life habits, habitats, and communities of co-in-habitants (“3Hs”). The conservation of habitats and access to them by communities of co-inhabitants is the condition of possibility for the continuity of their life; it becomes an ethical imperative that should be incorporated into development policies as a matter of ecosocial justice. The conceptual framework of the biocultural ethic recognizes that there are numerous communities (inhabiting cities, rural, or remote areas) with cultural traditions that have ethical values centered in life, sustainable practices, and low environmental impact. It also recognizes agents that have values centered on short term profit, non-sustainable practices, and disproportionately high environmental impact. Therefore, it would be technically and ethically right to define and enforce differential responsibilities among social groups, corporations, and nations that are contributing to the negative socio-environmental impacts that we face today. We have now reached a state of “plutonomy” that is dividing the world into two blocs: the wealthy 1 % of the world’s population that owns 50 % of the world’s wealth, and “the rest.” To achieve Earth stewardship, this trend needs to be overcome by (i) changing the current regime of plutocracy towards one of more participatory democracy that ceases to be indifferent to the well-being of the majority of human and other-than-human living beings, (ii) reorienting the current habits of plutonomy, and its associated consumerism and land-grabbing practices, towards habits of stewardship, and (iii) broadening the prevailing perspective of ecosystem services toward an ethical concept of sustainable co-inhabitation. By more precisely identifying the diversity of Earth stewards, their languages, values, cultures, and practices in heterogeneous habitats of the planet, as well as the specific agents that are mostly responsible for current socio-environmental problems, the biocultural ethic can significantly contribute to orient clearer collaborative and supportive ways for a responsible and intercultural Earth stewardship.

Fra Pseudo-Senofonte, lotta di classe e grande capitale finanziario, una breve riflessione molto poco finleyana. Dal passato a oggi, sono sempre i potenti a cogliere meglio i propri interessi, mentre chi ne avrebbe davvero bisogno pare troppo spesso dimenticarsene...

Tulisan yang dimuat di dalam majalah Esquire Indonesia (Desember, 2010) ini membahas mengenai realita Pemilihan Umum yang kerap dinodai oleh praktik politik uang. Akibatnya, konsep dan paradigma demokrasi mulai berubah menjadi 'monetocracy'. Tatkala praktik-praktik kotor tersebut semakin menggurita maka tidak menutup kemungkinan akan tercipta 'plutocracy', yakni pemerintahan yang dikuasai atau dikontrol oleh orang-orang yang memiliki uang atau kekayaan. Pemerintah berkuasa selalu dibayang-bayangi dan dikontrol oleh para pemilik kapital. Singkatnya, money politics dan shadow state menjadi dua elemen yang membajak makna dan proses demokrasi atas nama uang.

Abstract The political party system of Iceland has since the 1980s developed from decay to crisis. This article explains this development with the real critical conjuncture in 1979–1983 that marked the introduction of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland. It argues that despite the crisis of the regime and the political party system, the traditional parties and new political movements such as the Pirates are not likely to create a real critical juncture that will generate post-neoliberalist regime change. Hence, due to structural strains of Iceland as a small economy that suffers from high levels of oligopoly, and because of the persistence of the neoliberalist societal regime of Iceland, it is likely that this regime will generate another financial crisis in the years to come.

Economic inequality, particularly in the areas of income and wealth, has been steadily expanding in the United States. This reality is an issue for other nations as well. This article examines reasons why economic inequality deserves more attention from moral theologians. It also reviews recent literature on the topic and the need to restore equality of opportunity as a genuine aspect of American life.

Uno es consciente de los pilares básicos de la economía, pero también vemos que la forma en que se toman las decisiones o los procesos creados sufren el fuerte impacto procedente de la esfera política [...]. Por lo tanto, trabajamos constante-mente en la infraestructura o ...

Bu çalışmada, Batı Afrika ülkelerinden Benin’de siyasal yapının askerlerin
iktidarından (militokrasi) zenginlerin iktidarına (plütokrasi) doğru evrilme süreci ele alınmaktadır. Bağımsızlığının ertesinde 9 yıl içerisinde 5 askerî darbenin gerçekleştiği ülkede darbeler dönemini takip eden 20 yıl içerisinde yine aynı sayıda darbe teşebbüsü vuku bulmuştur. Etnopolitik rekabetin etkisiyle oluşan militokratik kaos, yerini Mathieu Kerekou liderliğinde Marksist-Leninist bir hükümete bırakmıştır. Neredeyse 30 yıl Benin Cumhurbaşkanı olarak görev yapan Kerekou, dinler ve ideolojiler arası geçişler konusunda, kendisinin de benimsediği “bukalemun” lakabıyla anılacak ölçüde mâhir bir siyaset izlemiştir. İdeolojik bir katılıkla hareket etmeyen Kerekou hükümeti, Soğuk Savaş sonrasında kolaylıkla neo-liberalizme de geçiş yapabilmiştir. Liberalleşme sonrasında göreve gelen Thomas Boni Yayi ve Patrice Talon hükümetleri ise, başlangıçta demokratik bir profil sergilemelerine rağmen, otoriterleşme eğilimi göstermişlerdir. “Pamuk kralı” Talon tarafından yönetilen mevcut Benin hükümeti, milletvekili ve cumhurbaşkanı adayı olmak isteyenlerin 400 bin dolardan fazla başvuru ücreti ödemesini öngören yeni seçim yasası çıkararak, müstakbel bir plütokratik siyasî yapıya zemin hazırlamıştır. Makalede, Benin siyasetindeki bu “başkalaşım” sürecinin analiz edilmesi amaçlanmaktadır.

The economic crisis has prompted an increasing interest about the growing asymmetries in the concentration of wealth. The focus has been put especially on the richest 1% of the population. It has not been studied, however, the way in which these elites have come about and how they have acted for several decades as a global plutocracy, developing internationalization strategies and a tendency to secede from society, as well as to project a decisive power in the dynamics of the world. To show this is the main purpose of this paper, that additionally analyzes the ontological status of this social category acting on a global scale, and outlines some implications deriving from this issue.

In order to explain this, a completely new range of sources in sociological research is used, such as annual reports from major banks, and companies that have emerged recently which are specially dedicated to monitoring large fortunes and generating feedback about them.

1) Human beings are basically self-interested rather than 
    altruistic
2) Most people are motivated by enlightened self-interest 
    rather than by egotism or by greed
3) The purpose of political society is to promote the 
    interests and welfare of its citizens or people
4) This is above all true in a democracy, which is
    government of, by, and for the people
5) All major policies and laws are to be based on
    enlightened rather than special interest, or on altruism
6) Though they are never to discriminate between citizen
    and citizen, or between citizen and non-citizen,
    differential treatment is still possible and justified here
7) All individuals, as human beings, are to be given basic
    justice, respect, and the goods necessary for survival
8) Beyond this, the citizens are to be favored
9) In a democracy, this means the majority or people as a
    whole
10) Social and economic differences are still allowed, and
      might even be actively encouraged, as long as they don't
      conflict with the former principles

William Deresiewicz in his 'Don't Send Your Kids to the Ivy League' has called elite education "overrated." Nathan Heller wrote a punchy New Yorker endorsement entitled "Poison Ivy", and Steven Pinker, responded with his now infamous "The Trouble With Harvard". The world is increasingly suspicious of the 1% of humankind who seem to have a blast in life, while the rest 99% human beings live and endure, well, mainly to feature the 1%. That said, seriously, the Ivy League certainly isn't for everyone; quite the contrary: it mostly attracts a certain type of people...

Read this article at Big Think:
http://bigthink.com/dragons-and-pandas/seriously-many-ivy-league-students-have-no-soul

About the author:
http://www.east-west-dichotomy.com/about-the-author/