Moldova

Abstract:
Moldova is an ex-Soviet country in the southestern part of Europe
between Romania and Ukraine. Historical Moldovia or ‘Kara Bogdan’ in the Ottoman terminology, became a vassal state of the Ottoman mpire in 16th century. As a result of Turkish-Russian War 18061812, ast Moldovia was annexed to Russia and re-named Bessarabia
by the Russian rulers. Moldovans and Romanians share same language and a common cultural heritage. This ‘tiny’ and 'poor' country choosed ts path towards the European Union and Romania against opposition of Pro-Russian circles and Transnistrian separatist movement
supported by the Russia Federation. In this paper contemporary Moldova’s recent social and political stuation will be examined briefly at the historical background.

Keywords: Moldovia, Romania, Bogdan, Bessarabia, Transnistria, Gagauz.


Özet
Moldova, Avrupa’nın güneydoğusunda, Romanya ile Ukrayna arasındaki
bir eski Sovyet ülkesidir. Tarihi Moldova veya Osmanlı kullanımındaki
‘Kara Boğdan’ 16. yy’da Osmanlı devletinin bağlısı bir devlet
haline gelmiştir. 1806-1812 Osmanlı-Rus Savaşı’nın sonunda Doğu
Moldova Rusya’ya ilhak olunmuş ve Rus yöneticilerce Bessarabya diyeadlandırılmıştır. Moldovalılar ve Romenler aynı dile ve ortak bir
kültürel mirasa sahiptirler. Bu küçük ve fakir ülke, Rus lehtarı çevrelerin ve Rusya Federasyonu’nca desteklenen Trans-Dnyester ayrılıkçı hareketinin rağmına Avrupa Birliği ve Romanya yolunu seçmiştir. Bu akale çağdaş Moldova’nın toplumsal ve siyasi durumunu tarihi zeminiyle birlikte kısaca incelemektedir.

Anahtar Kelimeler:
Moldova, Romanya, Bogdan, Bessarabya, Trans Dnyester, Gagauzlar.

Slovakia’s relations with the states of Eastern Europe not only have a bilateral impact, but contain geopolitical, security and economic dimensions as well. This article analyzes the domestic, bilateral and multilateral aspects of relations between Slovakia and Russia before and after the parliamentary elections of 1998, when Slovakia adopted a pro-Western course aimed at EU and NATO membership. The article also focuses on bilateral relations with Ukraine, where Slovakia is among the most active supporters of Ukraine’s future EU membership. The final sections analyze the Eastern policy of Slovakia – particularly within the framework of the EU’s Eastern Partnership and the Visegrad Group – as well as Slovakia’s relations with the new Eastern European partners, such as Belarus, Moldova and Georgia, as target countries of Slovakia’s “soft power.”

Background  Trafficking in women is a widespread human rights violation commonly associated with poor mental health. Yet, to date, no studies have used psychiatric diagnostic assessment to identify common forms of mental distress among survivors returning to their home country. Methods  A longitudinal study was conducted of women aged 18 and over who returned to Moldova between December 2007 and December 2008

SOROCA URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN THE INTER-WAR PERIOD.
Vitalie Iațiuc.
From 1918 until 1944, the town of Soroca was a part of the Kingdom of Romania, except the period from July 1940 to July 1941, when it was part of the Soviet Union. The population of the city reached up to 22,450 people, and an area of 650 ha. During the difficult economic situation after the First World War, the Romanian state and society reacted with caution and wisdom to the problems existing in the newly adhered to the Romanian state, Bessarabia. In the 1920s, many publications related the economic problems of Bessarabia. The analysis of the situation in Soroca was mandatorily present in these papers.
Changes in the city center landscaping began on October 10, 1921, when the monument of General Poetaș, who fell in battle in January 1919, was built in the center of the commercial market, between the "old" and "new" cities. The place was renamed Union Square. Until 1930, all shops were moved to another new commercial market. Union Square was set up as a park and planted with trees.
The construction of the new cathedral in neo Romanian architectural style - St. Paraskeva Pious, designed possibly by architect Valentin A. Voițehovski, began in this park in 1936. Building dimensions were approximately 32.5 х 22.0 m. The spacious interior could accommodate from 700 to 900 parishioners. The construction was interrupted by the Second World War, when the walls were built up to the dome. In such unfinished state, without dome, the cathedral existed for 20 years, and in 1962 it was blown up.
In the second half of the 1930s, it was decided to allocate special funds to create a modern engineering urban infrastructure: new power electrical network and city water supply system. Along the bank of the Dniester, the dam was built with a boardwalk and a well-arranged public beach, and special funds were allocated from the budget for its maintenance. For „A. D. Xenopol” Lyceum a new 2-storey building was constructed in 1934-1936. Civil architecture of new apartments buildings, from that period, is represented by 2-storey residential buildings in the constructivist style. Several public buildings were built the city center in eclectic style with elements of Art Nouveau.
The Romanian city administration actively began the reconstruction of the whole locality, upon their return in July,1941. A detailed report regarding the reconstruction and development of the city for a period of 25-30 years with a budget of 114.225 million lei was sent to the governor of Bessarabia on April 18, 1942. The City Hall's budget allocated for the reconstruction of Soroca for the period 1942-1943 was estimated at 11,803 million lei. Unfortunately, the Second World War, stopped the achievement of these plans.
Keywords: Bessarabia, Soroca, Poetaș, Voițehovski, St. Paraskeva Pious, A. D. Xenopol, interwar period.

This article addresses the reasons why ethnic diversity has never posed a challenge to the stability of Transnistria (also called the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic), an unrecognized state that broke away from Moldova during the collapse of the Soviet Union. We analyze the major societal and political patterns relevant to ethnic relations in the region and focus on the structure, content, and effectiveness of Transnistrian legislation concerning ethnic and linguistic diversity along with the practices of its implementation. In our view, formal and informal ethnic divisions do not hinder the political stability of Transnistria. We conclude that the stability of ethnic relations in Transnistria in part results from a deliberate policy aimed at managing diversity. This policy provides for the dependence of the populace on the state apparatus achieved through a dense plethora of government-orchestrated activities as well as the reproduction of nonconflictual, eclectic, and thus sociall...

FIELD MARSHAL VON MUENNICH THE GREAT SAPPER COMMANDER ORDERS CONSTRUCTION OF BRIDGES OVER BUG RIVER AND RUSSIAN ARMY CROSSES THE BUG RIVER TO ATTACK THE OTTOMAN TARTAR ARMY IN SAVRAN RIVER AREA 7TH JULY 1738 -------November 2021
• DOI:    10.13140/RG.2.2.13894.40007
• Project:      MILITARY HISTORY
• Agha H Amin

The  ‘Eastern  Partnership  Youth  Policy  Analytic  Report’  (EYPAR)  was  prepared  between  September and December 2015, following a request
by the European Commission (DG NEAR)  to provide a study on youth policy developments in the EaP region. 
The report was developed  under the framework of the Eastern Partnership Youth Regional Unit Project (EPYRU), and is based  on  data  available  from  this  project, as  well  as  other  relevant  sources  identified  for  this  purpose.

The  report  includes  information  on  the  current  legal  frameworks  for  youth  policies  in  each  of  the  six  EaP  countries (Republic  of  Armenia, Republic  of  Azerbaijan,  Republic  of  Belarus, Georgia,  Republic  of  Moldova, and Ukraine) and  analyses  the  current  situation  on  mainstreaming youth issues across relevant policy spheres in EaP region, with a particular focus on  youth  employment  policies.  These are accompanied  by  references  and  examples  of  good practice  of  cross-sectoral  cooperation and  recommendations  on  youth  policy  development  and possible measures of EU support.

The current document provides a brief summary of the information contained in the EYPAR.

The study explains how corruption and corruption factors influence human rights fulfillment. It develops a coherent theoretical model for analysis and conclusions, recommendations elaboration. The research finds individual corruption acts and systemic corruption separately contributing to human rights violations. Individual corrupted decisions are responsible for direct human rights violations in at least 1/3 of examined cases. Other exclusive non-corruption related causes for human rights violations, where corruption factors play a secondary role are noncompliance of national legislation with the Constitution, inadequate allocation of resources. Individual corruption acts may not lead to direct human rights violation, but cause indirect violation of the rights of others, this is true in 40% of cases examined. Systemic corruption at the level of policy formulation is a separate source of human rights violations. With regard to some aspects of the right, individual corruption acts, and systemic corruption concurs amplifying the scale of human rights violations. Corruption impacts civil and political, social, economic, and cultural rights. Most affected rights are: right to life, right to defense, right to education, right to health, right to property, and right to social protection. Corruption direct and indirect victims are the most vulnerable and marginalized groups. Corruption has not only direct cost it also inflicts human rights cost. The study proposes preventive and curbing policy recommendations to reduce corruption influence on human rights fulfillment: regulating corruption as aggravating factor in human rights cases and human rights violations as aggravating factor in corruption cases, enhanced ex-ante corruption impact on human rights evaluation, improved transparency, narrowed discretion, decisional accountability, institutional integrity institutions at policy instruments and implementation settings levels. The study develops a staged evaluation methodology containing screening, causality-testing, scoping, the framework of individual corrupted acts analysis, systematic corruption manifestation, and framework of systemic corruption analysis. A framework of corruption's impact on human rights measurement is developed. 3 types of corruption type inflicted human rights violations is proposed.

Гендерное равенство является важным составляющим политики любого современного государства. Это объясняется тем, что в 20-м веке женщины становятся носителями перемен в своих сообществах и разрабатывают конкретные рекомендации в области гендерной политики с целью повышения участия женщин в общественной, экономической, культурной и политической жизни. Задача этого очерка состоит в попытке анализировать процесс внедрении гендерного порядка в советской Молдавии. В первую очередь попытаемся определить, какой механизм использовался; какие цели ставила перед собой новая власть, советов; каким образом она реализовалось и как воспринималось эта политика обществом.

Rapid depopulation, which affected vast regions of Central and Eastern Europe, has long-term consequences not only for their socioeconomic, but also political development. For the unrecognized polities, the ability to retain the population has become an important criterion for successfully competing with the parent states for the loyalty of citizens, the legitimacy of political regimes and claims to sovereignty. The objective of the paper is to consider the impact of depopulation on the socioeconomic situation and political life of the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (Transnistria, PMR) in comparison with the Republic of Moldova (RM). On the basis of official statistics, the authors compare the rates, factors and reasons for the population decrease in the PMR and RM. Shown are the consequences of depopulation typical for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and specific for Transnistria and Moldova. The assessment of migration losses in general for these territories and for their regions demonstrates that the population outflow in Transnistria began earlier and was more intensive than from the RM. In Moldova, depopulation intensifies the identity crisis and contradictions between the “Moldovenists” and supporters of unification with Romania, in the PMR— instability of political life, uncertainty of the region’s prospects and the growth of a critical attitude towards the authorities.
Быстрая депопуляция, охватившая обширные регионы стран Центральной и Восточной Европы, вызывает долгосрочные последствия не только для их социально-экономического, но и политического развития. Для непризнанных политий способность удержать население стала важным критерием успешной конкуренции с материнским государством за лояльность граждан, легитимности политических режимов и претензий на суверенитет. Цель работы – выявить влияние депопуляции на социально-экономическую ситуацию и политическую жизнь непризнанной Приднестровской Молдавской Республики (ПМР) в сравнении с Республикой Молдова (РМ). На основе официальных статистических данных авторы сравнивают темпы, факторы и причины сокращения населения в ПМР и РМ. Показаны типичные для стран Центральной и Восточной Европы и специфические для Приднестровья и Молдовы последствия депопуляции. Оценка миграционных потерь в целом по этим территориям и по их отдельным регионам показывает, что в Приднестровье отток населения начался раньше и был более интенсивным, чем из РМ. В Молдове депопуляция усиливает кризис идентичности и противоречия между “молдовенистами” и сторонниками объединения с Румынией, в ПМР – нестабильность политической жизни, неопределенность перспектив региона и рост критического настроя к власти.

The article deals with the «Inochentist movement» in the early 20th century in connection to the «national question» in Bessarabia. It shows the preconditions of the movement’s emergence in its pre-1917 history and explores the reactions of ecclesiastic and secular actors to the phenomenon. The threat of Moldovans’ falling away from the official Russian Orthodoxy made the authorities of eparchy and gubernia to seek a compromise. As a result, the struggle with the Inochentist movement led to the legalization of the «cultural current» in the Moldavian nationalist movement.

"Faptul că Republica Moldova este de departe cel mai sărac stat din Europa este rezultatul modului în care a fost şi continuă să fie gestionată transformarea economică.

Astfel, în Moldova este stringentă necesitatea aplicării unei politici de industrializare şi dezvoltare agricolă care să schimbe calitativ structura creşterii economice şi să oprească tendinţă de reducere rapidă a volumului forţei de muncă."

The policy brief entitled “EU-Moldova Energy Relations: Similarities and Distinctions between the Energy Community Treaty and the Association Agreement” was prepared following the visit. The brief analyses policy implications of the DCFTA between the EU and Moldova and the Energy Community Treaty.

What happens to informal institutions and practices when political actors decide to implement democratic institutional reforms aimed at relieving formal institutions of informal constraints? Does informality disappear, or do the elites and affected populations continue to apply and abide by informal rules? What do we know about the relationship between institutional reforms and informal institutions? This book seeks to improve our understanding of how, when, and under which conditions democratic institutional reforms affect informal institutions and practices in countries transitioning to democracy, also known as hybrid regimes. With an empirical focus on three transitional post-Soviet regimes—Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine—this book aims to explain the contentious relationship between democratic institutional reforms and informality in the broader post-Soviet context. These findings have implications not only for hybrid regimes, but also for the majority of other post-Soviet, as well as other post-communist, countries. This book engages with a large and growing body of literature on informal institutions and practices and offers theoretical insights relevant to comparative politics, democratization and institutional development studies, political sociology, human geography and political economy.

In this presentation, I report the results of my ongoing study about the late Soviet time in the Soviet Moldavian Republic. Based on a body of available sources in the Republic of Moldova from late 1980s to early 1990s (surveys, press articles, oral interviews, autobiographic material, archival documents of the Central Committee of Communist Party in the Moldavian SSR, etc.), I focus on the interpretation of people’s perceptions about the possible outcomes of the intense social, political and economic changes that were going on in the USSR in general and in the Moldavian Republic in particular, changes in which many people actively participated through protests and other forms of disagreement. By doing this, I intend to check Alexei Yurchak’s thesis (formulated in his book Everything Was Forever Until it Was No More. The Last Soviet Generation. Princeton University Press, 2005), according to whom, roughly speaking, the (post) Soviet people’s feelings about the fall of the Soviet Union and the communist regime were rather a post factum social and psychological construction than the ‘real’ perception about the possible outcomes of the changes in the time when these changes were happening. My aim is thus to analyze a large body of documents and testimonies that refer to the nature and possible perspectives of the social and political upheavals in MSSR in the late Soviet time. The main question I address is how the analyzed sources represent the future of the political situation in the territory of the Moldavian SSR after the political changes will end up. To anticipate the results of the study in progress at this moment, the perceptions about the future of the Moldavian SSR were changing themselves during that period of intense changes of the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Most of the Gagauz population live in Bucak region in the South of Republic of Moldova. Gagauz people's language has the closest accent to Turkish language spoken in Turkey. The Gagauz gained their autonomy September 23 in 1993.Their population covers %4 of the total population of Moldova. Despite the fact that The Gagauz is a small society in the Balkans, Turkey attaches high importance to them. The connection between Gagauz people and Turkey reaches to the first years of Turkish Republic. Ataturk met the needs of The Gagauz and supported them in those years. In this study political statute, ethnic identity, economic situation and the geographical position of Gagauz people have been examined. The Gagauz that had not known well by Turks until the 1990s has been researched in details. Besides it has been mentioned that Gagauz people bridge The Republic of Moldova and Turkey both culturally and commercially as well as building amity between two nations. ÖZET Gagavuz Türklerinin büyük çoğunluğu Moldova Cumhuriyeti'nin güneyinde Bucak bölgesinde yaşamaktadır. Gagavuzların konuştuğu dil Türkiye Türkçesine en yakın şivedir. 23 Aralık 1993 yılında özerkliğe kavuşmuştur. Moldova Cumhuriyeti Nüfusunun yüzde 4' ünü oluşturmaktadır. Balkanlarda küçük topluluk olsa da Türkiye için büyük önem arz etmektedir. Türkiye'nin Gagavuz Türkleri ile olan irtibatı Cumhuriyetin ilk yıllarına dayanmaktadır. Atatürk Gagavuz Türklerine gereken önem ve desteği sağlamıştır. Bu çalışmada Gagavuz Türklerinin yaşadığı coğrafya, etnik kimliği, ekonomisi ve politik statüsü incelenmiştir. 1990'lı yıllara kadar Türkiye toplumu tarafından pek fazla bilinmeyen Gagavuz Türkleri detaylı bir şekilde araştırılmıştır. Yine Gagavuzların Türkiye ile Moldova Cumhuriyeti arasında dostluk, kültürel ve ticari alanlarda bir köprü vazifesi üstlendiği konularına değinilmiştir.

This monograph analyzed the topic of mass media education in Commonwealth of Independent States. *

The authors address the goals, objectives and concepts of the project on mass media education in Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The purpose of the study: a comparative analysis of the development of media education in the CIS (1992-2020) at each stage (including theoretical concepts, goals and objectives, role, place, functions, organizational forms of media education in the mainstream education). Object of the study is media education in the countries of the CIS. The research's subject is basic stages of development, theoretical and methodological concept of media education in the CIS countries over the past 25 years. Research objectives are to formulate and justify a set of theoretical stances that make up the methodological basis of research into the history of mass media education in the CIS (1992-2020); to analyze theoretical sources and practical experience of the leading figures of media education in the CIS countries, to determine the essential features, qualities and properties of media education in the CIS countries, to investigate the structure, main stages of historical development, directions, theoretical concepts, goals and objectives, contents, media education technologies in the CIS; to carry out a comparative analysis and systematization of the material, to identify the main theoretical and methodological concepts of media education in the CIS countries, which may be a promising basis for further successful development.

For scholars, universities professors and students.

* The reported study was funded by RFBR according to the research project № 18-013-00022 “Mass Media Education in Commonwealth of Independent States – CIS (1992-2020)”.

The European Union’s Eastern neighbours – Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia – are going through turbulent times. Russian occupation, annexation and illegal military presence are major issues. On top of that, negative trends in the democratic development of this trio have recently emerged. The EU can address this shortcoming, but to do so, it needs to employ a more robust ‘less for less’ principle in addition to ‘more for more’ – a well-known mantra that the Association Agreements, Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas (DCFTAs) and visa liberalisation regimes envisage.

The rapid depopulation that covered vast regions of Central and Eastern Europe has had long-lasting consequences not only for their socioeconomic, but also political development. For unrecognized polities, the ability to retain population became an important criterion for successful competition with the mother state for citizens' loyalty, the legitimacy of political regimes, and claims to sovereignty. The aim of the study is to identify the impact of depopulation on the socioeconomic situation and political life of the unrecognized Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR, or Transnistria) in comparison with the Republic of Moldova (RM). On the basis of official statistics, the authors compare the rates, factors, and reasons for population decline in the PMR and RM. The consequences of depopulation typical of Central and Eastern European countries and specific to Transnistria and Moldova are shown. Assessment of migration losses in general for these territories and their individual regions shows that population outflow in Transnistria began earlier and was more intensive than from the Republic of Moldova. In Moldova, depopulation is intensifying the identity crisis and contradictions between Moldovans and supporters of unification with Romania; in the PMR, the instability of political life, uncertainty of the region's prospects, and an increasing critical attitude towards the authorities.

The essay aims to analyse causes, aspects and consequences of the brief Transnistrian ethic civil war and following frozen conflict affecting Moldova since the early 90s where the Romanian ethnic group tried to subjugate and prevail over the Russian one. Although Transnistria is a small and insignificant region in the European scenario still officially included in Moldova, the poorest country in Europe, it has involved resolution's efforts from either Moldova and Russia.

Moldova is an important nodal pont in the informational warfare led by Russian Federation against EU and NATO by building a media group composed of televisions, radio channels and online publications under umbrella of Sputnik and around of Iurie Rosca, a close friend of Aleksandr Dughin. This construction is exclusively for romanian-language speakers from Ukraine, Modova and Romania.

Media manipulation and psychological war in Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova is a battleground of various psychological methods in order to subordinate the masses often under cover of alleged common good. In this regard Russian propaganda machinery is one that works perfectly since the Soviet period. Ukrainian crisis swept the struggle for Ukraine's informational space which has also affected neighboring countries, here referring to Moldova. The conflict between Ukraine and Russia now is more ambiguous because information warfare methods and techniques have become more sophisticated and aim directly to misinformation, informational intoxication and propaganda through the media.

Gagavuz Yeri, 23 Aralık 1994 yılında Moldova parlamentosunda kabul edilen kanunlarla özerk bir statü kazanmıştır. Parlamentosu, başkenti, bayrağı ve dili gibi devlet faktörleri bulunan Gagavuzlar eski bir tarihe ve kültüre sahiptir. Gagavuz Türkçesi, Türkmen, Azerbaycan ve Türkiye Türkçesi gibi Güney-Batı Türkçesi/Oğuz Grubu’nda yer alır ve Türkiye Türkçesine en yakın olan Türk şivesidir.
Gagavuz Yeri’nin yüzölçümü her ne kadar küçük olsa da tarım ve hayvancılığa dayalı ve kendine özgü iktisadî sistemi mevcuttur. Dış bağlantılarını ise Moldova Cumhuriyeti ile birlikte yürütmektedir.
Türkiye’de daha 1990’lı yıllara kadar yeterince tanınmayan ve bilinmeyen bu soydaşlarımızın varlığı, küreselleşmenin de etkisiyle, iktisadî, siyasî ve kültürel olarak Türkiye’yle daha fazla yakınlaşma ve kaynaşma imkânı sağlanmıştır.
Bu çalışmada, küçük bir Türk topluluğu olan Gagavuzların etnik kimliği, ekonomisi, siyasî statüsü ve bölgede yatırım imkânları araştırılmıştır. Çalışmanın neticesinde Gagavuz Yeri’nin Balkan ve Doğu Avrupa ülkelerine giriş yönünden önemli bir köprü vazifesi gördüğü ve Moldova Cumhuriyeti ile Türkiye arasındaki tarihten gelen dostluğun pekişmesi adına Gagavuzların önemi ve statüsü büyük rol oynadığı saptanmıştır.

Ghidul pe care îl aveți în față cuprinde un set de informații utile cu privire la mecanismul de
desemnare procentuală (numit convențional și „Legea 2%”). Legea 2% oferă dreptul persoanelor
fizice să direcționeze anual o parte din impozitul lor pe venit pentru a susține financiar organizațiile sectorului non-profit din Moldova care acționează în interes public.
Ghidul vine să explice pe scurt esența mecanismului pentru organizațiile societății civile
(OSC-uri), etapele procesului de înregistrare pentru beneficiarii desemnării procentuale (asociațiile obștești, fundațiile, instituțiile private, cultele religioase și părțile lor componente), criteriile pe care trebuie să le întrunească aceste organizații pentru a participa la mecanism, când și unde acestea se pot înregistra, precum și care este setul de acte necesare pentru înregistrare. Ghidul explică de asemenea care sunt obligațiile beneficiarilor după ce au fost înregistrați la mecanism, în special ce rigori urmează să respecte atunci când utilizează sursele obținute din mecanismul 2%, precum și care sunt regulile de raportare. Suplimentar ghidul cuprinde un set de formulare tip (exemple) destinate pentru organizațiile beneficiare pentru a fi consultate în vederea înregistrării la mecanism, adresării unor solicitări de informații oficiale privind cunoașterea motivelor nevalidării desemnărilor procentuale sau raportării financiare a sumelor utilizate.
Ghidul este destinat în principal OSC-urilor care își doresc să beneficieze de prevederile Legii
2%, organizațiilor deja înregistrate în Lista beneficiarilor Legii 2%, dar și specialiștilor care facilitează
înregistrarea OSC-urilor la mecanismul 2% sau celor care asigură informarea OSC-urilor cu privire
la mecanismul 2%.
Informația colectată și prezentată în prezentul ghid reflectă un set de informații orientative care
corespunde prevederilor legale valabile în luna septembrie a anului 2019. Autorii exprimă un punct
de vedere în baza cercetării și interpretării legislației și a informațiilor oficiale disponibile public.
Informațiile cuprinse în ghid nu se prezintă a fi exhaustive.
În cazul în care doriți să adresați o întrebare cu privire la mecanismul de desemnare procentuală
sau doriți să semnalați o problemă în ceea ce privește aplicabilitatea procedurii de desemnare
procentuală, vă invităm să ne scrieți la adresa de e-mail: 2procente@crjm.org.

Din anul 2003 sau de 15 ani, în fiecare judecătorie din Republica Moldova există judecători de instrucție. Ei au atribuții speciale, fiind responsabili de examinarea plângerilor împotriva organelor de urmărire penală, aplicarea arestului preventiv, autorizarea perchezițiilor și a interceptării convorbirilor telefonice, precum și de alte acțiuni de urmărire penală. De-a lungul anilor, activitatea judecătorilor de instrucție a fost criticată frecvent pentru atitudinea pro-acuzatorială și protecția insuficientă a drepturilor omului. Se pare că această atitudine
a judecătorilor de instrucție a fost determinată, într-o mare măsură, de profilul profesional al acestora, dar și de sarcina lor de muncă, care a crescut semnificativ în ultimii zece ani. La 20 ianuarie 2018, Ministerul Justiției a lansat nişte propuneri cu privire la o nouă inițiativă de reformare a instituției judecătorilor de instrucție. În cadrul unui eveniment public, fostul ministru al Justiției a declarat că judecătorii de instrucție urmează a fi înlocuiți cu judecători de drepturi și libertăți care vor avea alte atribuții și calificări2. Aceste declarații nu s-au materializat însă în măsuri legislative sau administrative concrete.

This thesis looks into the impact of EU conditionality in Moldova, analyzing different sectors and level of implementation of conditions in Moldova. It takes a broader look at conditionality of EU in ENP and EaP countries, and a closer look at these conditions in Moldova, measuring the level of compliance, impact and effects. For a better understanding, it analysed the progress of Moldova as a new independent country, the milestones of EU-Moldova cooperation, the external and internal factors that influence the implementation of these conditions. The main focus is on the economic, democratic and political conditionalities and their impact on the regional and general development of Moldova to this day, using related academic reports, EU reports, Moldovan reports and statistical data.
On these bases, the research finds that the EU conditionality has moderate impact on some sectors and low impact on others, the EU is definitely seen as an important partner for the future and Moldova remains interested in continuing the partnership with EU. At the end of the thesis, it is included a short list of recommendation for both EU and Moldova, reaching more achievements on the long term basis will need a re-conceptualization of their approaches.

Im Präsidentschaftswahlkampf 2020 in der Republik Moldau thematisierten die meisten Oppositionskandidat/innen den ungelösten Konflikt mit der abtrünnigen Region Transnistrien im Zusammenhang möglichen Wahlbetrugs. Keine Rolle spielte ihre »geopolitische« Bedeutung als möglicher Kanal für russische Beeinflussung. Vielmehr betonten einige Kandidat/innen das Risiko, das durch Bestechung sowie organisierte Transfers moldauischer Wähler/innen aus Transnistrien gegeben sei diese Faktoren galten vor der Wahl als entscheidend für den Ausgang der Stichwahl zwischen dem amtierenden Präsidenten Igor Dodon und Maia Sandu.

The publication presents key youth policy developments in Eastern Partnership countries and in the Russian Federation. It also focuses on challenges that young people and youth organisations from the region face, and presents selected foreign mechanisms of youth policy support.