South East European Studies

The September 2021 edition of the IRMO Brief deals with energy security of the Balkans and the upcoming changes in the energy security of the region. Year 2023 could bring a dramatic overhaul on the energy map of the Western Balkans countries, as by then the derogation from EU environmental regulation for a number of thermal power plants expires while reliability of lignite mines and power plants deteriorates. As the region’s energy supply is to a large extent dependent on lignite-fired power plants, the 2023 will be a turning point for the Balkans in terms of energy supply. At the same time, the Western Balkan countries are aware of the importance of the EU Green Agenda and that the replacement of coal by other energy sources, is at the core of EU climate policy. The author also analyses the energy map Europe after the completion of the Nord Stream 2 and Turk Stream gas pipeline projects as well as closures of nuclear and coal plants and phase out of Groningen gas field , and positions the role of the Balkans in the overall energy security of Europe. Paper address the risk that developments in Balkans affect credibility of the EU promotion of the rule of law, climate change awareness and human rights.  Findings are confirmed by recent failures in gas and power supply across the region and spike in wholesale prices.

This article, which introduces a Special Issue of the JCES on the challenges of EU enlargement policy towards the Western Balkans, critically examines the geopolitical turn of the EU’s institutional thinking on enlargement since 2017. After several high-ranked EU officials and leaders of member states more or less explicitly voiced their concerns about the declining influence of the EU in the Western Balkans, the European Commission – which has traditionally been responsible for carrying out administrative-technical aspects of the accession process – adopted a more geopolitical approach to enlargement policy in February 2018, and has since sought to advance Western Balkan accession more decisively. However, this geopolitical turn to the EU’s institutional thinking on enlargement has so far failed to translate discourse into concrete results. The article argues that the main reasons for this failure can be found in a lack of support by EU members, which either do not share the Commission’s sense of urgency, or are eager to use enlargement policy and the accession process to advance their national interests. The article concludes with a brief presentation of the structure of the special issue and introduces the contributing articles.

In this article, we adopt a socio-anthropological approach to understand how hegemonic international representations are constructed in the politics and theory of international relations, specifically how Southeast Europe is perceived in West European imagination. We focus on various forms of travel writing, media reporting, diplomatic record, policy making, truth claims and expert accounts related to different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars, both old (1912-1913) and new (1991-1999). We show how these perspectives are rooted in different temporalities and historicizations, and how they contribute to international representations that affect international politics, particularly in relation to perpetuating othering and containment of Southeast Europe. We demonstrate through a detailed analysis and problematization how these international representations are culturally and politically constructed. They do not neutrally refer to a reality in the world; they create a reality of their own. As such, how international representations are constructed is itself a form of power and hegemony in both the practice and the theory of international relations.

MYZ, Roman: Keleti egyházak. (Ford. SZABÓ Judit) Szeged: Agapé, 1999. 207. ISBN 963 458 148 X (Scentia christiana, 7. ISSN 1218-4950) - Reviewed in:
Reviewed in:
Századok, Magyar Történelmi Társulat (Hungarian Historical Society): Budapest, Vol.136. 2002. No.5. 1220-1221. Accessible: nfo.arcanum.hu/szazadok

The critical literature on peacebuilding has mainly addressed the local and its agency in the post-conflict phase while the nexus between context occurring prior to the implementation of the liberal peace agenda and subsequent hybridization of the local and the international has largely been overlooked. Accordingly, this text discusses the idea that success of any peacebuilding project is also dependent on political, economic or social circumstances present in a country or region before international intervention. Hence, the article analyses the context in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (sfry) before the conflicts in the 1990s as a decisive factor to understanding successful implementation of the liberal peace in the region.

The article analyses from an anthropological perspective the 2010 Belgrade Pride Parade, the first state-supported Parade in Serbia, as a part of the building of a democratic and European Serbian nation. In their discursive framing of the Parade and making claims on the state to take it under its auspices, the organising NGOs bound the event to the EU integration process of Serbia. This policy link helped them forge a political alliance with the state, but was also instrumentalised by the government to avoid an ideological conflict with the opponents of the Parade. Owing to the perception of the alliance as “elitist” and to the militarised and depoliticised nature of the state’s involvement, the event materially actualised and reified rather than transcended the enduring conflict of liberal and collectivist citizenship visions in Serbia. The article argues that the overall discourse of the government on Europeanisation is informed by the same top-down and instrumental logic. However, members of civil society develop political subjectivities which demand active citizen participation and critically engage with the discourse to restore its democratising potential. Similarly, the emerging “populist” politics of LGBT rights, illustrated by the pop singer Jelena Karleuša's participation in the domestic debate, are better placed to face the legacies of socialist and ethnonationalist nation-building than the human rights and Europeanisation approaches

Boyko Marinkov and Biser Banchev (eds), Ukrainskata kriza I Balkanite [The Ukraine Crisis and the Balkans] (Paradigma, 2017), is a comprehensive effort to map out responses in the entire region, from Albania to Romania and Croatia to Turkey. It is hoped that the collective volume by the Balkan Studies Institute at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences will find its way to the English- language reader.
Dimitar Bechev “Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe”

Contents
The Ukrainian crisis - the regional view
Anatomy of the Ukrainian crisis
The Ukrainian crisis in the Ankara-Kiev-Moscow geopolitical triangle
Romania and the Ukrainian crisis: in search of a new strategic role
Keeping up with Brussels. The Bulgarian response to the Ukrainian crisis
Croatia and the Ukraine crisis
"Andonis Samaras may end up like Yanukovych, but Greece will not end up like Ukraine"
The European idea in the shadow of Kosovo and South Stream (Serbia and the Ukrainian crisis)
The Ukrainian crisis and the Republic of Macedonia
The similar positions of Albania and Kosovo on the Ukrainian crisis
Montenegro and the Ukrainian crisis
Annexes
Selected chronology of the Ukrainian crisis
Positions of the Balkan countries on specific cases related to the Ukrainian crisis

This volume examines contemporary Eastern European youth cultures from an interdisciplinary perspective, investigating how the radical changes resulting from the demise of state Socialisms and concurrent increased globalization processes have resulted in huge challenges for young people and a reimagining of youth itself.

It is one of the great ironies of the history of fascism that, despite their fascination
with ultra-nationalism, its adherents understood themselves as members of a
transnational political movement. While a true “Fascist International” has never been
established, European fascists shared common goals and sentiments as well as
similar worldviews. They also drew on each other for support and motivation, even
though relations among them were not free from misunderstandings and confl icts.
Through a series of fascinating case studies, this expansive collection examines
fascism’s transnational dimension, from the movements inspired by the early example of Fascist Italy to the international antifascist organizations that emerged in
subsequent years.

This article deals with how fear is misused in media discourse. Pursuing the claim that it is impossible to eliminate fear from the public sphere, this paper argues that fear control is a technique widely used by certain interest groups to generate and spread uncertainty among people in order to create an atmosphere in which their goals are easily reachable. This paper will discuss the concepts of discourse, hegemony, and power relations in order to show how public language (both written and spoken) in media discourse reflects, creates, and maintains power relations. In this sense, fear, which is a crucial “energizing fuel” of such public language, could be considered and further elaborated as both a contextual variable and as a tool for facilitating power relations by applying various techniques. Aiming to show how media use and control the nature and level of fear in public discourse, I will discuss two techniques – the commercialization of fear and the method of “othering.” While commercialization implies the mass (re)production and (re)appropriation of fear in a public space, “othering” has been applied when the object of reporting is an out-group individual or community and self-group is using the media as a tool for their negative portrayal, thus creating boundaries and provoking discrimination and violence. The case of Serbia will be used to indicate how techniques of “othering,” linked with the regime’s propaganda, may contribute to the creation of an atmosphere of fear, and make a people seek protection and become easy prey for manipulation.

Odessa, berceau de la Grèce moderne : Aux origines secrètes de la Philiki Eteria

Stella GHERVAS
(CES, Harvard University)

Résumé

C’est à Odessa, ville neuve au bord de la mer Noire, que fut fondée en septembre 1814 la célèbre Société des Amis (Philiki Eteria), qui fut à l’origine du mouvement grec de libération qui mena à la Guerre d’indépendance et à la constitution de l’Etat grec moderne. Et pourtant, si l’on excepte quelques tentatives récentes de la part d’historiens grecs (notamment Papoulidis, Prousis) et russes (Arsh) de resituer le mouvement de la Philiki Eteria, sa genèse recèle encore bien des points d’ombre. Cette communication, basée sur de multiples documents inédits tirés des archives russes et ukrainiennes (notamment sur la correspondance politique de Ioannis Capodistrias et Alexandre Stourdza), jette un nouveau regard  sur les origines de la Philiki Heteria, ses conceptions initiales, ses financements, ainsi que ses relations contrastées avec les autorités russes.

Elle s’interroge en particulier sur le cadre d’Odessa comme berceau de cette société secrète. Pourquoi est-ce dans cette ville portuaire, si loin des frontières de la Grèce continentale, qu'a pu se développer cette société secrète, et pourquoi son action a-t-elle eu des retombées si importantes ? Qu’y faisaient ses membres et comment s’étaient-ils connus ? Par reflet, nous examinerons les traces que cette organisation a laissées dans la mémoire et le patrimoine culturel de la ville d’Odessa.

Plus généralement, l’action de la Philiki Eteria à Odessa s’inscrit dans la vaste question d’Orient, un enjeu de la géopolitique russe auquel le sort de la Grèce fut intimement lié. C’est l’occasion d’examiner dans quelle mesure ce mouvement fut une cause passionnelle chez les haut fonctionnaires et les diplomates russes, ou au contraire l’instrument d’un Etat décidé à imposer son hégémonie sur les Détroits et en Méditerranée orientale, au détriment de l’Empire ottoman et des autres puissances européennes.

Bibliographie sélective :

- Stella GHERVAS, Réinventer la tradition. Alexandre Stourdza et l’Europe de la Sainte-Alliance, Paris, Honoré Champion, 2008, 625 p.

- Stella GHERVAS, « Odessa et les confins de l’Europe: un éclairage historique », in Lieux d’Europe : Mythes et limites, Stella Ghervas et François Rosset (éds.), Paris, Editions de la Maison des sciences de l'homme, 2008, pp. 107-124.

- Stella GHERVAS, « Philhellénisme et ambitions russes dans le contexte de la question d’Orient », in Φιλελληνισμός. Το ενδιαφέρον για την Ελλάδα και τους Έλληνες από την Επανάσταση ως σήμερα, Anna Mandilara, Georgios Nikolaou, Lambros Filitouris et Nikolais Anastassopoulos (éds.), Athènes, Hérodote, 2014, à paraître.

- Stella GHERVAS, « Le philhellénisme d’inspiration conservatrice en Europe et en Russie », in Peuples, Etats et nations dans le Sud-Est de l’Europe, Bucarest, éd. Anima, 2004, pp. 98-110.

- Stella GHERVAS, « Le philhellénisme russe : union d’amour ou d’intérêt ? », in Regards sur le philhellénisme, Cléopâtre Montandon (éd.), Geneva, Permanent Mission of Greece to the United Nations, 2008, pp. 33-41.

In July 1990, about 5,000 Albanian citizens broke into foreign embassies in Tirana, mainly those of the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy and France, in a desperate attempt to leave Albania. This was the largest exodus since 1945 and the first case of a mass movement of citizens against the policies of the communist regime. The regime resorted to violence, resulting in one person being killed, dozens injured and several hundred arrested. The "occupation" of the embassies brought about a political and humanitarian crisis. The crisis could be temporarily solved through UN mediation. The UN enabled for the travel of about 5 thousand citizens by sea to Italy and other countries. The “Embassy Crisis” is one of the most important events that impacted politically the Albanian society in the nineties. It brought to the forefront a growing popular discontent, mixed with high levels of poverty, and a deep distrust in the ruling elite and in its promises of democratizing reforms. Albania appeared in the headlines of the western media. The western coverage of those 5000 refugees accelerated the fall of the one-party regime.

“The Embassies’ Crisis: Albania of 1990" dwells upon the most important events of 1990, the role of political and cultural elites, the role of the Western democracies, the "Popaj" issue, the first anti-communist protests in Shkodra and Kavaja, the visit of Peres De Cuelar, and the internal processes in the leadership of the Albanian Party of Labour. The book analyses the developments at the foreign embassies in Tirana, the official internal communications between the diplomatic corps and the Albanian government, the official and secret talks on the crisis, whilst addressing the myths that arose following to embassies’ crisis and their impact on Albanian society and politics. For the first time, several thousand Albanian and foreign archival documents were published on the developments of 1990. The documentation related to the German, Italian and French embassies, as well as those of the State Security (Albanian secret police) and the Politburo occupy an important place in this publication.

The book has 484 pages and is published in Albanian by the Institute of History, Academy of Albanological Studies in Tirana.

Монографията "София и балканската модерност. Белград, София, Загреб, Любляна, Сараево, 1878-1914" е проучване в областта на социалната и градската история, чиято цел е да бъде проследена ролята на столиците в процеса на модернизация на обществата в Югоизточно Европа. В основата на книгата стоят две сходни по тема докторски дисертации – сравнително изследване на Белград и София от д-р Зорница Велинова и изследване на процесите в Загреб, Любляна и Сараево от д-р Ивайло Начев. Посредством разглеждането на различни аспекти от процесите на модернизация в широк балкански контекст и отделни паралели с европейски примери, трудът дава отговори на многобройни изследователски проблеми на балканското общество, свързани с един от най-бурните периоди на неговото историческо развитие.

„Завръщането“ в Европа е основното легитимиращо послание след 2000 г. Пполитическата система на Сърбия може да бъде определена като патерналистична демокрация със значима роля на лидерите на парламентарните партии. Изборните успехи през 2014, 2016 и 2020 г. дават възможност на Сръбската прогресивна партия да упражнява абсолютна власт. Партията изненадващо дава пример за европейска коалиционна култура. Разбира се по-малките коалиционни партньори имат и по-малка относителната тежест в управлението. Дминира фигурата на Александър Вучич, който се издига от вицепремиер през премиер до президент. В последната си функция той възражда модела, при който страната се управлява от премиер-технократ, а реалната власт е в ръцете на президента. Във външната политика приоритет е ЕС, но той се конкурира с Русия, Китай и САЩ. Образът на ЕС в сръбското обществено съзнание понася поражения поради трудностите на съюза при справяне първо с бежанската криза, а след това и с коронакризата. В отношението към САЩ важно място заемат травматичният спомен от бомбардировките през 1999 г. Военният неутралитет успешно се съчетава със сътрудничество с НАТО. Сръбските държавници се стремят да присвоят югославското външнополитическо наследство с неговата идея за баланс между основните международни играчи. Могат да бъдат очертани три основни процеса, които оказват деструктивно влияние в регионален план. Първият е нерешеният Косовския въпрос. Вторият включва отражението на значими външни кризи - украинска, бежанска и близкоизточна. Третият е дискретно заявената претенция на Сърбия за влияние в рамките на Западните Балкани, чрез използване на сръбските малцинства в съседните държави, на общото югославското минало и на процеса на възстановяване на икономическите връзки от югославско време.

The security landscape in and around Europe since 2014 has experienced significant changes. As a result, in the 31 European countries considered by this study defence spending will grow by an estimated average of 8.3 per cent in 2016, compared to 2015. This represents a break with the structural trends experienced in previous years. Yet, increased defence budgets are no guarantee that the countries will spend their money better or with more intra-European cooperation than before 2015. The whole landscape of defence cooperation in Europe is particularly diversified and fragmented. The study analyses six trends which mark current cooperative patterns, for example in relation to bilateralism, regionalism, as well as the role of Germany and the United States. Finally, it discusses five driving factors, including Russia’s aggressive posture and non-conventional threats, which are likely to shape the European defence cooperation landscape in the short-medium term. - See more at: http://www.iai.it/en/pubblicazioni/defence-budgets-and-cooperation-europe#sthash.u5m0FHTO.dpuf

The Slavic variation of Feudalism (Analysis of the example of bellatores in Bosnian medieval history)
In this essay different aspects of nobility in medieval Bosnia are analysed, with one essential goal: to put it in context with the nobility in different parts of the known world, specifically in East Central Europe. Through this entire essay, the method of
comparison has been extensively used, and has proven very effective. A somewhat controversial headline was chosen because it provides clear and concise review of the main topic of this essay – nobility as part of feudal hierarchy, and also specifies the main historical region of the essay – East-Central Europe with dominant Slavic ethnic element. The analysis of the main features of nobility, as well as of the various activities they exercised daily, indicates that the nobility of Bosnian kingdom acted with the same principles of conduct as theirs counterparts throughout Europe, which once again proved that medieval Bosnia was a part of the East-European civilisational circle. Precisely these principles of conduct and the constant aspiration for as much political power and wealth as possible, can be found in the every corner of societies built on the Three estates (classes) model. This gives us the foundation to primarily identify, and then to try to challenge the allegations of the myth of feudal anarchy in medieval Bosnia, which supposedly erupted right after the death of king Tvrtko
I (1391.) and evenutaly caused a breakdown of Bosnian kingdom long before the Ottoman conquest of 1463. by simply comparing the actions of bosnian nobility with procedures in Czech, Polish Hungarian, and other states. We came to conclusion that nobility in all of these countries acted in the same way. They equally strived for greatest possible autonomy and freedom but always within well known social boundaries.
The borrowing of the research method of local identities from Geohumanistic science gave us an additional tool for disputing the beforementioned myth. It proved that, in case of Bosnian nobility, we can discern all three aspects of this identity: cognitive, affective and instrumental, and therefore in our opinion strenghten the thesis that the Bosnian medieval society was systematically arranged, and that inside this framework of arrangements all the dynamics of the very intricate relationships within the estate (class, rank) bellatores of Bosnian medieval period took place.

The first inclusive collection to examine post-2008 developments in Balkan cinema, this book brings together a number of international scholars to explore its industrial contexts and textual dimensions. With a focus on transnational links, global networks and cross-cultural exchanges, the book addresses the role of national and supranational institutions as well as film festival networks in supporting film production, distribution and reception. It also identifies key characteristics in the subject matter and aesthetics of Balkan films made since the global economic crisis. Through critical and comprehensive country profiles, and with a focus on smaller and underrepresented cinemas from Montenegro, Kosovo, North Macedonia and Albania, the collection argues for the continuing relevance of the concept of ‘Balkan cinema’.