IOM

Climate change threatens to cause the largest refugee crisis in human history. Millions of people, largely in Africa and Asia, might be forced to leave their homes to seek refuge in other places or countries over the course of the century. Yet the current institutions, organizations, and funding mechanisms are not sufficiently equipped to deal with this looming crisis. The situation calls for new governance. We thus outline and discuss in this article a blueprint for a global governance architecture on the protection and voluntary resettlement of climate refugees—defined as people who have to leave their habitats because of sudden or gradual alterations in their natural environment related to one of three impacts of climate change: sea-level rise, extreme weather events, and drought and water scarcity. We provide an extensive review of current estimates of likely numbers and probable regions of origin of climate refugees. With a view to existing institutions, we argue against the extension of the definition of refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. Key elements of our proposal are, instead, a new legal instrument specifically tailored for the needs of climate refugees—a Protocol on Recognition, Protection, and Resettlement of Climate Refugees to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change—as well as a separate funding mechanism.

Scientists predict serious impacts of climate change that could compel millions of people to leave their homes beginning sometime in the next decades. Yet the existing institutions and organizations are not sufficiently equipped to deal with this looming crisis. Reforms toward a system of global adaptation governance as part of a larger program toward comprehensive earth system governance are thus needed. Some of the possible reform options—extending the definition of refugees under the 1951 Geneva Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees or giving responsibilities to the UN Security Council—are less promising and might even be counterproductive. A better solution appears to lie with a new legal instrument specifically tailored for the needs of climate refugees—a Protocol on the Recognition, Protection, and Resettlement of Climate Refugees to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, supported by a separate funding mechanism, the Climate Refugee Protection and Resettlement Fund.

2011 yılında Suriye Arap Cumhuriyeti’nde ortaya çıkan iç savaşa bağlı olarak kitleler halinde sınır ülkelere doğru bir göç akımı başlamış ve bu göçlerin artması ile mülteci krizi patlak vermiştir. Aynı yıl Türkiye’ye sınır illerden girmeye başlayan Suriyeli mültecilere karşı başından itibaren “açık kapı” politikası uygulamış ve girişlerine herhangi bir kısıtlama getirilmemiştir. Sayıları gittikçe artan mülteciler Türkiye için altından kalkması zor bir sınava dönüşmüş, uluslararası yardım talebinde bulunulmuştur. 

Bu çalışmada 2011 yılında başlayan Suriye mülteci krizinin yedinci yılına yaklaşırken gelinen son durum ve Türkiye’de sayısı 3 milyonu geçmiş olan mültecilere ait sorunlara yönelik uluslararası çözümler detaylı bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Türkiye’ye göç ettikleri günden  itibaren genellikle birincil ve acil ihtiyaçları karşılanan mültecilerin diğer sorunlarına  da ışık tutarken, uluslararası örgütlerin öncelik verdiği konular derinlemesine incelenmiştir.

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Due to the civil war that emerged in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, mass migration to border countries began, resulting in the eruption of the refugee crisis. In the same year, Syrian refugees began their marches to safety from the borders into neighboring countries and in this regard, Turkey has carried out an "open door" policy with zero restrictions on refugee entry. Thus, vast numbers of refugees have fled to Turkey causing severe complications within the country. Therefore, international assistance has been requested by the Turkish government.

This study examines the recent situation stemming from the Syrian refugee crisis, which is currently approaching its seventh year. Furthermore, the study explores in detail international support for the plight of refugees, whose population now exceeds three million. This study also examines the primary topics of international organizations dealing with the crisis and focuses on other problems of refugees whose primary and urgent needs in general terms.

Le politiche migratorie degli ultimi anni in ambito
europeo hanno contribuito a ridurre la dimensione del
ritorno in quella del rimpatrio, essendo quest’ultima
centrale dell’agenda europea di contrasto alla
cosiddetta immigrazione irregolare. La logica del
respingimento dà corpo anche alla maggioranza dei
programmi di rimpatrio e ritorno volontario assistito e
reintegro (RVA&R), cresciuti in modo significativo negli
ultimi anni e destinati ai migranti che non vogliono o non
possono restare nei paesi di destinazione e di transito
e che decidono di tornare al loro paese di origine.
Questa dinamica è evidenziata dal fatto che molti di
questi programmi europei sono destinati a persone che
hanno ricevuto provvedimenti di espulsione; seppur
considerati forme di ritorno più umane dei rimpatri
forzati, rimangono tuttavia funzionali agli stessi obiettivi.

The Marshall Islands is a nation of widely dispersed, low-lying coral atolls and islands, and with climate change causing sea levels to rise and shifting weather patterns, the Marshall Islands is faced with flooding, heat stress and drought. The Marshall Islands Climate and Migration Project studies the multicausal nature of Marshallese migration, as well as its impact on migrants themselves and communities in the Marshall Islands. This policy brief highlights key findings on migration patterns, drivers and impacts, and discusses the tension between being prepared to move and fortifying to stay in place.

This article offers an analysis of the aim, audience, form and
content of the “i am a migrant” campaign of the International Organisation of Migration (IOM). We suggest that the campaign directs public opinion in Western ‘host countries’. We furthermore propose that the campaign’s website as a platform for migrants’ voices is not antithetical to the mission of the IOM to manage migration according to a logic of productivity and rationality, but rather a logical extension of it. We show that the migrant narratives presented not only confirm, but also disrupt the assumed naturalness of migrants’ strong ties with their countries of origin, frequently underpinning established policy on the migration-development nexus.

Migration management expresses the idealizations of policymakers: how they view the world's ideal biopolitical and geopolitical organization. This article presents an analysis of an anti-irregular migration campaign funded by Australia and administered by the International Organization for Migration to deter "potential people smugglers" in Indonesia. The article demonstrates that the campaign attempted to normalize the idea that transporting irregular migrants was immoral and a sin. The Indonesia-Australia border and the Westphalian nation-state system were structured as moral geographies. The campaign framed immigration law as the ultimate determinant of moral and immoral migration, proclaiming a righteousness in immobilizing irregular migrants, regardless of circumstance. Per the campaign, moral migration is to be managed, and borders to be guarded, by unaccountable consultants for hire like the International Organization for Migration-states' deputized migration managers. The article analyzes how irregular migration was structured as subverting and exploiting territorialized nations, how the campaign associated emplacement and boundedness with safety and irregular migration with a threatening , foreign, immorality. Finally, the article investigates how everyday spaces were infiltrated by bordering practices designed to normalize the campaign's purported "truths" about morality and migration, showing the varying temporalities and scales of border-making and migration management.

Indonesia  merupakan salah satu  negara transit bagi para pencari suaka yang ingin mengungsi di negara yang meratifikasi konvensi pengungsi Jenewa tahun 1951. Ada 145 Negara Pihak Konvensi tersebut. Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara yang mengikuti konvensi namun tidak meratifikasi konvensi pengungsi tersebut, sehingga dapat diakatakan bahwa Indonesia tidak mempunyai kewajiban dalam melakukan penanganan terhadap pencari suaka. Namun, masih banyak ditemukan para pencari suaka yang belum menemukan negara yang bersedia untuk menampung mereka ataupun ditolak kedatangannya sehingga  memilih Indonesia sebagai destinasi dalam mendapatkan status sebagai pengungsi dari UNHCR (United Nation High Commisioner for Refugees). Meskipun Indonesia  merupakan negara yang tidak meratifikasi konvensi pengungsi 1951. Namun atas dasar UUD 1945 dan Undang-undang HAM No.39 Tahun 1999 Pasal 28 juga menjamin bahwa: “Setiap orang berhak mencari suaka untuk memperoleh perlindungan politik dari negara lain.” Sehingga  dalam menangani pencari suaka tersebut pemerintah membuat Perpres 125 tahun 2016 tentang penanganan pengungsi yang dilaksanakan oleh intansi terkait yang salah satunya ialah Direktorat Jenderal Imigrasi atau lebih terkhusus Rumah Detensi Imirasi (Rudenim) yang digunakan tempat penampungan terhadap pencari suaka dan pengungsi yang ditemukan terdampar di wilayah Indinesia. Meskipun dalam Undang-undang Keimigrasian tidak disebutkan terkait penggunaan Rudenim sebagai tempat penampungan  pengungsi dan pecari suaka melainkan sebagai tempat penampungan sementara bagi orang asing yang dikenai tindakan administratif keimigrasian.

Research on European Union (EU)–Russia cooperation in migration issues often neglects important actors involved in these seemingly bilateral arrangements. This paper questions the role that the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) has been playing in the EU–Russia cooperation in migration management. The analysis is situated in the theoretical framework describing international organisations (IOs) as bureaucracies and within the discussions about international migration governance and migration management. The paper describes the context of the EU–Russia migration management cooperation and identifies the major activities of IOM in Russia. Treating IOs as bureaucracies that pursue their own interests, the paper argues that, far from being a mere implementing body, IOM is an actor that, to a significant extent, has shaped the outcome of EU–Russia migration dialogue. At the same time, it is the context of this bilateral cooperation that has allowed IOM to strengthen its position vis-à-vis both Russia and the EU and to be successful in the competition with other IOs.

El Perfil sociocultural de la población siria que aquí se presenta forma parte de las acciones llevadas adelante por la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM) y el Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados (ACNUR) en conjunto con el Estado argentino, con el fin de fortalecer y apoyar la implementación del Programa especial de visado humanitario para extranjeros afectados por el conflicto en la República Árabe Siria, habitualmente llamado “Programa Siria”.
Parte de este trabajo articulado se ha materializado a través de la asistencia técnica brindada en la etapa previa a la partida de los beneficiarios del Programa, como por ejemplo, mediante la identificación y selección de personas refugiadas por parte del ACNUR, y en la preparación de las personas a través de la realización de evaluaciones de salud y sesiones de orientación cultural llevadas adelante por la OIM.
El presente Perfil se enmarca en las acciones tendientes a fortalecer los procesos de integración de la población siria una vez arribada a la Argentina y apoyar las capacidades institucionales de las agencias gubernamentales, los gobiernos locales, y las organizaciones de la sociedad civil responsables de proveer servicios, orientación y acompañamiento a las familias sirias residentes en el país.

This dissertation explores possible links between environmental degradation and international migration. This research examines whether environmental change is an underlying push factor in the migration of Cameroonian women to Algeria. The researcher undertook a two-week field trip in Oran, Algeria. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 11 Cameroonian migrant women. Additional information was also gathered during the field trip through an observational study, exchanges with informants and gatekeepers. A thematic analysis was used to identify and explore themes in the interview transcripts. This research concludes that environmental change was not an underlying push factor in this migration flow. It shows that the driver of migration was the intersection of the political, economic and social conditions in Cameroon and the difficult personal situation of these women. Also, this study found that social media creates and perpetuates illusions around the realities of migration. These illusions explain some of the pull factors in this migration flow.

Key words: Migration, Environment, Cameroon, Algeria, Women, Deforestation.

In the light of the intensifying migration and refugee crises in Europe, various international stakeholders such as the UNHCR, the IOM and the EU have taken a stance in the debate. Among them, the OECD is the organization
that stands out with its pragmatic policy-oriented approach rooted in its vast advisory experience, global outlook and socio-economic profile. A thorough examination of the OECD’s contribution to the debate on the crises leads to the conclusions that migrants coming to Europe in large numbers in recent years, most of whom are in need of international protection, create an opportunity for improvements in the areas of demographic and economic development in Europe. However, in order to make adequate use of their potential for their own and their host countries’ benefit, it is necessary that the European immigration and integration policies be revised and adapted to new political/legal conditions and economic circumstances.

The EU-Turkey Deal is a central reaction to the 2015 flight-migration into Europe. In the context of the Deal, the boundary between voluntariness and force is blurred, forming the condition of possibility of expulsion. The overlapping of two different forms of migration management approaches, the EU-Turkey Deal and the Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration Programme create a grey zone of indistinction. Within this grey zone, access to rights is systematically made impossible. "Voluntary return" enables the bypassing of legal guarantees certified by the Geneva Refugee Convention drawing on the paradigm of alleged individualized freedom of choice. The central effect of this grey zone is the lack of accountability of any agency participating in the deportations labelled as voluntary.

RESUMEN: La idea de migración ordenada, desarrollada desde 1953 por la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM), ha obtenido mayor visibilidad a partir del Pacto Mundial para la Migración Segura, Ordenada y Regular o Global Compact for Migration de 2018. Este capítulo tiene por objetivo revisar la implementación por parte de la OIM de dos mecanismos utilizados para vehiculizar la migración ordenada, como son la cooperación técnica sobre migración y el capacity-building, especialmente en la esfera del control migratorio y fronterizo. Por medio del análisis de material institucional de la OIM, se rastrean los casos nacionales que, desde comienzos de este milenio, han sido considerados de interés para la diseminación y aplicación de estos lineamientos políticos orientados a la gestión migratoria. Se evidencia que la OIM es un actor comprometido con establecer el nexo migración-seguridad, promoviendo políticas y sistemas tecnológicos de control migratorio y fronterizo, especialmente, en los países del sur del mundo. Vista previa disponible en https://books.google.de/books?id=jHLWDwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=de&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0 - v=onepage&q&f=false
ABSTRACT: The idea of orderly migration – introduced in 1953 by the International Organization for Migration – has recently gained further exposure as a result of the 2018 Global Compact for Migration. The aim of this chapter is to review how the IOM has implemented two mechanisms, used to convey orderly migration: technical cooperation for migration and capacity-building, especially in the sectors of migration and border control. Through the analysis of IOM institutional material, the work tracks national cases that – since the early 2000s – have been taken into consideration for both the dissemination and implementation of related policy guidelines related to these mechanisms. The investigation shows that IOM is committed to establish a nexus between migration and security. This is pursued through the promotion of policies and technology systems for migration controls, with a special focus on Southern Hemisphere countries. Preview available on https://books.google.de/books?id=jHLWDwAAQBAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=de&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0 - v=onepage&q&f=false

La Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM) es una organización poco estudiada, cuyo mandato concierne, sin embargo, uno de los asuntos actualmente más politizados en los países occidentales. Este artículo presenta la historia, la doctrina y las prácticas de la OIM. Mostraremos que si bien durante mucho tiempo ha sido una organización frágil, en un contexto en el que las políticas migratorias no responden a un régimen internacional sólido, la OIM ha terminado imponiéndose-a partir de los años 1990-como un actor imprescindible de la mundialización y la externalización de dichas políticas. La estrategia de la OIM consiste en despolitizar los retos de los fenómenos migratorios y en promover una gestión técnica de las migraciones, centrada en la utilidad económica que estas últimas representarían para todas las partes (países de origen, países de destino y migrantes). Dicha estrategia le permite aparecer como un intermediario neutro, aceptado tanto por los estados como por los actores de la sociedad civil y del sector privado. Sin embargo, esta despolitización se ve acompañada por un alineamiento de la OIM con los intereses de los países occidentales de inmigración, lo que posibilita intervenciones altamente políticas, especialmente en los países de origen de los migrantes.

In preparation for the September General Assembly summit, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) explored becoming part of the UN system after working for 65 years side-by-side. The logic was straightforward: to complement ongoing UN work for migrants and to transform IOM into the world organization’s lead agency for them. No such norm-setting and operational transformation, however, took place with predictable implications for both UN humanitarian and development organizations. Yet another reform opportunity was missed.

This article deals with how return programmes for rejected asylum seekers and irregular migrants construct and create vulnerabilities. Few studies have explored the role of assistance provided through such programmes for the sex worker returnees and victims of trafficking who return through them. Even fewer holistically examine a return programme through data elicited in both destination and origin locations, before and after return. That is what we aim to do in this article. We first look at the legal-bureaucratic construction of vulnerability in a host state, Norway, and the systemic logic of its efforts to return victims of trafficking. We then look at how returnees narrate their experiences of and perspectives on vulnerability upon return to their country of origin, Nigeria. This study, together with the broader research within this field, indicates that flaws in programme implementation can in fact exacerbate vulnerabilities rather than help returnees overcome them.

When the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM), today the International Organization for Migration (IOM), was born in 1951, its main objective was to alleviate demographic pressure in post-war Europe by relocating workers and their families to overseas countries lacking in workforce. But after the European continent’s rapid recovery in the decade that followed, icem did not disappear. Instead, it tried to adapt to the changes and focussed on new objectives in order to maintain its role as a necessary organsation. This article focuses on the crisis icem experienced circa 1960. Based on the analysis of sources from the organisation, government documents and press from that period, I attempt to explain to what extent the restructuring undertaken from 1958 to 1961 signified a real attempt to adapt to the new social reality, and to what extent it was due to the force of inertia and the aim to carry on.

In the light of the intensifying migration and refugee crises in Europe, various international stakeholders such as the UNHCR, the IOM and the EU have taken a stance in the debate. Among them, the OECD is the organization that stands out with its pragmatic policy-oriented approach rooted in its vast advisory experience, global outlook and socio-economic profile. A thorough examination of the OECD’s contribution to the debate on the crises leads to the conclusions that migrants coming to Europe in large numbers in recent years, most of whom are in need of international protection, create an opportunity for improvements in the areas of demographic and economic development in Europe. However, in order to make adequate use of their potential for their own and their host countries’ benefit, it is necessary that the European immigration and integration policies be revised and adapted to new political/legal conditions and economic circumstances.

Osservatorio sulle attività delle organizzazioni internazionali sovranazionali, universali e regionali, sui temi di interesse della politica estera italiana - www.osorin.it

Analisi dello IOM’s COVID-19 Strategic Preparedness and Response Plan (SPRP)

This article aims to understand how Turkish bordercrats have aligned themselves with the European Union’s migration containment policy. This may seem contrary to their interests given that Turkey’s accession to the European Union was no longer a possible political project. To respond to this puzzle, we propose the notion of a game of “symbolic rewards” that plays out between the “donor” and the “donee”. These interactions are analyzed through a triptych, namely: cooptation, participation and immersion. Our findings are based on ethnographic material, including over a hundred interviews as well as participant observation at the head office of an international migration organization.

One of the largest Multi-Sector Needs Assessment surveys (19,454 records) of Syrian refugees conducted in Turkey’s South-Eastern Provinces of Adıyaman, Gaziantep, Hatay, and Şanlıurfa. Analysis done using Excel, SPSS, and ArcGIS.

This is a summary version of the longer paper.

The flow of Venezuelan citizens who have migrated to the South American countries
reached their peak in 2018, when the IOM registered the exodus of 2.3 million people.
Against this background, the mobilization of countries like Colombia, Peru, Brazil and
Chile was prepared to offer help to those moved by the internal political crisis.
International organizations such as UNHCR and IOM have been involved in welcoming
the Venezuelans in a dignified and comprehensive manner in the receiving countries,
the first of which has granted them the title of refugees. Given the legal and legislative
perplexities that surround the theme, the article seeks a definition of the concepts of
refugees, and immigrants. Its purpose is to clarify the global and internal legislative
particulars of both concepts, and finally to apply them to the case of the Venezuelan
exodus. The researches carried out had a qualitative character, through researches of
academic scope, aiming at exposing the national arguments of each country. Finally, it
was found that the complexity and breadth of these concepts allows countries to use
their own legislation to define the situation of civilians entering such countries, even if
they have undergone ratification of international protocols.
Keywords: Migrants. Refugees. Venezuela.

The fact that the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM), the antecedent of today’s International Organization for Migration (IOM), played a key role in handling the Hungarian refugee crisis of 1956, is not commonly known. It was this body, established
in 1951 upon the initiative of the US, which organised the registration and transport of some two hundred thousand Hungarian refugees in Austria and Yugoslavia. Based on the archives of the ICEM and the UN Secretariat, as well as on US, British and French foreign policy documents and the relevant scholarly literature, the paper examines this international migration organization in the 1950s, with a focus on the workings of the ICEM concerning the Hungarian refugee crisis, and its influence upon the subsequent history of the organization.

Monografia apresentada à banca examinadora e à Coordenação do Curso de Direito do Centro de Ciências Jurídicas da Universidade de Fortaleza, adequada e aprovada para suprir exigência parcial inerente à obtenção do grau de Bacharel em Direito, em conformidade com os normativos do MEC, regulamentada pela Res. n° R028/99, da Universidade de Fortaleza.

RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: si bien la idea de “migración ordenada” tiene más de medio siglo, recientemente ha cobrado notoriedad internacional gracias a su inserción en el Global Compact for Migration de 2018. Desde un enfoque crítico, el objetivo de este trabajo es rastrear a qué se refiere la migración ordenada y de qué manera es internalizada a nivel regional a través del multilateralismo. Para ello, se revisa el mecanismo de capacity-building implementado en los dieciséis procesos consultivos regionales (PCR) sobre migraciones que existen en el mundo. Metodología: por medio de la técnica de análisis de documentos, se indaga en material oficial clave de la Organización Internacional para las Migraciones (OIM) y de los PCR, en especial, los documentos resultantes de las reuniones globales de las presidencias y secretarías de los PCR sobre migraciones. Conclusiones: se concluye que la migración ordenada es una idea maleable a las tendencias del control migratorio a nivel global. La construcción de la migración como problema común que requiere de “soluciones compartidas” habilita a la utilización del multilateralismo migratorio asimétrico y cooptivo, a través del cual las ideas hegemónicas se transforman en consenso dentro de los espacios políticos no vinculantes, como los PCR. Estos representan ámbitos privilegiados en la difusión de contenidos de capacity-building orientados a la implementación de políticas de control sobre las migraciones, complejizando así el policy making contemporáneo en ese campo. Originalidad: el texto ilumina el desarrollo de las ideas que luego se utilizan en las políticas migratorias de distintas regiones del mundo. En concreto, se historizan los cambios atravesados en la idea de migración ordenada, la cual no ha recibido en la literatura una profundización adecuada a su impacto en el plano político de las migraciones.

ABSTRACT. Objetive/Context: Although the idea of “orderly migration” has been circulating for more than a half-century, recently it has gained international popularity because of its integration into the 2018 Global Compact for Migration. From a critical perspective, this work aims tracking what orderly migration refers to as well as understanding how the regional level internalized the idea through multilateralism. For this purpose, the work reviews the capacity-building mechanism implemented in the 16 Regional Consultative Processes (RCP) on global migrations. Methodology: Through content analysis, the research examined Key official material from the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the RCPs. Particularly, the focus is on the documents produced by the Global Meetings of Chairs and Secretariats of RCP. Conclusions: Findings show that orderly migration is an idea malleable to global trends on migration control. The construction of migration as a common problem that requires “shared solutions” enables the use of an asymmetric and co-optive migration multilateralism. By means of this type of multilateralism, the hegemonic ideas turn into consensus in non-binding political spaces, such as RCP. Thus, RCP appear as privileged spaces for spreading capacity building-related notions oriented to the implementation of migration control policies. This results in a higher complexity of contemporary policy making in this field. Originality: The text enlightens the development of those ideas that subsequently inspired migration policy in different world regions. So far, the literature has not paid due attention to the impact that the idea of orderly migration has had on the political field of migrations. This work contributes to fill this gap by proposing a historical overview of the changes this idea has expierenced over the years.

OBJETIVO/CONTEXTO: embora a ideia de “migração ordenada” tenha mais de meio século, recentemente tem ganhado notoriedade internacional graças à sua inserção no Global Compact for Migration de 2018. A partir de um enfoque crítico, o objetivo deste trabalho é identificar a que se refere a “migração ordenada” e de que maneira é internalizada a nível regional por meio do multilateralismo. Para isso, é revisado o mecanismo de capacity-building implementado em 16 Processos Consultivos Regionais (PCR) sobre migrações que existem no mundo. Metodologia: por meio da técnica de análise de documentos analisa-se material oficial chave da Organização Internacional para as Migrações (OIM) e dos PCR, em especial os documentos resultantes das reuniões globais das presidências e secretarias dos PCR sobre migrações. Conclusões: Conclui-se que a “migração ordenada” é uma ideia maleável às tendências do controle migratório a nível global. A construção da migração como problema comum que requer “soluções compartilhadas” habilita a utilização do multilateralismo migratório assimétrico e cooptivo, por meio do qual as ideias hegemónicas se transformam em consenso dentro dos espaços políticos não vinculantes, como os PCR. Os PCR representam espaços privilegiados na difusão de conteúdos de capacity-building orientados à implementação de políticas de controle sobre as migrações, complexando assim o policy making contemporâneo nesse campo. Originalidade: O texto contribui para o desenvolvimento das ideias que depois se utilizam nas políticas migratórias de diferentes regiões do mundo. Mais especificamente, são historicizadas as mudanças atravessadas na ideia de “migração ordenada”, a qual não tem recebido na literatura um aprofundamento adequado a seu impacto no plano político das migrações.