Greece and its Balkan neighbors in Modern History

‒ Violence, resistance and collaboration in a Greek borderland: the case of the Muslim Chams of Epirus The ethnic infighting that took place in Thesprotia between the Greek and Albanian communities during the Axis occupation has been described as a forgotten conflict. Indeed, until recently, the only existing studies were those of local «organic» intellectuals who argued that the Alba-nian Muslim minority collaborated collectively first with the Italian and then with the German occupiers in the hope that an Axis victory would lead to the eventual creation of a Greater Alba-nian state. The article will challenge these views and argue that the conflict was shaped by local issues and antagonisms that predated the war and were often unrelated to nationalist agendas. Politics were used by local actors of all nationalities as a means of expressing local differences; however, the root of the conflict must be sought in communal relations. Both the victims and the perpetrators knew each other, shared common cultural codes and often had longstanding grievances. But this was not a parochial conflict waged between pre-modern peasants. Violence became possible solely as a result of the war and the presence of supra-local actors – the Resistance organisations, the Axis militaries and the British Military Mission – who gave peasants the opportunity and means by which to settle their differences. The presence of these groups served to nationalise the ongoing local struggles and led ultimately to an escalation of violence, resulting in the bloody stand-off that took place in the summer of 1944.

Η φήμη, η αξιοπιστία και η διεθνής εικόνα κάθε κράτους αποτελεί  παράγοντα ισχύος όσο και πηγή κινδύνου. Η οικονομική κρίση συντέλεσε στην κατάρρευση της διεθνούς εικόνας και της αυτό-εικόνας της Ελλάδας. Η έξοδος από την κρίση απαιτεί την αποτελεσματική διαχείριση της εικόνας της χώρας και προϋποθέτει τη συστηματική αναζήτηση των παραγωγικών αιτιών διαμόρφωσης αυτής της εικόνας. Η πολυδιάσπαση των θεωριών, των φορέων και των προσπαθειών που αφορούν στη διαχείριση της εικόνας των χωρών δημιουργούν την ανάγκη για γόνιμο διάλογο και προβληματισμό.

Το βιβλίο εστιάζει στη στρατηγική επικοινωνία, την ήπια ισχύ και τον ρόλο των διεθνών μέσων ενημέρωσης. Καλύπτει θεματικές όπως οι διεθνείς δημόσιες σχέσεις, η δημόσια διπλωματία, η πολιτιστική διπλωματία, το λόμπι, το nation branding, τη διπλωματία των πολιτών, τη λειτουργία του μηχανισμού παραγωγής των ειδήσεων, τον ρόλο των διεθνοπολιτικών αφηγήσεων και  υην επίδραση των γεγονότων,  των κομματικών στρατηγικών και της εσωτερικής πολιτικής σκηνής. Στόχος είναι να ανασυγκροτηθεί ένα κατακερματισμένος χώρος προβληματισμού και δράσης σε ενιαίο πεδίο προσφέροντας μία χρηστική εργαλειοθήκη εννοιών, αναλυτικών εργαλείων και τεχνικών. Παράλληλα γίνεται προσπάθεια  να χτιστούν επιστημονικές γέφυρες ανάμεσα στα επιμέρους πεδία της Επιστήμης της Επικοινωνίας και των Διεθνών Σχέσεων συνεισφέροντας με τον τρόπο αυτό στην συγκρότηση του πεδίου της Διεθνούς Πολιτικής Επικοινωνίας. Η σύνθεση περιεχομένων του βιβλίου αποτελεί την πρώτη φάση μίας συστηματικής προσπάθειας σύζευξης των πεδίων της Πολιτικής Επικοινωνίας, της Διεθνούς Επικοινωνίας και των επιμέρους υποπεδίων της Στρατηγικής Επικοινωνίας  με τις Διεθνείς Σχέσεις, με επίκεντρο την μελέτη της εικόνας των κρατών.

Στο αρχείο παρατίθενται τα περιεχόμενα και το εισαγωγικά σημείωμα του βιβλίο καθώς και οι πρώτες σελίδες από το αρχικό κεφάλαιο

The "Greek crisis" was officially inaugurated on May 2010 with the loan the Greek government took from the IMF-European Union-European Central Bank troika, the largest a country had ever taken (€110 bn). Since then, the social implications of this crisis have been dramatic. The form and the scale of social phenomena observed today in Greece and particularly in Athens--e.g., extreme poverty and inequality, profound police violence, organized racist violence--are unprecedented for the country. Nevertheless, a diachronic examination of some socio-spatial aspects of Athens reveals that the social character of the current crisis has been taking shape for some time. This article aims shed light on the social shape of the crisis by outlining three such socio-spatial dimensions as they materialized in the case of Athens during 1990s and 2000s: first, the emergence of new forms of social exclusion and inequality; second, the vast project of urban (re)development and the new spatialities it produced, and third the emergence of novel forms of political and xenophobic violence.

The overarching question of this article is how can we develop a critical understanding of the social place of highways and automobility in the case of a non-capitalist European context such as socialist Albania? Socialism was a period of modernisation for Albania. Part of this modernisation project was the production of a modern built environment, especially infrastructures and urban spaces. Within this context during socialism thousands of miles of new roads were constructed in the country. The remarkably limited use of roads, combined with their systematic building and maintenance, kept this infrastructure’s materiality in a relatively good condition for many decades. Since the early 1990s, though, the end of the regime has signified a period of booming mobility and automobility. Postsocialism and the wider context of neoliberalism have been marked by state withdrawal from many of its previous roles, and the maintenance of basic infrastructures has become increasingly dependent on international aid. Nevertheless, the roads are currently being socially reappropriated and reconfigured, as people embrace automobility, which was a very limited practice during socialism. This article explores the kind of socio-material relationships that road construction and the roads themselves generated in socialist Albania and how these
are linked to postsocialist spatial practices.

The selection of (world) heritage is the selection of history; it is where people come from and what they are. Although it is a highly political matter, the outcome of this process is supposed to be a reflection of the history of all the Greeks. The way in which this is chosen and what is in the first place called heritage; what is preserved and what is listed (but also what is erased and denied for listing) is therefore a very important issue. Especially in Greece, which is seen as the foundation of European civilization, this selection is crucial, for it determines what the past, present and future of the Greeks looks like. Since not all history can be turned into heritage, decisions that have been made throughout the years about what histories to preserve and what histories –and therefore memories– to erase and how and by who these decisions and selections have been made will shed light upon the way Greece has been portraying and perceiving itself as a nation.

Η διασπορά των εκπαιδευτικών δραστηριοτήτων και η
πρόσβαση των διαφόρων κατηγοριών πληθυσμού σε αυτές υπακούει και στα Επτάνησα
στην σχέση κέντρου – περιφέρειας. Η πρόσβαση στα μορφωτικά αγαθά των κατοίκων των
απομακρυσμένων και αγροτικών περιοχών είναι δυσκολότερη από την πρόσβαση των
κατοίκων των πόλεων. Ακόμη εντονότερος είναι ο αποκλεισμός της γυναίκας από την
διαδικασία της σχολικής αγωγής. Στα Επτάνησα παρατηρήθηκε το 1879 μια μεγαλύτερη
προσβασιμότητα στα μορφωτικά αγαθά από άλλες περιοχές της χώρας. Η διαφοροποίηση
αυτή περιορίστηκε στα αγόρια αφού τα κορίτσια βίωναν τον ίδιο κατά μέσο όρο κοινωνικό
αποκλεισμό από τα μορφωτικά αγαθά. συγκριτική αποτίμηση της κατανομής των
επαγγελματικών δραστηριοτήτων κατηγοριοποιημένων κατά παραγωγική δραστηριότητα
και τομέα παραγωγής στα Επτάνησα σε σχέση με την υπόλοιπη χώρα μας δείχνει μια
ενισχυμένη παρουσία του πρωτογενή τομέα παραγωγής στην Στερεά Ελλάδα και την
Πελοπόννησο σε σχέση με τα νησιά του Αιγαίου και τα Επτάνησα. Τα Επτάνησα
εμφάνιζαν ενισχυμένο το εμπόριο σε σύγκριση με τα νησιά του Αιγαίου όπου οι
δραστηριότητες του δευτερογενή τομέα παραγωγής ήταν περισσότερο ανεπτυγμένες από
ότι στα Επτάνησα.

""This article is an ethnographic study of a 29-kilometer stretch of cross-border highway located in South Albania and linking the city of Gjirokaster with the main checkpoint on the Albanian–Greek border. The road, its politics, and its poetics
constitute an ideal point of entry for an anthropological analysis of contemporary South Albania. The physical and social construction, uses, and perceptions of this road uniquely encapsulate three phenomena that dominate social life in postsocialist South Albania: the transition to a market economy, new nationalisms, and massive emigration (mainly to Greece). Taking this cross-border road section as my main ethnographic
point of reference, I suggest the fruitfulness of further discussion of the relationship between roads, narratives, and anthropology.

[roads, globalization, transnationalism, development, postsocialism, materiality, Albania]""

The living traditions of monodic Orthodox chant were going through innovations, as the music theory and its notation were created starting from 1814. They are the results of a reform finished under the third generation or the “4th music school of the patriarchate” (Istanbul). The reformers, who were called “the three great teachers”, had close relationships with musicians at the Ottoman Court, with musicians belonging to Sufi brotherhoods, and with synagogal singers—a context which Rudolf Maria Brandl called 1989 the Levantine community of traditional musicians (“The Music of the Fanariots”).

The paper is about the performance practice of Greek-Orthodox singers and is focused on the various forms of the diatonic (papadic) ēchos barys, as they can be found in the living tradition today. It is also an attempt to trace back the theoretical concept of this mode and to answer the question, to what extent the reformers were inspired by traditional musicians of the Levant.

This book is a collection of 5 essays. The first is an introduction into the basics of chant transmission, the modal framework within the eight-mode system, differentiated according to Western and Eastern chant genres. The second is an introduction into the labyrinth of the eight-mode system, which was used for a musical art of memory in Byzantine chant. The third analyses the embellished design of a traditional chant: a hymn for St. Peter taken from the Byzantine sticherarion and from the Roman antiphoner, and its elaboration in monodic kalophonia and polyphonic organum.

A second part is dedicated to two living chant traditions: The fourth essay describes the integration of makamlar among Greek church singers of Istanbul, and the final essay is a portrait of two important singers of the Bulgarian Orthodox tradition.

“Scientificity” and appeals to political independence are invaluable tools in the efforts of institutions such as the American School of Classical Studies at Athens to maintain their professional autonomy. Yet again, the cooperation of scientists and scholars at large, among whom the archaeologists affiliated with the ASCSA, with the OSS suggests a constitutive affinity between political and cultural leadership. In this article, I historically map out this relationship while drawing from sociological categorizations of knowledge and its employ in order to situate the archaeologists in their broader social and political context and evaluate their work not merely as agents of disciplinary knowledge but also as agents of culture and cultural change.

"Th[is] chapter takes us to the midst of the Cold War environment which separated Greece from its northern neighbours, while inducing antagonism and military competition from the outside South East Europe. During such difficult times, however, the region’s leaders tried, more often than not, to avoid mutual confrontation. Hence the selective attempts by Greece to reengage with its neighbours during the Cold War. Indeed, by the 1970s, ideological rifts mattered less than converging national interests, so much so that Greece reengaged with its neighbours while under a military junta. Alexandros Nafpliotis studies the colonels’ regime, which re-established diplomatic relations with Albania, one of Europe’s most hardline communist dictatorships, after a freeze lasting more than 30 years. Nafpliotis argues that economic cooperation and strategic calculations trumped the logic of ideological rivalries and extreme ideological enemies, such as Enver Hoxha in Tirana and the military the junta in Athens, chose to explore paths of cooperation."

This article examines the material culture of migration, focusing on migrants’ house-making projects in their countries of birth. In particular, it examines the houses built or refurbished by Albanians in their home-country, which is no longer their place of permanent residence. This is a widespread phenomenon in Albania, but it is also a frequently appearing practice amongst other international migrants. Why do migrants living outside their home-countries build houses there even though they do not plan to return? I seek to answer this question in the case of Albania by focusing empirically on the process of constructing these houses, rather than merely on the material entity of the house
as such. I propose that such ‘house-making’ by Albanian migrants is not only a simple house-building process; it also ensures a constant dwelling and dynamic ‘proxy’ presence for
migrants in their community of origin. These ethnographic observations have further significance for the anthropological study of both houses and international migration.

ΤΟ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΚΟ ΜΕΤΑ ΤΗ ΣΥΜΦΩΝΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΕΣΠΩΝ Εισαγωγή
ΑΛΕΞΗΣ ΗΡΑΚΛΕΙΔΗΣ, Η Συμφωνία των Πρεσπών: Μία αποτίμηση
ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ ΤΣΙΤΣΕΛΙΚΗΣ, Η Συμφωνία των Πρεσπών: Ένα νομικό σχόλιο
ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ ΧΡΙΣΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ, Το τέλος της εθνικής μας μοναξιάς
ΑΘΗΝΑ ΣΚΟΥΛΑΡΙΚΗ, Βόρεια Μακεδονία, εθνότητα και ιστορία: Μια διασταύρωση των εθνικών μύθων και επιχειρημάτων
ΓΙΑΝΝΗΣ ΜΠΑΛΑΜΠΑΝΙΔΗΣ, Ένα βότσαλο στη λίμνη των Πρεσπών: Οι πολιτικές συνέπειες της Συμφωνίας
ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΑ ΙΩΑΝΝΙΔΟΥ, Η περί Μακεδονικού «εθνική μελαγχολία» και η παραίτηση από την ακαδημαϊκή ελευθερία
ΜΑΡΙΚΑ ΡΟΜΠΟΥ-ΛΕΒΙΔΗ, Μακεδονικό και ελευθερία της έκφρασης: Από την αυτο-απαγόρευση της μνήμης στη συστηματική υποκίνηση αντίδρασης και την επιστράτευση της δικαιοσύνης
ΘΩΜΑΣ ΣΙΩΜΟΣ, Περί «αμφιγλωσσίας»
ΤΑΣΟΣ ΚΩΣΤΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ, Από την παλιά στη νέα εθνικοφροσύνη: Διαδρομές της ελληνικής βιβλιογραφίας περί Μακεδονικού

Hellenism is one of those overarching, ever-changing narratives always subject to historical circumstances, intellectual fashions and political needs. Conversely, it is fraught with meaning and conditioning powers, enabling and constraining imagination and practical life. In this essay I tease out the hold that the idea of Hellas has had on post-war Greece and I explore the ways in which the American anti-communist rhetoric and discussions about political and economic stabilization appropriated and rearticulated Hellenism. Central to this history of transformations are the archaeologists; the archaeologists as intellectuals, as producers of culture who, while stepping in and out of their disciplinary boundaries, rewrote and legitimized the new ideological properties of Hellenism while tapping into the resources of their profession.

In the Western Thrace region of Greece, there is a Muslim-Turkish Minority that has had a series of problems with the Greek government and with the local Greek Majority. After a period of increasing tensions and deterioration in government-minority and minority-majority relations in Western Thrace (1974-1990) -- and when there were signs that the conflict was going to turn violent -- the situation began to de-intensify gradually but substantially. The period of deterioration was then followed by a period of improvement (1990-2003/4) in the situation of the Minority, and in its relations with the Government and the Majority.

This dissertation examines the dynamics that led to the deterioration in the first period, the reasons behind the shift from deterioration to improvement, and the dynamics that made the improvement long-lasting, uninterrupted and significant. To understand these dynamics and the changes, I have used a modified version of the Political Systems Analysis model, developed by David Easton. The data was collected from primary and secondary sources on the conflict from these two periods, and from interviews with individuals from the Minority, the Majority, and the Greek government.

This research shows that the Political System Analysis model can be very useful in explaining why and how the Government changed its policies, and how the situation in Thrace first deteriorated and then improved. The most important conclusion of the dissertation is that it was the change of the inputs from the actors and the addition of new actors that contributed to the Greek Government's pro-Minority shift in its policies. Another conclusion of this research is that in a democratic political system where the government is responsive to inputs from actors in its political environment, the freedom to peaceful protest is respected, the inputs from transnational and international actors (such as the European organizations) are important, ethnic conflicts, though a major problem, can be dealt with peacefully and constructively.

The dissertation ends with recommendations for further research and with suggestions as to what each of the key actors in the W. Thrace conflict should do to improve the situation in the region even further.

Victor Bérard (1864-1931) fut un des plus grands homérisants français, auteur d’une traduction illustre de l’Odyssée. Qui se souvient, tant sa formule paraît irremplaçable, qu’il est l’inventeur de « l’Homme aux mille tours » pour rendre le complexe πολύτροπος ? Ses tentatives de reconstitution du périple d’Ulysse demeurent aussi fameuses que son oeuvre philologique. Membre de l’École française d’Athènes, directeur à l’École pratique des Hautes Études où il enseigna la géographie ancienne, il fut aussi un observateur attentif et courageux des événements contemporains, en Grèce, dans l’Empire ottoman, en Asie et bien sûr en France : sénateur du Jura, il présida la commission des affaires étrangères du Sénat. Sa bibliographie considérable reflète ses intérêts et ses passions, pour autant qu’on puisse dissocier les deux termes. Aujourd’hui discutées, les théories de Bérard s’inscrivent dans un contexte historique qu’éclairent les multiples facettes de son activité.
Curieusement, aucune biographie n'avait encore honoré la mémoire d’une des figures les plus remarquables de son temps. Sans doute ne peut-on tracer son portrait qu’à plusieurs mains. Tel est le but de ce volume, qui s’inscrit dans un projet pluriannuel concernant l’écriture de l’archéologie, conduit par Sophie Basch (Sorbonne) et Michel  Espagne (CNRS-ENS Labex
TransferS) en partenariat avec l'École française d'Athènes.

Victor Bérard (1864-1931) was one  of France's greatest Homeric scholars, author of a celebrated translation of the Odyssey. His attempts to reconstruct Odysseus' voyage remain as famous as his philological works. A member of the French School at Athens and director of the Ecole pratique des hautes études, where he taught ancient geography, he was also a thoughtful and courageous observer of contemporary events: a Dreyfusard in France and a defender of the Armenians in the Ottoman Empire. This collection of essays, intended as an intellectual biography that takes a range of different perspectives, and which brings together ancient and contemporary historians, is the first to honour the memory of a remarkable witness of his time.

This paper explores the question of what have been SYRIZA’s foreign policy positions with regards to the Western Balkan region — before and after it came to power — and to what extent it has influenced the Greek Balkan policy in general. Also, it looks into expectations of the SYRIZA-led government among the Western Balkan public and political elites, especially after SYRIZA’s landmark victory in the January 2015 parliamentary elections. The paper argues that the new government coalition in Greece has not demonstrated any major policy shifts in comparison to the previous Greek governments, trying, instead, to continue foreign policy that was inherited from its predecessors.

Stella Ghervas, “Philhellenisme et ambitions russes dans le cadre de la Question d’Orient”, in Φιλελληνισμός. Το ενδιαφέρον για την Ελλάδα και τους Έλληνες από την Επανάσταση ως σήμερα [Philhellenism: Sympathy for Greece and the Greeks, from the Revolution to Our Days], ed. Anna Mandilara, Georgios Nikolaou, Lambros Filitouris and Nikolais Anastassopoulos (Athens: Herodotus, 2015), pp. 729-754.

Στη νεοελληνική λαϊκή λογοτεχνία διαφαίνονται οικονομικές, κοινωνικές και πολιτισμικές πραγματικότητες. Η οικονομική και κοινωνική κινητικότητα αποτελούν κυρίαρχο στοιχείο της πλοκής. Ανιχνεύονται μεταξύ των άλλων οι μεταβλητές κοινωνικής ανέλιξης, κυρίως,  μέσω της επαγγελματικής επιτυχίας ή του γάμου. Η τάση για διαφυγή από την ανέχεια αλλά και οι προϋποθέσεις απόκτησης του πλούτου τίθενται κάτω από τη λογική και ηθική αποτίμηση των νεοελλήνων λαϊκών λογοτεχνών και του ακροατηρίου τους. Η συλλογική ταυτότητα των λαϊκών στρωμάτων φαίνεται να διαφοροποιείται από την κυρίαρχη κοινωνική υπερδομή. Η επιρροή από τη χριστιανική ηθική είναι εμφανής, αλλά δεν επιφέρει και την πλήρη ταύτιση της λαϊκής αντίληψης, που θέλει το άδικο να τιμωρείται και σ’αυτό τον κόσμο.

Ανάλυση της σύντομης ιστορίας της ηγεμονίας της Ανατολικής Ρωμυλίας (1878-1886) από την ίδρυσή της με τη Συνθήκη του Βερολίνου έως την προσάρτησή της από τη Βουλγαρία. Παράλληλα εξετάζεται η παρουσία των Ελλήνων σε αυτήν έως την εκδίωξή τους, το 1906 (δημοσιεύτηκε στο περιοδικό Ιστορία Εικονογραφημένη, τχ. 601, Ιούλιος 2018 – ανατύπωση με εκτενέστερες υποσημειώσεις στο έργο μου Νεοελληνική και Νεώτερη Ευρωπαϊκή Ιστορία, Εκδόσεις Αντ. Σταμούλη, Θεσσαλονίκη 2018).
An analysis of the brief history of the principality of Eastern Rumelia, from its creation according to the terms of the Treaty of Berlin (1878) to its de facto dissolution, following its annexation by Bulgaria (1886). Besides the overall political situation, the author examines the history of the native Greek population until its forceful expulsion in 1906 (published in the journal Ιστορία Εικονογραφημένη (History Illustrated), no. 601 (July 2018), pp. 24-40).

Dramatic changes in the energy landscape provide a lens through which to understand local perceptions of temporality, modernity, and belonging in austerity Greece. Re-launched in 2011, the European Union-supported solar energy initiative encourages installation of futuristic, high-tech photo-voltaic panels on fertile agricultural land. However, winter 2012–2013 and 2013–2014 witnessed a return en-masse to open-fires and wood-burning stoves as a means for people to heat their homes, something locals associate with material poverty, pre-modernity, and pre-Europeanization. Drawing on ethnographic research in the town of Trikala, central Greece, this article demonstrates how "energy talk" provides a prism through which locals discuss the past, the future, and increasing poverty, and reassess their belonging in a modern Europe.

The music identities of the Ionian Islands; Remarks and revisions through recent research
Music is considered as one of the Ionian Islands’ distinctive emblems. However, our knowledge has almost been exclusively confined to the secular music of the Ionian urban centres, which today is largely synonymous to the activities of the local wind bands. Ionian music has also been categorized as “italianated” and thus its autonomous character has been denied. This paper challenges these rather simplistic approaches and attempts to present the “musics” of the Ionian Islands, their diverse musical identities and their interaction, as these have been revisited through the outcomes of the recent research.
The Ionian “musics” have followed the developments of the “West” without denying those elements that characterized their distinctive identity. The diverse social classes of the Ionian urban centers have formulated different musical expressions, which at the same time interacted between the “learned” and the “popular”. The original musical production of the Septinsular composers only recently has begun to reveal itself and to testify to its importance regarding art music in Greece. The same applies to the Ionians’ contribution in the aesthetics of music already since late 18th century. Local traditional music has also been an aspect of these identities that has been largely neglected by the research, despite its unique characteristics, because these could not conform to the “canons” of the 19th-century Greek folkorism. Finally, the co-existence in the islands of a religious mosaic (Orthodox, Catholics, Anglicans and Jews) offered the occasion for important developments and several levels of interaction also in the sacred music of the Ionians.

ABSTRACT: Biography of Nicolaus Litardus Palaeologus with the aid of the news provided by the nobility’s proofs conducted in 1590 in order to his appointment as knight of the Spanish Cavalry Order of Montesa. News about the Litardus and Palaeologus families of Corone.
KEYWORDS: Nicolaus Litardus Palaeologus, Litardus and Palaeologus families, Cavalry Orden of Montesa.

Το κίνημα στο Γουδί αποτελεί μια σημαντική τομή στη νεοελληνική ιστορία. Η εκδήλωση του κινήματος στο Γουδί και κυρίως η αντίδραση του διαδόχου Κωνσταντίνου σήμανε και την είσοδο σε μια περίοδο παρεμβάσεων του στρατού στην πολιτική ζωή και σκληρού και μακρόχρονου εθνικού διχασμού για τον στρατό και την χώρα. Οι κινηματίες αξιωματικοί εντάχθηκαν, κυρίως, στη βενιζελική πλευρά και οι βασιλόφρονες παρέμειναν πιστοί στο παλάτι και εχθροί της βενιζελικής πτέρυγας.  Με την έλευση του Ελ. Βενιζέλου η Ελλάδα μπαίνει σε μια περίοδο εδαφικής επέκτασης και πληθυσμιακής ενοποίησης. Το κίνημα στο Γουδί επιτάχυνε τον εξοπλισμό και την αναδιοργάνωση του στρατού με αποτέλεσμα να είναι περισσότερο έγκαιρα έτοιμος για τους επικείμενους βαλκανικούς πολέμους. Στον οικονομικό και θεσμικό τομέα το κίνημα στο Γουδί αποτελεί αφετηρία και για θεσμική αναδιάρθρωση της ελληνικής οικονομίας. Εγκαινιάστηκε μια ολόκληρη περίοδος οικονομικών και πολιτικών μεταρρυθμίσεων, μέσα από τις οποίες δημιουργήθηκε το θεσμικό και νομοθετικό πλαίσιο του ώριμου καπιταλισμού και αποκαλέστηκε ανορθωτική κίνηση. Το κίνημα ξέσπασε ως απαίτηση η Ελλάδα να ακολουθήσει μια πιο αποφασιστική και αποτελεσματική αλυτρωτική πολιτική. Οι πολιτικές και κοινωνικές συνθήκες την περίοδο του ξεσπάσματος του κινήματος χαρακτηριζόταν από την οξεία κρίση του αντπροσωπευτικού πολιτικού συστήματος, της οικονομίας και των κοινωνικών σχέσεων. Προκάλεσε μια πρωτοφανή για τα δεδομένα της χώρας αναδιάταξη της πολιτικής σκηνής με επικράτηση μιας πλήρους ανανέωσης και τον σχηματισμό και την κυριαρχία της βενιζελικής παράταξης που έθεσε για πρώτη φορά υπό πλήρη αμφισβήτηση την μοναρχία.

Posyandu is an activity to record the health condition of children under five that is done regularly and continuously every month. Recording health of children under five is done to monitor the growth of children under five (growth monitoring), both weight and height growth of children under five. Weighing weight and height measurement of babies at posyandu is the effort of society in monitoring growth of baby and toddler growth. Although the weight and height of the toddler have been recorded in the KMS, parents still need to do the calculations to find out if their toddlers have normal weight or not, besides the parents also want to know if their toddler weight will increase in the coming months based on the baby's weight in previous months. We propose a nearest neighbour using Euclidean distance to determine if the weight of a toddler is normal, less normal or abnormal based on the WHO table. Furthermore, to predict the weight of infants in the coming months we propose k-nearest neighbour based on the previous baby's weight. The experimental results show that k-nearest neighbour can classify normal, abnormal, and abnormal growths of the baby and k-nearest neighbour can predict the baby's weight in the following month. Keywords— Classification of baby growth; baby weight prediction; K-Nearest Neighbor; I. INTRODUCTION Posyandu is an activity to record the health condition of children under five that is done regularly and continuously every month. Recording health of children under five is done to monitor the growth of toddlers, both weight and height growth of children under five. Weighing weight and height measurement of babies at posyandu is the effort of society in monitoring growth of baby and toddler growth. Monitoring the growth of toddlers is very important to be done to determine early growth failure (growth faltering). Currently, health education is conducted by health workers by providing counselling directly. Results of counselling, weight and height of children under five are recorded in KMS every month. Recording in the KMS is done to monitor the growth of infants and toddlers. Although the weight and height of the toddler have been recorded in the KMS, the mothers still need to do the calculations to find out their toddler has an ideal weight or not. This shows that in fact people still lay for information covering about the growth of children's health and toddlers.(Munawaroh,2014).

With the beginning of the Second World War, Greece entered the war fighting against Italy in 1940, which caused the country to weaken, and was eventually occupied by Germany. After the defeat of the Axis Powers and the Second World War ending, civil war occurred in Greece between 1946-1949. The country got even weaker on political, economic and military aspects. The political and economic problems in Greece, plus the impact of the Civil War and the Cold War dragged the country into an even worse situation. Greece needed a more powerful country’s military and economic aid, in order to rebuild itself.
However, Turkey’s balanced policy and neutral stance let to some sense of global isolation, Turkey did not actively participate in the war due to its neutral policy, an effort to establish positive relations with both Allied Forces and Axis Powers. Turkey struggled to receive support within the postwar bipolar world order and turned to the Western world and their alliances. The United States was unwilling to accept the self-serving Soviet Union demands upon Turkey, especially over the straits issue.
In 1947, Turkey and Greece grew closer to the West with the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan, which ultimately led to their joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Signed between Western countries in 1949, NATO was created in order to counter the growing Soviet threat. In 1950, as an act of good faith, Turkey and Greece committed troops to the United Nations Army in South Korea as a part of the Korean War effort, hoping to be accepted in to NATO.
Turkey and Greece enjoyed closer relations NATO countries throughout this period and due to their strategic locations, the US supported the accession of both countries to NATO.
Although Turkey and Greece's efforts to join NATO brought no immediate results, both countries persistently pursued policies that attracted the support of the United States. Eventually, on May 15, 1951, the US submitted a NATO proposal to grant membership to Turkey and Greece.
Following a series of negotiations, Greek and Turkish parliaments both accepted the membership proposal put forth by the NATO Council. On February 18, 1952, Greece and Turkey’s memberships to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization were validated.
The first part of this work comprises topics namely: the general situation of Greece after the German occupation, the Civil War and post-Civil War process, the general situation in Turkey, the transition to a multi-party system, Turkey’s intent to align with the West and the Democratic Party period. The second part comprises chapters covering the following topics: the Cold War, the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, the establishment of NATO and the Korean War, with facts derived from Turkish, Greek and English sources. The information is given about that time period. The third part analyses information derived from newspaper columns, articles, books and other publications reflective of the time period during the admission of Turkey and Greece to NATO.
Keywords: Cold War, Greece’s membership to NATO, Korean War, Marshall Plan, NATO, Truman Doctrine, Turkey’s membership to NATO