Galatia

THE CULT OF DIONYSOS IN ASIA MINOR
IN THE ROMAN IMPERIAL AGE

Making his presence, which can be traced long before the Archaic Age, deeply felt mainly in Hellas, Asia Minor and then in Rome throughout the ancient world, Dionysos, depending on the place and time, appears before us sometimes as a god of grape-wine, sometimes as a god of theatre and acting arts and sometimes as a religious power shaped according to the local needs, however, he has generally been a god of nature representing the fertility and abundance. According to the inscriptions, Dionysos was mentioned with many epithetons in Asia Minor of the Roman Imperial Age, and that he was a god of nature bringing abundance-fertility and his many other features can be observed by these epithetons. Depending on the long stated customs, the cult of Dionysos in Asia Minor survived throughout the Roman Imperial Age (especially in the II-III. Century A.D. with festivals, cult associations and structuring, artists (musicians, players, dancers) that served his cult. According to the written records, festivals such as Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris organized in the name of Dionysos were celebrated. Dance, music and play competitions were made in these festivals maintained by the rich citizens or directors and not commonly known cult rituals were performed. Besides the associations of synodos artists called by different names in different times in the large cities of the west, cult associations broad in scope such as thiasos, speira or cult member groups with large audience in various names were active both in worshipping and these festivals. In order to achieve this, undoubtedly, both artist associations and cult associations had to have a well organized governing structure. Names were given to the cult members according to the task taken. These members also had to pay a membership fee in order to be a member or to continue to be one. Actually, these fees were as important as the epimeletes in the mainta-nance of these associations. In addition, they were supported both mate-rially and spiritually by the Roman emperors or provincial governors. Although the paganic religious activities in the lands of Asia Minor under the control of Rome were left to the free will of the cities, they would not be strong without the respect shown for the cults of the emperors, emperor and the Roman goddess (Dea Roma). The worshipping of Dionysos could only develop with the close relations with the emperors and the Roman Empire. Correspondingly, supporting a paganic cult significant for the people, the Roman Empire gained the sympathy of the people and also kept them loyal to Rome. The deification of the Roman emperors began with General Marcus Antonius, who was wellcomed as “New Dionysos” on his arrival to Ephesos, and continued in the Roman Imperial Age. During this period the associations in Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias and Sardeis characterised Emperor Hadrianus, Commodus and Caracalla by this epitheton. Thus, they deified them by considering them equal with Dionysos. Dionysos also had common worship with imperial or Dea Roma cult besides the common paganic worship of Zeus and Dēmētēr. Like all other paganic religions, the cult of Dionysos broke down with the strengthening Christianity with which it had opposite doctrines and finally with the acceptance of Christianity as the official religion of the state. However, many features of the Dionysos cult continued to exist in Asia Minor both in Christian features and local cultures and traditions. Today it still continues this effect.

Arkaik Çağ’dan çok daha eskilere götürebildiğimiz varlığını, coğrafi olarak başta Hellas, Küçükasya ve sonraları Roma olmak üzere tüm Antik Çağ coğrafyasında etkin bir şekilde hissettiren Dionysos, yer ve zaman farkına bağlı olarak, bazı yerlerde üzüm-şarap tanrısı, bazılarında tiyatro ve sahne sanatlarının tanrısı, bazılarında ise yerel ihtiyaçlar doğrultusunda şekillendirilmiş dinsel bir güç olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Ama genel olarak bereket ve bolluğu temsil eden bir doğa tanrısı kimliğine sahip olmuştur. Yazıtlardan anlaşıldığına göre Roma İmparatorluk Çağı Küçükasyası’ nda birçok epitheton ile anılan Dionysos’un, bolluk-bereket getiren bir doğa tanrısı olduğu ve diğer başka özellikleri gene bu epitheton’larından anlaşılmaktadır. Küçükasya’daki Dionysos kültü Roma İmparatorluk Çağı boyunca (bilhassa M.S. II-III. yüzyılarda), öncesinden gelen bir geleneğe bağlı olarak şenlikleri, kült dernekleri ve yapılanması, kültüne hizmet eden sanatçıları (müzisyenler, oyuncular, dansçılar) ile varlığını sürdürmüştür. Yazılı belgelerden bu dönemde büyük ve zengin kentlerde hâlâ Dionysia, Lēnaia, Anthestēria, Trietēris gibi Dionysos adına tertiplenen şenliklerin kutlandığını; masrafları, epimeletes olarak bildiğimiz kentin zengin vatandaşları ya da yöneticileri tarafından karşılanan bu şenliklerde külte ilişkin dans, müzik ve oyun yarışmaların yapıldığını ve herkesçe bilinmeyen kült ritüellerinin uygulandığını öğrenmekteyiz. Bilhassa batı kesimlerdeki büyük kentlerdeki, farklı dönemlerde farklı isimlerle anılan synodos sanatçı derneklerinin yanında thiasos, speira gibi daha geniş kapsamlı kült dernekleri ya da en yaygını mystai olan çeşitli adlar altında toplanan geniş kitleli kült üye grupları hem tapınımda, hem de bu şenliklerde aktif olmuşlardır. Şüphesiz ki bunu gerçekleştirebilmek adına gerek sanatçı dernekleri gerekse kült dernekleri, iyi organize olmuş bir idari yapılanmaya sahip olmak durumundaydı. Bu derneklerde üstlendikleri görevlere göre adlandırılan kült üyelerinin, üye olabilmeleri veya üyeliklerini sürdü-rebilmeleri için ödemek zorunda oldukları aidatlar da vardı. Esasen bu derneklerin finansmanının karşılanmasında bu aidatlar, en az epimeletes’ ler kadar önemliydi. Ayrıca Roma imparatorlarının ya da eyalet yöneticilerinin hem manevi hem de maddi desteğini alıyorlardı. Zira bu dönemde Roma egemenliği altında bulunan Küçükasya topraklarındaki pagan dinsel yaşam her ne kadar kentlerin özgür iradesine bırakılmışsa da, imparatorlara, imparator ve Roma Tanrıçası (Dea Roma) kültüne gösterilen saygı olmaksızın güçlü kalamazdı. Küçükasya Dionysos tapınımı da, tamamıyla imparatorlar ve Roma İmparatorluğu ile kurulan güçlü bağlar sayesinde gelişebilmiştir. Bununla paralel olarak da Roma İmparatorluğu, halk için önemli olan pagan bir kültü destekleyerek, hem halkın sempatisini kazanmakta, hem de böylece onların Roma’ya olan bağlılığını sürdürmek amacını gütmekteydi. General Marcus Antonius’un Ephesos’a gelişinde “Yeni Dionysos” olarak karşılanmasıyla başlayan Romalı devlet adamlarını tanrılaştırma geleneği, Roma İmparatorluk Çağı’nda da sürmüş; bu dönemde özellikle Anazarbos, Ankyra, Ephesos, Teōs, Aphrodisias ve Sardeis’teki dernekler, İmparator Hadrianus, Commodus ve Caracalla’yı bu sıfatla nitelendirmişler, böylece onları Dionysos ile bir tutarak tanrılaştırmışlardır. İmparatorluk veya Dea Roma kültü ile ortak tapınımı da görülen Dionysos’un Zeus ve Dēmētēr gibi pagan tanrı-tanrıçalarla da ortak tapınımı söz konusudur. Diğer pagan dinler gibi Dionysos kültünün yıkımı da, öğretilerinin birbirine tamamen ters düştüğü Hıristiyanlık dininin güçlenmesiyle ve nihayetinde M.S. 391’de imparatorluğun resmî dini olmasıyla gerçekleşmiştir. Ancak Dionysos kültünün birçok unsuru, Küçükasya topraklarında, gerek Hıristiyanlık unsurlarında gerekse halk kültür ve geleneklerinde yaşamaya devam etmiştir. Bugün de bu etkisini göstermeye devam etmektedir."

SEG 60-1998. Religion. Dionysos: his cult in Asia Minor, Imperial period:
On the basis of archaeological, numismatic, and (mainly) epigraphic attestations, B.Öztürk,Roma imparatorluk çağı Küçükasaysı’nda Dionysos kültü (Istanbul 2010), studies the cult ofΔιόνυσος in Roman Asia Minor. After general remarks about the god, he presents a geographically arranged catalogue of the relevant inscriptions with brief comments (ph. of some texts). On 196-209, Ö. provides a register with explanations of the most important terms found in the inscriptions, and on 210/211 a list of epithets.

This paper deals with a new inscription (cursus) honouring C. Antius A. Iulius Quad-ratus from Pergamum that was found in Pisidian Antiocheia. Based on its contents, the inscription is known to date back to the beginning of 109 AD, when Quadratus was a governor of the province of Asia. While it gives no new information about his career, the significance of the inscription lies in the fact in that it is written in Latin, and is the first text on A. Iulius Quadratus to be found in Antiocheia. It is known that he was elected as praetor by Vespasian, although it is interesting to note that his political career did not proceed very fast. Being appointed to low-level positions in the cities of Asia Minor for most of his political life, his career progressed during the Trajan Period, which can be attributed mainly to his close relationship with Emperor. The main intention in this article is to address the question of why the newly found inscription honouring A. Iulius Quadratus was erected in Antiocheia. C. ANTIUS A. IULIUS QUADRATUS'U ONURLANDIRAN YENİ BİR YAZIT Anahtar Kelimeler: Antiocheia ad Pisidiam • C. Antius A. Iulius Quadratus • Konsul • Legatus • Asya Eyaleti Prokonsulü • Galatya • Kapadokya.

This paper explores the implications of the often neglected fact that the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (RGDA) at Ankara formed part of an extensive epigraphic display at the Temple of Augustus and Rome. It is suggested that the initial design of the epigraphic décor on the temple intended the viewer to relate Augustus’ euergetism with the euergetism of the earliest Galatian priests of the imperial cult, and that those same local notables who had served as priests, and who sought to present the emperor as their role model, are more likely candidates for having initiated the inscribing of this set of texts than (as is usually assumed) the Galatian provincial governor. The argument is based on: a) a comparison of the RGDA with epigraphic ensembles of Roman imperial times that are related to euergetism; b) a re-evaluation of the fact that the so-called “Appendix” and the headings of both the Latin and the Greek versions of Augustus’ deeds all deliberately highlight one and the same aspect of Augustus’ legacy: his euergetic donations, and c) the consequences of a recent re-dating of a list of priests of the imperial cult, which included a detailed record of each successive office-holder’s donations for euergetic purposes.

Bu makalenin amacı, GalatlaRINn Hellenistik çağ Küçük Asya'sında oynadıklaRI tarihi rolün ortaya konulması ve konuya ilişkin antik kaynaklarla: modern literatürde bulunan karmaşık bilgilerin sistemleştirilerek anlaşılır bir hale getirilebilmesidir. Çalışma zaman bakımından, Galatların İÖ. 280 yılında Hellas'ı istilasıyla İÖ. 25 yılında Roma Galatia Eyaleti'nin kuruluşu arasında geçen süreyle sınırlanmıştır. Bu zamansal sınırlamanın nedeni ise, İÖ. 25 yılında Galatia Bölgesi'nin ve Galatların siyasal bağımsızlığının son bulması ve bundan sonra bölgeye ve kavme ilişkin gelişmelerin Roma eyaletler tarihi çerçevesinde incelenmesi zorunluluğudur. Mekan açısından ise, Galatların Küçük Asya'daki işleri ağırlıklı olmakla birlikte, konuyla ilgili genel bir perspektif sunularak, Galat tarih ve kültürünün temel noktalarının kavranmasını sağlayabilmek için herhangi bir sınırlama yapılmamıştır. Böylelikle okuyucuya Anadolu Tarihi'nde önemli bir fonksiyona sahip olan Galat kavimleri hakkında genel bir bakış açısı sunulmaya ve Galatlar hakkında şimdiye kadar bilinenler -antik kaynaklar, epigrafik, arkeolojik, nümismatik ve modern literatür bilgileri ışığında sistematik olarak bir araya getirilmeye çalışılmıştır.

This paper puts into perspective recent literature (126 bibliographic references published during the years 1985-1990) for Hellenistic coinages struck in Asia Minor. Besides generalities and main topics (such as the coinages of Alexander the Great, the cistophoric coinage and the wreathed coinages struck c. 150 BC) or the publication of important hoards (such as Meydancikkale), the paper deals specifically with main areas (Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Mysia, Troad, Aeolis, Ionia, Caria, Phrygia, Lycia, Pisidia-PLycaonia-Pamphylia, Cilicia, Cappadocia, Armenia and Commagene).

This article deals with those cities in Anatolia, which Caesar and Augustus founded colonies in, and it considers the question of whether Greek poleis subsisted alongside the colonies. +++ With respect to the Caesarian colonization proof can be furnished – partly by referring to ancient sources hitherto disregarded – for the peregrine population remaining constituted in self-governing communities in at least two of four cities: Sinope and Heraclea Pontica. Regarding the eleven cities of the Augustan colonization at least Iconium and Ninica Claudiopolis were double communities, which minted coins with both Greek and Latin legends. +++  Perhaps this form of settlement and constitution was chosen mainly in places, where Roman colonists only represented a small minority. Therefore they were neither in the position to ensure an efficient administration of the whole community nor were they able to assert themselves against the indigenous inhabitants, who were already not well-disposed towards the Romans for expropriations incurred and who were ready to defy Roman authorities in case of deprivation of their self-governance respectively their civil rights.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the links between hagiography on the one hand and cult on the ground on the other, by addressing the questions of the historicity of martyrdom narratives and of their creation and development through time. It will focus on the cases of two Galatian saints who initially had nothing in common, namely Basil of Ancyra, an iconic martyr of Emperor Julian, and Basilissa, a little-known young woman supposed to have been killed under Decius. In the still ongoing debates on Julian's implication in the persecution of Christians, scholars have discussed at length the reliability of Basil’s Passion as a historical source. Surprisingly, scholarship has so far never considered to what extent narratives regarding Basil’s life and sufferings came to support the development of a local cult devoted to the Ancyrene martyr. Hagiography will be here analysed in an etiological perspective, aiming at understanding when, how and why these stories were constituted over time. We shall first argue that these martyrdom narratives prove to be fictitious, and that, consequently, Basil's and Basilissa's cults cannot have originally developed as the result of the commemoration of genuine local martyrs buried in situ. I will then suggest that their worship appears to have first developed in Ancyra as the prolongation of a local traditional cult. I will finally attempt to reconstruct the manner in which hagiographers elaborated many years later the stories of these saints who had never existed.

The remains of the ancient settlement of Taouion (Lat. Tavium) are located in the village of Büyüknefes, approximately 25 km linear distance west of modern Yozgat. Although historical records indicate that Taouion was founded by the Trokmoi tribe of the Galatians who settled in the region in the Hellenistic period, but it is thought that the settlement dates back to the Hittite period. Taouion, being located in the eastern part of the region known as Galatia from the Hellenistic period, with its location at the junction of many main routes was not only a fortified settlement which controlled these routes strategically, but also the most important production and market place in its region. The most important routes connecting the settlement to the surrounding regions lead to Ankyra (Ankara) in the west, Amaseia (Amasya), Neokaisareia (Niksar) and Komana Pontike (Gümenek) in the northeast, Sebasteia (Sivas) in the east and Mazaka/Kaisareia (Kayseri) in the southeast. Because of the sanctuary where the cult of Zeus Taouianos (Lat. Iupiter Tavianus) was located, the settlement was also the religious center of the surrounding region. Taouion obtained city status around 21 B.C. immediately after the establishment of the Roman province of Galatia (provincia Galatia). Epigraphic and numismatic evidence indicates that the city preserved its political, social and economic significance throughout the Roman Imperial period. It is understood that the city which is often referred as Tabia (Tavia) in Late Ancient and Byzantine sources has a church organization from the Early Christian period. The city was listed as a bishopric in the lists called Notitiae Episcopatuum which shows the hierarchical order of the archbishops and bishops attached to the Eastern Church and the bishops of the city were attested in the council records. The aim of this paper is to reveal the political, social and economic structure of Taouion from the Hellenistic to the Late Ancient Period in the light of the available literary, epigraphical and numismatic evidence.

Galatia has a very important place in terms of its geographical location on Asia Minor. Galatians, dominating a large part of the present Central Anatolia Region, ruled this region as a kingdom for a long time. However, after the last king Amyntas, who ruled Galatia in the Roman protectorate, was killed by Homonad in 25 BC, the region was annexed by Augustus as the Roman province. Immediately after this incident, Augustus appointed Marcus Lollius, a faithful friend as the governor of the region, as governor. Thus, Marcus Lollius, who had a say in the Province of Galatia, played a very important role in the organization of the new province. Marcus Lollius, who served as governor of Galatia from 25-22 BC, was made consul by Augustus for a year after. Marcus Lollius who served Rome as proconsul in Makedonia then was overwhelmed by the Germans in 17 BC. Marcus Lollius later stayed with Gaius Caesar , the adoptive son of Augustus, and he was his advisor. As a consultant in this process, he has guided Gaius Caesar in a negative way against Augustus, as he has done in every respect. Lollius took his side in Gaius Caesar's campaign against the East and thus rose to a politically powerful position. The fact that Marcus Lollius had an idea during this time was a great advantage for Gaius Caesar. Marcus Lollius, who was in an important position in his career with the support of Gaius Caesar, could not stay in his position for a long time. Marcus Lollius, who was able to perform politically effective and fast maneuvers, could not fully show his success on his career. For Velleius Paterculus describes him as a man who prefers money to honesty. In this study, the life and professional career of Marcus Lollius, the first governor of Galatia, will be examined.

Modern scholarship is divided on the interpretation of ΠΑΣΧΩ in Gal. 3.4, and there has yet to be a definitive study on the subject attempting to rectify the disagreements. The clear consensus prior to the late seventeenth century was that ΠΑΣΧΩ possessed negative connotations in this passage. This interpretation was briefly challenged by Justus Christoph Schomer (1648–1693), influencing the majority of German scholarship and creating a major polarity among scholars in the English-speaking world. After making this history of interpretation known, the present study tries to demonstrate that lexically, thematically, and contextually, the preferable interpretation regards ΠΑΣΧΩ as a reference to suffering, in keeping with the longstanding interpretative tradition. [http://jnt.sagepub.com/content/current]

L’articolo si prefigge di approfondire il ruolo della comparazione
nelle celeberrime Istituzioni gaiane ponendosi il quesito su quali fossero
le finalità dell’utilizzo di questo strumento da parte di Gaio stesso.
Dapprima  vengono  evidenziati  i  metodi  e  l’interpretazione  che  ne
derivava in seguito alla sua applicazione dai giuristi dell’antica Roma,
esplorando i motivi per cui il metodo comparatistico fosse poco e
differentemente utilizzato nella giurisprudenza romana. In seguito si
prosegue attraverso l’analisi dell’utilizzo del metodo comparatistico fatto
da Gaio rispetto ad alcune norme straniere specifiche per poter spiegare
e far comprendere alcune situazioni giuridiche. Particolarmente messo
in  luce  risulta  essere  il  tema  della  tutela  mulierum,  ove,  tramite  la
comparazione con altre norme straniere, Gaio insinua il dubbio circa la
sua efficacia. Ne emerge così una figura di Gaio come critico del diritto,
oltre alla sua già nota figura come didatta e storico. Si potrà giungere
infine alla conclusione di come Gaio non desideri apportare modifiche
al sistema giuridico romano, tradizionalista per eccellenza, ma bensì
spiegare, attraverso l’utilizzo del diritto straniero, il complesso sistema
giuridico romano. 

The article aims to deepen the role of comparison in the famous
Institutes of Gaius, by asking what were the objectives of the use of this
instrument by Gaius himself. First of all, this article will highlight the
methods and the interpretation that derived from its application by the
jurists of ancient Rome and explore the reasons why the comparative
method was little used and distrusted in Roman jurisprudence. We will
then analyze Gaius’ use of the comparative method with respect to some
specific foreign norms in order to explain and understand certain legal
situations.
In particular, it is necessary to highlight the institute of tutela mulierum
through which, by comparing it with other foreign norms, Gaius casts
doubt on its effectiveness. Thus, the figure of Gaius as a critic of law
emerges, in addition to his already well-known figure as a teacher and
historian. We can finally come to the conclusion that Gaius does not wish to make changes to the Roman legal system, the traditional legal
system par excellence, but rather to explain, through the use of foreign law, the complexity of the Roman legal system.

Basil’s Passion (6 th cent.), elaborated out of Sozomen HE and claiming the presence of Julian, has no historical basis, and the pairing with the martyr Basilissa (3 rd cent.) was derived from inscriptions concerning a pagan Ancyran cult of Basileus and Basilissa.

This paper presents two new milestones, found at Çayırhan/Nallıhan, Ankara. No.1 is identi-cal with and from same find spot as three other milestone’s inscriptions published in RRMAM but records 7 mp from Juliopolis. It was situated between the first two milestones, published in RRMAM. No.2, also found in same place, is largely illegible and fragmentary, for this reason an adequate reading could not be provided.

I address the history of the coinage of Pessinus and the meaning of the images on coinage in terms of civic identity. Although Pessinus had issued coins under the Galatian tetrarchs between the 60s and 30s BC, coinage issued under Rome changed dramatically after annexation and the creation of the Imperial temple and Koinon of Galatia. Pessinus was famous for its cult of Cybele and issued a number of coins depicting her (based on Roman models) over the next two centuries. The reigns of Tiberius and Claudius saw the beginning of the direct influence of the provincial governor and the Koinon of Galatia on the production and iconography of the coins that would last through the reign of Trajan. Very few coins were issued in Pessinus’s name at this time. Under the Antonines, however, there was a resurgence of localism shaped by interest in the past and renewal of cults and rites. The city issued coins highlighting Gallic identity first under Antoninus Pius and later during the joint reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus the city honoured its Augustan foundations as well as its ethnic identity. Also, a wide variety of coin types were issued that aligned thematically with dynastic politics and foreign affairs. Under the Severans, there was a redefining of the relationship between the city and emperor (or Imperial family). A large number of unique issues were produced that highlighted the favourite cults/deities of the Imperial family and Greek mythological tradition in general. Thus, the coinage reveals that the city underwent Romanisation before a type of Hellenisation defined by literary culture, all the while maintaining its Gallic identity. Each series of coins produced serves as useful evidence for the strategic nature of identity through the evolving relationship between Pessinus and self-representation and Roman power and cultural traditions.

In this paper four formerly unpublished inscriptions from Kulu in Galatia will be presented. The first one consists of 11 lines. It is a honorific and civic statue base, dated very probably to the 3rd century A.D. (after A.D. 212), because of the gens name “Aurelios” on line 2. The inscription may have been paid by Menandros, his son (lines 8-10). The second one consists of 9 lines and it is quite illegible. The third one is a funerary inscription. For this inscription “Eunoia” as classical moral virtue appears probably. The fourth inscription consists of 10 lines. It is a Christian funerary inscription, dated to the 5th or 6th cent. A.D. As far as we can guess, children (or a child on line1) and a wife made this stele for Menneas (line 4 and probably 8; for the same dative form as line 4, cf. MAMA 7, 145 from Hadrianopolis), and “her sweet husband/companion” (lines 7-8). A person called Philandros may appear on lines 6-7. This paper is in Turkish.