G77

The Law of the Sea reflects the competing interests of Nations over the resources of the oceans since humanity first set forth upon the seas. The sovereign control over the oceans has been an ongoing concern prior to the 20th century under the concept of Mare Liberium and Mare Clausum. This principles developed and limited national rights and jurisdiction over a narrow band of water along a nations’ coast, with the rest of the sea free to all and belonging to none. With the technological developments of the 21st century which allows the exploitation of ocean resources that had never before been envisioned and accessible, there was a need to preserve the High Seas with its unimaginable rich resources as the common Heritage of Mankind. Nations began to negotiate their interests in the oceans and a universal regime known as UNCLOS III was agreed upon. These events display the fine blend of applied international law, politics and selfish economic interests as related in notable decisions of the ICJ. Today, there are new issues to be dealt with starting with pollution, the inevitable and intensive exploitation of high seas in the face of the 1994 Implementation Agreement, increasing jurisdictional claims amongst others. This research work analyses the making of UNCLOS III, dispute settlement mechanism, sustainable use of the oceans and the Nigerian Maritime Sector. This research work concludes with the arguments whether or not UNCLOS III has come to stay as the world legal order on the sea and proffer recommendations.

This paper examines Pakistan’s changing discourse on climate change and security across the three debates the United Nations Security Council has held on the subject. Examining Pakistan’s shift—from hostility discussing the subject in 2007 to co-hosting an informal meeting on it with the United Kingdom in 2013—two key factors are identified for the change in position. These two positions: increased awareness of the potential extreme effects of climate change due to a number of domestic natural disasters and Pakistan’s engagement in climate diplomacy with other governments. Combined, these have helped Pakistan recognize the merits of bringing the issue of climate change before the Council and assuage legitimate fears held by many developing countries about Council overreach and domination. The decision represents a political calculation in light of the stark gap between the international community’s pledged greenhouse gas emissions reductions and what is necessary to avoid catastrophic climate change. Some of the countries most vulnerable to climate change, recognizing the scale of the threat that such climate change would pose, have broken from the formal position of the G77 group and advanced climate policy in alternative forums, using unconventional framings. By partnering with a developed country, Pakistan appears to be attempting to bridge the divide between countries over whether and how the Security Council can contribute to addressing climate change.

The Group of Seven (G7) leaders met for their 44th annual summit in Charlevoix, Canada in June 2018. Although the G7 has outlived many institutions of global governance, perennial doubts are cast upon it, particularly regarding its legitimacy and achievements. The Think 7/Idées 7 is a group of 35 scholars from all over the world who met from 21 to 23 May, 2018 at Laval University, Quebec City to identify key themes to be addressed at the Charlevoix Summit, communicating its findings to the G7 leaders’ personal representatives. This Policy Insights paper builds on these discussions and looks ahead to the 2019 Biarritz Summit by making recommendations of how the G7 can play a leadership role. We argue that it should address new, unprecedented and highly disruptive issues that characterise our complex world, rather than well-understood international problems that fit into existing categories. We argue that the G7 can do this by playing to its strengths – informality and like-mindedness in particular – in addressing emerging and transversal issues such as Artificial Intelligence (AI) and cryptocurrencies.

La distribución del poder global ha sido uno de los debates más característicos de las Relaciones Internacionales. Unipolaridad, multipolaridad, bipolaridad y no polaridad son sólo algunos de los conceptos que promueven un análisis del Sistema Internacional y la vinculación entre actores estatales, particularmente Estados Nación. Desde finales del siglo XX, con el fin de la Guerra Fría y con ésta de la bipolaridad, quedaron de manifiesto el sinfín de desacuerdos académicos relativos a la existencia de un único o varios centros de poder en el escenario mundial. Sin embargo, la crisis de poder relativo que protagoniza la potencia hegemónica – Estados Unidos – acompañada por las dificultades que atraviesa Europa, ha colocado a las potencias medias en una esfera de privilegio.
El objetivo de esta contribución es analizar en qué sentido el grupo BASIC puede modificar la arquitectura climática global, haciendo foco en la brecha Norte-Sur Climática y su persistencia como categoría analítica. En tal sentido hipotetizamos que el grupo BASIC tiende a hibridar la brecha Norte-Sur Climática, en virtud de la discordia que generan sus posturas en contraste con las del Sur nucleado en el G77.

Articulo sobre el proyecto de edificio UNCTAD III realizado en Chile entre 1971 y 1972, y luego Centro Cultural Metropolitano Gabriela Mistral hasta ser usurpado por los militares desde septiembre 1973, con motivo del incendio de marzo 2006. Articulo publicado por revista dearquitectura FAU U Chile n° 13,  2006. Utilizado por el MOP Arquitectura como referencia publica para concurso internacional nuevo GAM 2007. Actual pdf con 2 rectificaciones al articulo original (2016)