ARF

Abstrak Pada kasus kerusakan ginjal salah satunya adalah acute renal failure dimana ginjal mengalami kerusakan sehingga tidak berfungsi sebagai mana mestinya. Seperti yang kita tahu bahwa ginjal tempat pembentukan urine melalui proses filtrasi augemntasi dan reabsorpsi. Ketika ginjal mengalami masalah maka proses tersebut tidak akan berjalan. Asuhan keperawatan kritis pada pasien ARF hampir sama dengan pada keperawatan biasanya hanya saja perawatan dilakukan secara terus menerus dan dimonitor. Ketika seseorang mengalami penyakit ginjal dalam waktu yang lama maka orang tersebut mengalami Kronik renal failure atau gagal ginjal kronik. Tindakan yang diberikan pada pasien ini adalah dialysis atau hemodialisis.

Cepeda-Ladino, Julio-César. 2011. 'El significado político del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico APEC'. Paper presented at the 'XIII International Congress of Latin American Association of Asian and African Studies' ('XIII Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Latinoamericana de Estudios de Asia y África'). Bogotá: Universidad Externado de Colombia - Pontificia Universidad Javeriana. March 23-25.

Research Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation - APEC Forum has traditionally focused from the economic point of view, particularly in areas such as trade liberalization and investment, technical cooperation, as well as sustainable growth. However, it has paid scant attention to the political dimension of this intergovernmental forum, which brings together 19 countries, 1 partially recognized state and 1 State Province of East Asia, Oceania and Western America, which initially have in common their presence in the Pacific Basin, but differ in their national identities and their position in the international system.

La investigación del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico – APEC se ha enfocado tradicionalmente desde el punto de vista económico, concretamente en aspectos como la liberalización comercial y de inversiones, la cooperación técnica, además del crecimiento sostenible. Sin embargo, se ha tenido poco en cuenta la dimensión política de este foro intergubernamental, el cual reúne a 19 Países, 1 Estado parcialmente reconocido y 1 Provincia Estatal de Asia Oriental, Oceanía y América Occidental, que inicialmente tienen en común su presencia en la Cuenca del Pacífico, pero que difieren en sus identidades nacionales y su posicionamiento en el sistema internacional.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, it seemed inevitable that the ‘Asia-Pacific’ would become one of the most important regions in the world. A number of events – especially the East Asian crisis and the continuing ‘War on Terror’ – have effectively overturned these expectations. The increased marginalisation and ineffectiveness of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum and the rise of the East Asian ‘ASEAN+3’ organization highlight the changing fortunes and perception of regional institutions and the very definition of regions themselves. This paper argues that American foreign policy is actually encouraging this process as East Asians seek to create mechanisms with which to promote more narrowly defined regional interests and off-set external influences.

Diplomasi preventif dikarakterisasikan dan didefinisikan sebagai upaya oleh negara atau sekelompok negara untuk mencegah meletusnya konflik, atau setidaknya bila konflik itu meletus, meminimalkan dampak yang muncul hingga sekecil mungkin. Dalam perkembangannya, definisi yang sempit ini diperluas menjadi upaya negara untuk mencapai kompromi yang membawa pada perdamaian namun di saat yang bersamaan juga memastikan bahwa kebutuhan dan kedaulatan negara dapat dicapai dan ditegakkan. Dalam konteks ini, negara-negara ASEAN membentuk ARF sebagai forum regional bersama guna menghadapi klaim teritorial RRC di Laut Cina Selatan yang dianggap mengancam kedaulatan teritorial beberapa negara anggota ASEAN.

Seperti disebutkan sebelumnya, ARF sendiri dibentuk sebagai respon negara-negara ASEAN atas klaim RRC di Laut Cina Selatan, kawasan yang merupakan bagian dari beberapa negara ASEAN seperti Vietnam, Filipina, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam. Dalam pembentukan ARF pula, negara-negara ASEAN merancang sebuah kerangka kerja yang terdiri atas pengembangan kepercayaan diri, diplomasi preventif, dan pengembangan mekanisme peredam konflik. Pada akhirnya, diwadahi oleh ARF, ASEAN serta RRC mencapai sebuah kesepakatan mengenai Laut Cina Selatan yang tertuang dalam sebuah Declaration of Conduct yang mengatur perdagangan bebas di Laut Cina Selatan. Akan tetapi, efektivitas DOC dipertanyakan. Hal ini muncul karena lemahnya unsur pengikat perjanjian ini, seperti ketiadaan aktor ketiga sebagai pengawas, masih rancu-nya beberapa poin dalam DOC yang dimanfaatkan RRC, serta strategi RRC mendekati negara-negara ASEAN secara bilateral. Melihat semua itu, dapat dinilai bahwa ARF mampu melaksanakan fungsinya sebagai sarana diplomasi preventif, namun belum dapat meredam konflik di Laut Cina Selatan sepenuhnya.

Adult central nervous system (CNS) axons do not regenerate after injury because of extrinsic inhibitory factors, and a low intrinsic capacity for axon growth. Developing CNS neurons have a better regenerative ability, but lose this with maturity. This mini-review summarises recent findings which suggest one reason for regenerative failure is the selective distribution of growth machinery away from axons as CNS neurons mature. These studies demonstrate roles for the small GTPases ARF6 and Rab11 as intrinsic regulators of polarised transport and axon regeneration. ARF6 activation prevents the axonal transport of integrins in Rab11 endosomes in mature CNS axons. Decreasing ARF6 activation permits axonal transport, and increases regenerative ability. The findings suggest new targets for promoting axon regeneration after CNS injury.

The paper considers the rise of the violent nationalist movements in the Ottoman Empire and questions the violent basis of these nationalisms. In the first place, the paper points out Western Europe as the source of modern nationalism and emphasizes its initial appearance as a result of a long-lasting dynamics of conflicts and reconciliations amongst social, political and economic groups in Europe. In many other parts of the world, modern nationalism appeared as part of Europeanization and modernization usually carried out by a certain west European educated elite. In most of those places, modern nationalism was quite alien to the social, political, and economic structures and practices. However, as the particular case under scrutiny here demonstrates, modern nationalism gained ground in non-western world by the widespread authoritarian and often-violent pressures applied upon the people by violent paramilitary and/or guerilla groups formed and led by the Western-oriented
elite. This peculiar emergence of modern nationalism would certainly
create problems in the long run in terms of constructing a well-structured nation-state and a widely shared national consensus. The paper’s main focus is the insurgent nationalist movements in the Balkans and the Ottoman counter-insurgency, which developed a similar mindset in their struggle against each other, which would contribute to the problematic emergence of nation-states and the continuous unrest in the region.

ASEM as a representative of interregionalism, a new trend of today’s global governance, has been launched in Bangkok in 1996 with the potential of increasing cooperation and strengthening ties between the European and the East Asian region in the political, the cultural and more importantly the economic level. Under the economic pillar of ASEM much attention has been given to the stimulation of FDI flows between the two regions and especially from the developed Europe to the developing Asia. Indeed, the attraction of FDI has been a field of competition between both developed and developing countries which is growing importance in parallel with the annual growth of the levels and value of global FDI flows. As the importance of FDI for economic development grows so do the efforts for their attraction, efforts that have partial passed from the national to the regional level. The question that arises with the rise of interregionalism in world politics (APEC, ASEM and potentially TAFTA) is whether it, and more specifically one of its representatives ASEM, can serve as a tool for stimulating FDI flows in this very competitive, as described, environment.

In this study, we tried to determine the exact level and means of the South Korean power. We wondered if South Korea could present itself as a pivotal state that is able to bridge antagonistic partners, both in Northeast and Southeast Asia. After considering the aspects of the South Korean power we concluded that the country is a traditional middle size power that has not yet acquired the status of regional power. In that sense the country is an untypical power. Facing three major powers such as China, the United States and Japan, South Korea has only a very narrow latitude to establish its international presence. Therefore developing its presence in Southeast Asia has become in just a few years an priority of its foreign Policy. For South Korea Southeast Asia is a privileged place where to learn and to develop its own external action, like it was for the post war Japan. Eventually, a unified Korea with the North Korean nuclear arsenal could weigh as much as demographically declining Japan. However as long as the anachronism of the separation will remain, South Korea will continue to grow alone regionally and in the international stage and will seek for external alliances.

En 1991, Qian Chen, el entonces ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de la República Popular China, asistió a la Reunión Ministerial de ASEAN. Este evento marcó el inicio de la apertura
China al multilateralismo en la región. Luego de la crisis financiera de 1997 esta tendencia se acentuó al tomar Beijing un rol de mayor liderazgo e iniciativa en los organismos
multilaterales. En este artículo nos interesa explorar el papel de China en las iniciativas regionales multilaterales de naturaleza estratégica.

In 1991, Qian Chen, then Minister of Foreign Relations of the People’s Republic of China, attended the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting. This event set the beginning of China’s opening to
multilateralism in the region. After the financial crisis of 1997, this trend became accentuated when Beijing took on a role that involved more leadership and initiative in multilateral bodies. In this article we are interested in exploring the role China plays in strategic multilateral regional initiatives.

Successful completion of fruit developmental programs depends on the interplay between multiple phytohormones. However, besides ethylene, the impact of other hormones on fruit quality traits remains elusive. A previous study has shown that down-regulation of SlARF4, a member of the tomato (Solanum lycopersicum) auxin response factor (ARF) gene family, results in a dark-green fruit phenotype with increased chloroplasts (Jones et al., 2002). This study further examines the role of this auxin transcriptional regulator during tomato fruit development at the level of transcripts, enzyme activities, and metabolites. It is noteworthy that the dark-green phenotype of antisense SlARF4-suppressed lines is restricted to fruit, suggesting that SlARF4 controls chlorophyll accumulation specifically in this organ. The SlARF4 underexpressing lines accumulate more starch at early stages of fruit development and display enhanced chlorophyll content and photochemical efficiency, which is consistent wi...

This report is based on a comprehensive survey of 270 foreign-owned firms operating in Australia, providing detailed information on the activities of the major foreign investors in the Australian economy. Since early 20th century industrialisation, MNEs have dominated the Australian economy. We assess the package of competencies transferred to subsidiaries in Australia by foreign parents, thus offering insights and analysis on the integration of Australia into the global economy. We find that foreign subsidiaries poorly integrate Australia into their parent’s global networks. This study allows individual subsidiaries of multinational enterprises to benchmark their strategies, operations and performance in Australia against industry-wide averages.

France’s renewed interest in the Asia‐Pacific is illustrated by a number of recent events, reports, and visits. The French White Book on defense released in 2013 had a significant por on devoted to Asia, and was followed by a report by the Ministry of Defense on “France and Security in the Asia‐Pacific”, and the publica on in July 2014 of a Senate report, “France facing the emergence of Southeast Asia.” Minister of Defense Jean‐Yves Le Drian has been an ac ve par cipant in the debates at the last three mee ngs of the Shangri‐la dialogue in Singapore, and there have been increasing numbers of high level visits to the region since 2012. With $75 billion of investment stock in the region, France’s trade interests across Asia are substan al as well. In an ar cle en tled “France, Europe and the Asia Pacific,” published in April 2013 by the Ins tute for Strategic Research of the Military School (IRSEM), Chris an Lechervy, then Advisor the President of the Republic for Strategic Affairs an...

In the summer of 2011, my childhood dream came true. I stood in front of the great monument dedicated to the fallen heroes of Armenia. This was where my ancestors declared their independence on the 28th of May 1918, after 6 centuries of oppression. A nation that was once occupied by both the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire was reclaimed and once again united. Today, Armenia’s first independence still plays a crucial role in the identity of the Armenian Diaspora, because not only did it shape modern-era Armenian nationalism, but it also led to the adoption of the principle of national self-determination.

Arnaud Leveau, Research Fellow at the ASEAN Studies Center (ASC) at Chulalongkorn University in Thailand, explains that “it is in the French interest to support and encourage the stabilizing role of the United States in the Asia Pacific, especially to guarantee freedom of navigation at sea and of overflight.

Cepeda-Ladino, Julio-César. 2010. ‘Foro de cooperación económica Asia-Pacífico – APEC Japón 2010: ¿fin de la moratoria para Colombia?’. Pre-Til, 23: 89-99. ISSN: 1692-6900.

Japan plays host to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meetings from January to November 2010, to define its future as International Intergovernmental Organization. In this sense, it tries to address the lifting of the moratorium on the entry of new APEC economies like Colombia. For this, Colombian Foreign Policy toward the Pacific Basin will be essential in the interests of strengthening the diplomatic, trade and cultural ties with this region of the planet.

El Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico (APEC) se reunirá durante el año 2010 en las principales ciudades de Japón, para definir su futuro como Organización Internacional Intergubernamental. En este sentido, tratará de abordar el levantamiento de la moratoria impuesta para el ingreso de nuevas economías como Colombia a APEC. Para ello, la construcción de la Política Exterior Colombiana hacia la Cuenca del Pacífico será fundamental en aras del fortalecimiento de las relaciones diplomáticas, comerciales y culturales con esta región del planeta.