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igeria has witnessed a deteriorating internal security situation since the return to democratic rule in 1999. This may be seen from the proliferation and involvement of non-state actors in security across the different sections of the country. There are various forms of non-state actors (apart from private security outfits) in different parts of the country ranging from Bakassi Boys in the south-east, Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND) in south-south to Boko Haram, Sara Suka and Yankalare in the north-east. The military being present in more than thirty-two states of the nation to restore order appears to be virtually overstretched. Many reasons have been advanced to explain the continued deterioration of security in Nigeria. The main causes of insecurity in the country are twofold - remote and proximate causes. These may include: • absence of institutional capacity resulting in government failure; • the gaping chasm of inequality and absence of fairness and justice; • ethno-Religious conflicts; • disconnect between the people and the Government. These and many proximate factors like, porous borders, rural-urban drift, poverty, and unemployment have combined to further aggravate the problem of insecurity in Nigeria. Nigeria has experienced both military and civilian rule at different times of her national development, each with its unique xiii style of maintaining national security. It is generally believed that the management of security under civil rule is also tinted with elements of repression characteristic of military regimes in Nigeria, so that the distinction between the two is very tenuous. Whichever style of government used there is always a correlation between governance and the nature of security. For an effective security system to be fully operational, the leadership must exhibit elements of good governance. Ideally, good governance is the hall mark of credible leadership epitomized in today’s world by democracy. However, while democracy is often associated with good governance, the situation in Nigeria appears to be the reverse. Nigeria’s democratic experiment is characterised by conflicts, political assassinations, unemployment among other challenges. Studies were conducted in the six states that make up the North-Eastern region – Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba and Yobe – to find out the nexus between governance and insecurity in these states. The research was carried out using a combination of primary and secondary sources of data. The primary data were sourced by administering questionnaires using the purposive sampling system, conducting of focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The secondary data were gotten from the existing literature which includes but not limited to journals, government policy documents, newspapers, academic publications, CLEEN Foundation’s National Crime and Safety Survey reports, social statistics compiled by the National Bureau of Statistics and National Population Commission. Objectives The objectives of the study are as follows: • To examine the relationship between security and character of governance in the North-East region. • To understand major drivers of insecurity in the states. • To identify the gaps in governance and security in the states. xiv • To determine the role of NGOs and civil society organisations in improving governance and security in the states. • To explore the various mechanisms employed by the government at state and local levels with a view to enhancing security and governance. • To recommend remedial measures with a view to strengthening security and good governance. • To assess Government’s response to insecurity challenges in the states. Limitations/Challenges The limitations encountered in the course of carrying out the study were as follows: • Reluctance on the part of identified respondents particularly the civil servants. There seems to be a lack of interest on their part on the subject matter of the study. • There was reluctance on the part of women to be part of the interviews; there was a high sense of mistrust and unwillingness to respond to questions posed to them. • Insecurity challenges in the field also affected the time frame within which the study was conducted. Findings • Elected representatives have abused or misused their powers and authority. Nepotism, ethnicity, religion and regionalism are strong influencers of politics and governance in the region. • Corruption is endemic among government officials’ particularly political office holders. The judicial system was found to be non responsive to the plight of ordinary citizens xv in the region because it is also bedevilled with corrupt practices. • Citizens’ participation in governance is low and in some places it does not exist. Organised civil society engagement that could galvanise citizens’ engagement is also weak. Most of the groups that exist were involved in health related advocacy and mobilisation. This has created poor accountability and service delivery processes at the local government and community levels. • Accessibility of the citizens to public officials or government functionaries does not exist. Gombe State was the exception where the findings showed that 60 per cent of the respondents were of the opinion that public official and /or government functionaries were accessible to the citizens. • Security challenges in the region were high. There were incidents of theft, burglary, gang attacks and communal clashes. Some of the security challenges are traced to skewed policies by government, discriminatory processes in allocating resources and distribution of opportunities. • Security challenges were also traced to weak state institutions and lack of capacity of the institutions to respond to the security challenges. Recommendations • Promotion of positive cultural, religious and social values that would build national cohesion and development. This should be adopted across the region. • Elected representatives should be made accountable to their constituencies. Periodic report back/feedback dialogues should be carried out with their constituencies and other stakeholders. Transparency and accountability should be encouraged at all levels. • There is an urgent need to facilitate and ensure community participation in the governance process at the state and local government levels in the region. Marginalised groups such as women and youths should be encouraged to take keen interest in the governance processes in the region. • Skills acquisition programmes and other employment opportunities should be identified and scaled up to get more youths irrespective of gender and other interest. This is to curb the trend of young persons joining insurgent groups in order to secure means of livelihood. • Credible leadership should be encouraged in the region. Development of the region should be at the core of any strategy to curb the wave of insurgency in the region. • Appropriate capacity building and re-orientation for the security and law enforcement agencies working in the region particularly the police so as to build community confidence and foster partnership. • Capacities of the civil society organisations need to be strengthened to enable them function effectively in the area of holding the government accountable and to be more responsive to the citizenry. Conclusion The governance challenges in the north-east region of Nigeria seem to be a microcosm of the larger country which has been characterised by poor leadership. Although insurgency was identified as the most important cause of insecurity facing the region, there are still threats of armed robbery, and communal clashes. The perception that the security agencies are unprepared for the challenges in the region leaves more to be desired. The general dissatisfaction with the various dimensions of governance performance of electoral officials at all levels, lack of transparency and accountability, endemic corruption created opportunities that were exploited by insurgents to recruit socio-economic vulnerable persons to join their cause. This shows an indication of inter-connectivity between governance and security.
in Boko Haram: Islamism, politics, security and the state in Nigeria, edited by Pérouse de Montclos,M.-A
Framing and Blaming: Discourse analysis of the Boko Haram uprising, Juy 20092014 •
Competing discourses are involved in a meta-conflict over the meaning of the Boko Haram uprising in northern Nigeria in July 2009. These discourses are characterised by different conceptions of the state. This study analyses the struggle over the meaning of the uprising, using the theoretical framework of ‘meta-conflict’ set out by Horowitz and Brass, and a discourse analysis methodology based on the work of Foucault, and Lakoff and Johnson. An analysis of media reports in the five weeks following the uprising reveals that embedded within reports on Boko Haram there are four competing conceptions of the state. The Socio-Economic discourse argues for the state as the provider of development, whereas the Political Agency discourse posits the state as the provider of order. The Religious Structural discourse emphasises the state’s secular role in containing expansionist Islam, and the Religious Agency discourse calls on the state to help mainstream Islam maintain control over deviant sects.
Boko Haram: Islamism, politics, security and the State in Nigeria
Christian perceptions of Islam and society in relation to Boko Haram and recent events in Jos and northern Nigeria2014 •
The rhetoric on and around religious conflict in Nigeria has revolved around the two main religions of Christianity and Islam. Although the growth of the two religions in the country has afforded them the latitude of being instruments for broad national negotiations, the growing diversity within them has led only to growing antipathy between their adherents. This has been further worsened by the emergence of Boko Haram, a phenomenon which has not only added new perspectives to the discourse on religion and national unity in Nigeria, but has also encouraged strong desires for reciprocal action among those affected by the movement’s violence, and a growing militancy within various agencies of Christianity. This work gauges the various perceptions and perspectives of Christians towards Islam in contemporary Nigeria, considering factors such as identity, geography, and the growing dynamism in Christian belief and doctrine concerning ‘the other’. It argues that there are four main divisions into which Christianity in Nigeria has evolved based on issues surrounding Islam. These divisions (Conservative Hierarchical, Conservative Egalitarian, Liberal Political, and Radical) have presented various reactions based on their histories and present predicaments. And although it cannot be conclusively argued that Christians have a single, general point of view on Islam’s ‘bloody corridors’, the increasing violence, which has affected Christians, has created an atmosphere in which the rhetoric can easily slide towards calls for revenge, even when there is no true logic for it.
in Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos (ed.) Boko Haram: Islamism, Politics, Security and the State in Nigeria (Leiden: African Studies Centre. 2014) pp. 158 - 191.
Boko Haram and the Evolving Salafi Jihadist Threat in NigeriaThe chapter examines the threat posed by Boko Haram, arguing that its growing audacity and resiliency can better be understood within the context of the transnational flow of the global Salafi Jihadist ideology. Salafi jihadism focuses on the use of violence to purge Islam of outside influences and strives for a return to the Islam practised by the “pious ancestors”, that is Mohammed and the early Islamic community. The transnational flow of this fringe and violent ideology is emboldening Boko Haram, and it poses significant threats to sub-regional and national security. To effectively counter the threat posed by Boko Haram, there is a need for a robust combination of the use of force and political dexterity. This will require, among other measures, a political strategy that builds government legitimacy and effectiveness in delivering public goods to citizens, strengthening support for moderate Islam, and implementing a robust programme on countering ideological support for extremism and terrorism.
2014 •
The moment groups or individuals decide to engage in physical combat, a trust is betrayed and it brings about disharmony and disunity. Arise, fellow compatriots, and let us take a journey through Nigeria crises. God save Nigeria, our beloved country. Crisis in Nigeria has generated very strong debate over the last years among world leaders. What can Nigerians do to live in peace and harmony? The world today is full of hostile activities of individuals, organizations and countries. We must not pretend not to know that this negative phenomenon exists. The importance of law and order to the orderly development and growth of a society, both in the physical and economic sense, cannot be overemphasized. It is only a mind that is secured and at peace that can rationally address the issues of procreation, economic development and societal growth. It is therefore imperative to have peace, security and justice in the society to assure its growth and development. Unfortunately, the state of law enforcement in Nigeria is unequivocally in suspension and everything is done to frustrate the line justice; a reality that has precipitated an inescapable crisis in the realm of rule of law and legal authority. Insecurity has many forms, and varies from nation to nation. Insecurity does not only come from ethnic and religious restiveness, from banditry and brigands, from politics and unemployment, but also from those meant to protect the public and uphold the law. This country's landscape is dotted with many unsolved political and other criminal assassinations; kidnapping; armed robbery; political unrest; religious unrest yielding monumental loss of lives and property and grave insecurity; suicide bombings; '419' propensities that have not been resolved; and extra-judicial killings among others. There are multiple direct and indirect causes for conflicts in Nigeria, including indigenous causes such as greed and corruption. Some causes are attributable to Western and other international exploitation, and the indirect causes are attributable to neglect by the federal government.
2015 •
Journal of Advocacy, Research and Education
Religious Fanaticism and “Boko Haram” Insurgency in Nigeria: Implications for National Security2015 •
2014 •
2012 •
Historical Research Letter
Boko Haram: A Race between Amnesty and Criminal Tribunal2014 •
2015 •
Brussels School of International Studies University of Kent
ROLE OF POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT ON THE EMERGENCE OF BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY IN NORTHERN NIGERIA2018 •
ASSOCIATION FOR THE PROMOTION OF AFRICAN STUDIES
RELIGION AND PEACE BUILDING IN AFRICA2015 •
Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies
Youth Unemployment and Armed Insurrection in Post-Military Nigeria: The Contending Issues2015 •
Muslim Minority-State Relations
Muslims in Northern Nigeria: Between Challenge and Opportunity2016 •
Canadian Social Science
Nigeria: Analysing the Security Challenges of the Goodluck Jonathan Administration2011 •
2018 •
Voting Amidst Insecurity: Nigeria's 2019 Elections
Voting Amidst Insecurity: Nigeria's 2019 ElectionsStudies in Conflict and Terrorism 37(1): 47-67
Peace at Dagger's Drawn: Boko Haram and the State of Emergency in NigeriaBeyond Rhetoric: Youth Empowerment and Political Voice in Nigeria
Beyond Rhetoric Youth Empowerment and Political Voice in Nigeria2018 •
Department of Political Science
Nigeria and the Challenge of Domestic Terrorism2018 •