Abdullahi M. Ashafa

Following the end of the cold war and the emergence of US unpopularity, democracy and democratization took the centre-stage in contemporary world affairs. Consequently, attention came to be focused on the developing countries, especially African countries which had long been suffering under various dictatorial regimes. In their efforts to democratise their polities, African countries were confronted by many obstructive issues. One of such contending issues is religion. Religion is a sensitive issue, that the military regimes in Nigeria found very difficult to suppress. Since expressing any form of agitation by other means became difficult, it resulted into using the religious factor to express subtle grievances. This often became an open and conflagrating protestation among the various Nigerian societies and groups. This paper provides a historical picture of the nexus between religion and the problem of democratization in Nigeria. The paper provides an analysis about the complex historical relationship of politico-economic vs socio-cultural environments; institutional vs ailing electoral arrangements; party vs primordial interest group systems and between government political and economic performance in a country suffering the vestiges of a neo-colonial relationship in the attempt to democratize. It further opines that religion in Nigeria is a divisive force in the democratization exercise and it exists as an easy tool for mass political appeal, mobilization and even legitimacy of participation or acquisition of power. Hence it is being manipulated by both civilian and military regimes In short, the politicization of religion and religionization of politics in Nigeria, this paper argues, is a catalytic source of complex political and religious crises which are juxtaposed in the conduct of leadership responsibilities pervasive in our transition to the new millennium.

Relationship between debtor and creditor nations, the former being among the poorer nations and the latter among the richer or multinational financial institutions has remain critical in modern diplomacy. With the return of civilian rule in 1999 after a prolonged military rule, Nigeria’s new President Olusegun Obasanjo embarked on a relentless campaign for debt relief for the country. This was in line with his pronouncement at inauguration that he would give priority to campaign for debt relief. In fact, as at December 2004, Nigeria's external debt stood at US$35.94 billion. However, Nigeria This chapter contributes to the debate in Nigeria’s history of Economic Diplomacy. Obasanjo’s administration unlike the previous Nigerian administration that prioritized debt servicing and debt rescheduling in their relations with creditor nations and financial institutions. This generates debates among scholars of Economics and International Relations, especially that the Nigeria is not being regarded as a Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC), as its riches in both human and material resources have not been fully tapped to project the country’s economy in the manner that it should have been. The chapter examines the assiduous campaign for debt relief for Nigeria under the President Obasanjo. It argues that though economic diplomacy of the new administration paved way for Nigeria to negotiate for debt relief from her creditors following the frequent travels of the President to several influential countries, while also cultivating the support and confidence of the UN, G8 counties, the Commonwealth as well as African Union. While Nigeria was able to negotiate an entire debt relief amounting to $21 billion, or a 65 percent write off in return for over $14 billion repayment of arrears and buyback. The chapter argues that Nigeria’s debt is sustainable but it became a crisis because largely because the country’s leadership could not manage the nation’s resources effectively due to monumental corruption and profligacy. It posits that with debt servicing consuming 40 per cent of Nigeria’s foreign earning, there was the need to campaign for debt relief, however, within the framework of global realities, there are hazards that must be addressed.

... Jacob von Meurs, anno MDCLXXI. ... artigen im Volke verbreiteten und von Generation zu Generation vererbten mit der gröfsten Vorsicht aufgenommen werden müssen, sind die ersten Tuaregstämme, die aus den Targa hervorgegangen 1 sind, die Imanan und Ifogas, aus denen ...

Following the end of the cold war and the emergence of US unpopularity, democracy and democratization took the centre-stage in contemporary world affairs. Consequently, attention came to be focused on the developing countries, especially African countries which had long been
suffering under various dictatorial regimes. In their efforts to democratise their polities, African countries were confronted by many obstructive issues. One of such contending issues is religion.
Religion is a sensitive issue, that the military regimes in Nigeria found very difficult to suppress. Since expressing any form of agitation by other means became difficult, it resulted
into using the religious factor to express subtle grievances. This often became an open and
conflagrating protestation among the various Nigerian societies and groups. This paper
provides a historical picture of the nexus between religion and the problem of democratization
in Nigeria.
The paper provides an analysis about the complex historical relationship of
politico-economic
vs socio-cultural environments;
institutional vs ailing
electoral
arrangements; party vs primordial interest group systems and between government political
and economic performance in a country suffering the vestiges of a neo-colonial relationship in
the attempt to democratize. It further opines that religion in Nigeria is a divisive force in the
democratization exercise and it exists as an easy tool for mass political appeal, mobilization
and even legitimacy of participation or acquisition of power. Hence it is being manipulated by
both civilian and military regimes In short, the politicization of religion and religionization of
politics in Nigeria, this paper argues, is a catalytic source of complex political and religious crises which are juxtaposed in the conduct of leadership responsibilities pervasive in our transition to the new millennium.

The general expectation when Nigeria won her independence
from Britain in October 1960 was that she would assume a
leadership role in Africa. This was due to her size, population,
rich and abundant natural resources compared to other African
countries. It was expected that Nigeria's leadership role would be
demonstrated in every area of African aspiration, especially as
many parts of Africa were still under colonial rule in 1960. And as
a matter of fact Nigeria did a lot to fulfill the expectations.

The emergence of cities in Africa pre-dated colonialism where some economic and political factors played key roles in the emergence and collapse of pre-colonial cities. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, colonialism played key roles in the emergence of modern cities in Africa and the world. Kaduna falls within the category of Jos, Enugu and Port Harcourt within Nigeria, as well as such modern cities as Abidjan (Cote D’Ivoire), Buea (Cameroon), Salisbury (now Harare) and New Delhi. Kaduna in north-west Nigeria and is situated on latitude 10 0 36 1 north and 07 0 28 1 east. As a modern city, it emerged first as British colonial garrison town in the conquest of northern Nigeria, which was later made the headquarter of the Northern Nigerian
Protectorate and later Northern Nigerian Regional Government, North Central State and now Kaduna State. This military-cum-political background in the making of Kaduna as a capital city combined to make it central in Northern Nigerian and national affairs. It was equally an important industrial town that attracted population from nooks and cranny of rural northern Nigeria and it grew to become a mini-Nigeria due to its demographic configuration. The history of its transition into a modern city is not only interesting, but the cultural complexity of existence, as well as development were challenging with mixture of prospects for a study.

One pi the major chillenges for the Nigerian state in the contemporary
period is the question of responsible and patriotic leadership. Nigeria is
endowed with countless human and natural resources, but due to lack of self-
less, committed, and focused leadership, the country is continuously sinking
into backwardness, corruption, and underdevelopment. The example of the
first generation of nationalists and leaders in Nigeria such as Dr. Nnamdi
Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Soko-
to, and Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, if well studied and emulated, could re-
direct the present generation of leaders and politicians to pursue selfless ser-
vices and good governance to their people. This chapter examines the contri-
butions of the late Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (the first Prime Minister of
Nigeria, 1957-1966) to national unity and development, the qualities of his
leadership, and his selfless service to the people. These qualities are presented
with the goal of pointing out some visions and specific practical legacies that
can be emulated by current Nigerian leaders, for national reorientation and
re-generation.
BALEWA: A BR

Responsible leadership and the tradition that created and allows
it to function effectively have always been the primary and basic
determinant for peaceful co-existence, socio-economic and
political development as well as the sole determinant for any
meaningful progress any society can rely on. It holds the key
and is the greatest tool that drives the spirit of any society, be it
ancient or modern. On its wisdom and effectiveness, civilizations
were built and on it, pre-colonial Nigerian polities and societies
were designed, thrived and developed until the coming of
colonialism in 1900. Today, traditional rulers in Nigeria with
varying titles: Sarki in most parts of defunct Sokoto Caliphate,
Shehu in Borno, Lamido in Adamawa, Etsu in Nupeland, Oba in
Yoruba land, Obi, Igwve or Eze among the Ibos as well as many
other Nigerian polities that had centralized system of
government in the pre-colonial period all maintained certain
monarchical styles. Then, the sovereign rulers in both their
relations with the central or regional governments they
controlled, as well as the citizens they governed, were closer in
substance to those of the nobility of Europe and Asia.

The political atmosphere across the globe during the Cold War
era affected Third World countries, especially in post-colonial
Africa with the reality of state challenges and collapse in the
form of incessant regime change and the state of paralysis in
terms of military facilities to confront such issues. This produced
a paradox of a kind, namely: defence modernisation, which
rather reinvigorated dependency on the Western-Euro-
American imperialists and on the Communist bloc for modern
and effective defence facilities in the state-making processes.
This became one major problem towards the economic and
technological development of such category of nations. The political atmosphere of the Cold War period not only turned the Third World countries to fight proxy wars on behalf of their Super Powers supporters, but the state of affairs bequeathed by their former colonial overlords made the state-making process among national leaders pesky, if not pestiferous.

Nigeria is the Africa's largest democracy since 1999 when the military,
which had hitherto dominated the political space, formally handed
over power and retreated to the barracks where they naturally belong
to. For over 30 years of military rule in Nigeria, the polity had acquired
a militaristic tendency in the working of democracy. Sadly, the President who was the head of the Executive and constitutionally the Head of State and Head of Government was himself a former military Head of State (1983-1985), a Civil War hero and by orientation and experience, naive in the working of democracy. And as a multi-ethnic and multi-religious entity, Nigerian federation has since the end of the Civil War not fully reintegrated, such that at the slightest provocation, some parts of the federating units would begin to threaten the unity of the country, calling for either outright balkanization or, in a more subtle manner, demanding restructuring. This suggests that there are certain obvious challenges faced by the Nigerian democracy in its attempts to solve the nation's structural problems or to satisfy the expectations of its diverse populace and constituent units, which again raises the question and relevance of deepening democracy in the country. This chapter, therefore, examines the place of the executive arm of government in deepening the Nigeria's democracy. It is a cursory historical narrative and analytical excursion into the role of the Nigeria's Executive in deepening the country's nascent democracy anatomically fashioned in the American presidentialism, much as it differs from it in practice and in appreciating the essence of political
diversity, in the conception of citizens' rights and expectations and in
its relations with the other democratic structures and constituent parts.
The chapter simply assesses the role of the executive arm in relation to
certain obvious fault-lines it has been able or unable to surmount to
make democracy rewarding and attractive or even repellent and unattractive that might keep the military awake as sublime wolves
whose earlier retreat should not be taken for granted.

The above statement by an American military strategist and essayist vividly captures the complex task of the military of every nation all over the world. It equally but aptly captures the complex task of the role of the Nigerian military, also better referred to as the Armed Forces of Nigeria (AFN), as on indivisible entity. As enshrined in the 1999 Nigerian constitution as amended, this involves the AFN in collaboration with the civilian population protecting the country from external threat or attack as well as internal subversion (Federal Government of Nigeria, 1999). Though a plethora of security outfits exist in the country, the AFN remains the most potent element of Nigeria's national security.

Relationship between debtor and creditor nations, the former being among the poorer nations and the latter among the richer or multinational financial institutions has remain critical in modern diplomacy. With the return of civilian rule in 1999 after a prolonged military rule, Nigeria’s new President Olusegun Obasanjo embarked on a relentless campaign for debt relief for the country.
This was in line with his pronouncement at inauguration that he would give priority to campaign for debt relief. In fact, as at December 2004, Nigeria's external debt stood at US$35.94 billion.
However, Nigeria This chapter contributes to the debate in Nigeria’s history of Economic Diplomacy. Obasanjo’s administration unlike the previous Nigerian administration that prioritized debt servicing and debt rescheduling in their relations with creditor nations and financial institutions. This generates debates among scholars of Economics and International Relations, especially that the Nigeria is not being regarded as a Heavily Indebted Poor Country (HIPC), as its riches in both human and material resources have not been fully tapped to project the country’s economy in the manner that it should have been. The chapter examines the assiduous campaign for debt relief for Nigeria under the President Obasanjo. It argues that though economic diplomacy of the new administration paved way for Nigeria to negotiate for debt relief from her creditors following the frequent travels of the President to several influential countries, while also cultivating the support and confidence of the UN, G8 counties, the Commonwealth as well as African Union. While Nigeria was able to negotiate an entire debt
relief amounting to $21 billion, or a 65 percent write off in return for over $14 billion repayment
of arrears and buyback. The chapter argues that Nigeria’s debt is sustainable but it became a
crisis because largely because the country’s leadership could not manage the nation’s resources
effectively due to monumental corruption and profligacy. It posits that with debt servicing
consuming 40 per cent of Nigeria’s foreign earning, there was the need to campaign for debt
relief, however, within the framework of global realities, there are hazards that must be
addressed.

Introduction
I am delighted to be part of this gathering where we exchange ideas about faith and for
inviting me a Muslim to make this presentation. Undoubtedly, this by no means a
respect for which we are as a people and recognition of our diversity, yet with the
resolve be harmonious. I wish to congratulate the entire members of NACATHS for
celebrating its week with this kind of activity, which avails you the opportunity to know
more about the religion of Islam. I was expecting that the NACATHS Week would be
made to coincide with the Feast of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary, a
woman who has a very exalted place in Muslim belief, comes on every 8th December

The victory of General Muhammadu Buhari, a former Head of State between 1984 and
August 1985 against an incumbent President after fourth attempts heralded a new vista in Nigeria’s political history. This came about when the incumbent was discredited in handling Nigeria’s national affairs, especially bordering on security. The Boko Haram insurgency was becoming a hard nut to crack by the well experienced Nigerian military that made a good name for itself in Africa in the area of peacekeeping and peace enforcement. It was believed that President Goodluck Jonathan whom Buhari had defeated could not also leverage on the good neighbourliness policy of Nigeria to deal with Boko Haram even with the establishment of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF). As former Head of State, Buhari was not a novice in foreign policy affairs. Buhari rode on become the President on the wave of popular opinion pushing for positive change. On coming to power, President Buhari accorded due priority to ending the Boko Haram insurgency and thought that a new direction in Nigeria’s relations with its immediate neighbours would help to achieve the administration’s set domestic objectives on security,
while also projecting a positive image of Nigeria to the outside world, and a to increase the country’s trade and soft power, which under the Jonathan’s administration had waned down. This chapter argues that the personality influence of President Muhammadu Buhari and the circumstances he came to power, the political will to deal with certain national woes the administration aspired to correct, forms the crux in analysing the administration’s relations with her immediate neighbours largely informed by the security
situation created by Boko Haram insurgency.

Boko Haram is an Islamic movement in Nigeria that wanted a holistic implementation of an Islamic sharia system in a plural society. Its weird Islamic ideology of using violence initiated a bloody insurgency of an unprecedented magnitude. To this extent the Institute for Economics and Peace in its 2015 Global Terrorism Index has ranked Boko Haram as the world’s deadliest terrorist group. The Nigerian government responded to this deadly insurgency with a counterinsurgency that was purely military in nature to defeat a religious movement. This it did by establishing various Military Joint Task Forces for the purpose, which graduated in the formation of a regional military counterinsurgency force by Nigeria and its neighbours known as the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF). However, concerned by the deadly attacks of the insurgency and the counterinsurgency, youth in Maiduguri, the birth place and epicenter of Boko Haram and as well as local hunters, decided to assist the military by establishing the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) and hunter’s group against Boko Haram movement.. This paper examines a peculiar civil-military relations and the role of a non-military group in the counterinsurgency in Nigeria as an innovative initiative to serve as a model elsewhere in the world.

The Chad Basin, which is the largest closed drainagebasin in Africa, has for quite some time being at risk of the adverse effects of climate change, including climatevariability and extremes that the culturally varied  population in the area are unable to cope with. At a point,the Lake Chad region had vast expanses of arable and grazing land with rich fish stocks that made it aneconomically and environmentally important area for Chad, Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, and the Central AfricanRepublic. Because climate change hinders thiseconomic viability, it also exposes the communities inthe Lake Chad region to the Boko Haram insurgency innorthern Nigeria, thereby becoming vulnerable and leaving with great humanitarian crisis, if not disaster.The Boko Haram insurgency, which broke out in 2009in Nigeria’s north-eastern state of Borno, had gradually spread to other states in Nigeria. Its horrific military attacks on civilians resulted in mass killings, abductionsand destruction. This was to spread into three other countries- Cameroon, Chad and Niger Republic and later developed a violent confrontation by engaging thesecurity forces of the sub-region in the form of Multinational Joint Task Force. This paper espouses

The first act of terrorism in Africa after the Cold War was in 1998 when the US
Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania suffered separate attacks. This signaled the
emergence of eminent threats to US interests and those of their partners in Africa.
However, it did not underscore the magnitude of Africa-based terrorism in the
American foreign policy scheme of things. The US security interest in the continent
then was not more than the usual high priority policy of protecting US citizens
from attacks by any extremist group or elements. Therefore, prior to the 9/11
terrorist attacks on the US; Africa was not viewed as a regional theatre of much
concern to the US. Instead, major areas of American military activities were in
three separate military commands - European Command (EUCOM), the Central
Command (CENTCOM) and the Pacific Command (PACOM). This was
however to change with American counterterrorism initiatives in the continent.

Introduction
The resurgence of terrorism at the transition into the new millennium has continued to
devolve in consequences across various sectors of the society. In Nigeria, these consequences have continued to metastasize in the educational sector, in a scale unprecedented since after the civil war. Although incessant insurgency attacks had frequently resulted in the closure of schools long before the Chibok kidnap saga, the problem has visibly escalated from the occasional use of educational institutions as soft targets for political objectives, to outright, systemic onslaughts on educational institutions by insurgents and criminal entrepreneurial agencies, for monetary, but also
ostensibly, political gains. The foremost theatres in this recent wave of insecurity have mostly been Nigeria’s northerly states, including Kaduna, Katsina, Niger, Sokoto, Borno, Adamawa and Zamfara where banditry, herdsmen-related violence and kidnapping activities have accentuated national concerns.
The paper examines this degeneration and its impact on the educational system in the
region. The paper traces the unfolding patterns of security dilemmas suffered by school systems, from insurgency related shutdowns to the escalation of banditry and kidnapping practices in many parts of northeast and northwest of Nigeria. Leveraging on extant literature, media reports and relevant institutional publications, an attempt is made at understanding of this sequence in correlation with holistic perspectives to security, but also in their individuality where they do not fit into extant paradigms.
To understand our journey in darkness within the context of insecurity as it is affecting
education and schooling, the paper begins by addressing what education supposed to mean for a nation: proving light for progress, development, security and civility. It goes on to make some contextual clarifications clarification of some key concepts namely, education, security and insecurity. It proceeds to also examine some associated theoretical perspectives to security, in relation to the praxes and development of education. Further to this, the paper examines the 3 trajectory of security challenges to education in northern Nigeria, highlighting the various phases of attacks visited on the educational sector by the activities of insurgents, bandits and organized criminal entrepreneurs. It further appraises the response of government authorities and public
opinion on these developments, and finally roosts with the implications of insecurity challenges on the educational sector in northern Nigeria. The conclusion makes a case for critical intervention in national security praxes, in addressing the blight of insecurity in northern Nigeria’s educational systems.

Every system of government always provides a workable synergy and
desirable relationship between institutions of government at the levels
of both executive and legislative systems to enhance not only
corporate governance, but institutionalize the tradition of best
international practices and to engender good governance and
accountability. This paper is concerned with the relationship between
the Nigerian Executive and Legislative arms since 1999. The aim is to
put such relations in a historical context and provide the basis for
understanding the principle of the separation of powers, as provided
in the Nigerian Constitution in the working of democracy, good
governance and accountability. It argues that apart from ensuring
citizen participation in governance and providing all sorts of freedoms as against tyranny, democracy should also provide the enabling environment for socio-economic and political development, sustainable growth, peace and stability. It also opines that the function and success that comes with a system of government is not
based on the coloration of the system per se, but that it is rooted in the
behavioural and attitudinal repertoire of the political actors in position of authority operating the system. To make the Nigerian system work effectively and better depends on the parameters and idiosyncrasies of those operating at the Executive or Legislature at any given point in time is our conclusion.

The concept of nation-building became vogue from the 1950s and 1960s when its proponents amongst the American academic community developed and popularized it to describe the processes of national integration and consolidation amongst Third World countries. The developing countries were to view nation-building as conscious strategies by national leaders to change the fate of their nations by strengthening their institutions, create national unity, provide industrialization as deliberate economic policy, while working towards transforming into modern nations-states capable of competing for places within the comity of nations. Nigeria since its independence in 1960, has been confronted with various challenges as a new nation-state, which have hindered it from attaining the potentials of a catalytic political, economic and stabilizing force in Africa. This was in spite its acclaimed abundant human and material resources that has not been harnessed towards that. This chapter deals with nation-building as a background to appreciating the collection of essays in the book entitled: “Perspectives in Nigeria’s Challenges in Nation-Building”. The book contains scholarly debate on the subject matter of nation-building published by the Kaduna State University, Nigeria and edited by the trio of AM Ashafa, Gaius Jatau and Ayemga Tor.

Africa and Africans have managed
to survive centuries of
dehumanisation, oppression and aggression in slavery, colonialism,
neo-colonialism and the apartheid system among others. These
occurred in their interaction with the so-called "superior' races. In this
21* century, while others (North America, Europe and Asia) are
focusing their attention and redirecting their energies to greater
development, Africa seems to stand out of this process. Instead of
Africa using its multiplicity and differences to create a better
continent capable of competing favourably with others, these same
factors became the licenses for creating woe, doom and destruction.
Consequently, while centrifugal forces were busy at work elsewhere
for the positive transformation of their human and material
conditions, in Africa the reverse seem the case.

The foundation of the Nigerian state was made on the vision of liberty and
honour and glory, which all Nigerians must uphold. Our National Heroes
through their fixity of purpose, common vision of liberation and focused
determination, summon us to find common cause to national greatness and would
want us to carry on their good work. Let us not disappoint them. No wonder, our
National Anthem has aptly captured our resolve that
"the labour of our heroes
past, shall never be in vain". Our Armed Forces, whose responsibility has been to
defend the sanctity of the nation, have amply made sacrifices, demonstrated
courage, and patriotism by fighting valiantly to defeat tyranny and terror, and
protect the liberties we now hold most dear. Whether fighting in the jungles of
Liberia, or the forest of Sierra Leone, or part of UN forces keeping the peace in
any part of the troubled world, or even in the creeks of the Niger Delta and the
Sambisa forest, our brave men and women in uniform have always put our
country and values first. Our troops have protected us and defended our national security repeatedly and consistently, and they deserve our gratitude. While serving in the NA is a duty they were called upon to serve, it was indeed an honour for them doing so and they deserve our honour, especially the Commanders whose vision, strategy and tactics are the reasons for victories.

By the year 2010, Nigeria, the most populous Black nation in the world
clocked 50 years of political independence, having been conquered
and colonized by Britain since 15 January 1900. Though few other
countries in the African continent had prior to Nigeria's independence
secured theirs, the 'birth' of Nigeria in October 1960 had actually made it
the truly first rainbow country in the continent. This ushered in a new hope and expectations for a 'new' Africa. This was especially seen when the country ventured with much vigour in championing the liberation of fellow
sister African countries then under the bondage of colonialism and oppression of apartheid system, financially and militarily. No wonder, for this and other reasons, Nigeria was being referred to as the "Giant of Africa'

Professor Warisu Oyesina Alli was born in 1948 in his native town of
Ijebu Imushin in gun State, South Western Nigeria. He received his
early education from the Ansarudeen Primary School, Oke Ado, Ibadan
(1954-1961), and continued to Epe Division Grammar School, Epe, Lagos
State (1961-1966) for secondary education. In 1972, young Alli went to
Kiev State University, Kiev where he obtained the MA degree in
International Relations in 1977 and PhD in 1981. His early education
prepared him for the journey and responsibilities ahead in the academia
and administration. Today, Professor Alli is known as a seasoned scholar
and administrator with his footprints in the sands of time. He has taught
for many years until his retirement and held/still holding several Acting
and Substantive positions in the University and Think Tanks. Professor
Alli is a teacher, Lecturer and a Mentor who has taught and mentored
several persons at the Bachelors, Masters and Doctorate degree levels. In fact today, many Mentees are also Professors at various Universities and Think Tanks.

There is no greater historical disservice committed against nation-states and knowledge than trifling the actions of individuals or groups, whose lives were sacrificed in excoriating an unjust phenomenon and situations that were stream roller to social progress.
There is probably no other comparative phenomenon in Nigerian history that retarded the country than colonialism. It appears also that there is no other strenuous and energy-sapping struggle against injustice in Nigeria than the anti-colonial struggle.
And there hardly seems to exist patriotic Nigerians today compared to the Nationalists of the colonial era. But even though there exists a lot of situations of different dimensions concerning facts about Nigerian Nationalism and Nationalists, their actions and general perspectives of their galvanised efforts, these only focus on the said "principal° nationalist actors who formed and/or headed political organisations, trade union movements or those who were opposition leaders in
the various levels of legislative houses across the country.