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2008
Eastern Turkistan is a residential area which is situated on the Turkistan hinterland defined as “homeland” of Turks; which has spiritual importance for both Republic of Turkey and other Central Asian Turkish Republics. As, “the autonomy” given to the Turks of Eastern Turkistan by Chinese Government is pretended, debate on Eastern Turkistan have become a persistent matter requiring international interest. In this context, it is necessary to follow rebellious attempts going on for centuries in China don’t source from a simple obstinacy. It is doubtless beyond question how much strong the national will of just 30-40 million populations against the population exceeding one billion is. Currently, the passive boycott attempts against Chinese state and the rebellious attempts carried out together with other counter groups but resulted in failure, and sometimes the diplomatic actions carried on abroad aiming to support the democratic-nationalist strive of Turks of Eastern Turkistan. Lastly...
Adnan Oktar (Harun Yahya) Muslims are living under difficult circumstances in various regions of the world. The people of East Turkestan in the extreme West of China, for instance, have been exposed to severe repression for the last 60 years in particular. The number of people martyred in East Turkestan together with post-1965 massacres is the unbelievable figure of 35 million. Muslims have been martyred in Palestine for some half a century. They live the lives of exiles in their own land. Reports of deaths flood in from Iraq on an almost daily basis. Our Kirkuk brothers live in constant fear of death. Muslims in Crimea are trying to survive under the harshest of conditions. The blood of Muslims is shed almost every day in Afghanistan, and thousands of Muslims have become refugees in their own country in Pakistan. Only recently, Bosnian Muslims were subjected to ruthless genocide in the heart of Europe, before the very eyes of the world. Prisons in many countries are full of Muslims arrested because of their ideas and faiths. These sufferings, killing, troubles and woes are nothing new. Muslims have been ruthlessly oppressed for around a century now. This corruption and bloodshed can be brought to an end only by the establishment of the Turkish-Islamic Union. The Turkish-Islamic Union is the clear and certain solution, the salvation of Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, East Turkestan, the Crimea, Kirkuk and Moro. It is essential for the Turkish-Islamic Union to be established for the shedding of Muslim blood to stop, for the poverty in Islamic countries to come to an end, for the disorder, anarchy and terror in the Turkish Islamic region to be completely eliminated and for a peaceful, secure, prosperous and enlightened civilization to be built. It is impossible for a disunited Islamic world to protect Muslims from coming to harm. Only when the Muslim world, with its 1 billion or so population, unites will not a hair on the head of a single Muslim anywhere be harmed. Unity lies at the heart of Islamic moral values. As Allah reveals in the Qur'an, in the words "…If you do not act in this way (do not help one another and become friends) there will be turmoil in the land and great corruption." (Surat al-Anfal: 73) that believers must be friends and allies, united and unified, for the corruption in the world to come to an end. The Turkish-Islamic world must demand this union. Failure to demand union means demanding division instead, and division is of no use to the Turkish-Islamic world. Muslims' strength, power and best interests all lie in unity.
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs , 2021
Nazi concentration camps were considered to be the worst humanitarian crisis in the twentieth century and the world believed that this scenario will never happen again. In today's modern world, in the twenty-first century, the Chinese Communist Party has imprisoned millions of indigenous Turkics in concentration camps in which they are being forced to deny their faith, abandon their own culture, and assimilate to Chinese culture as a whole nation. This paper, initially evaluates the development of China and East Turkistan relations and Beijing's policies towards this region. Then, it examines the situation of concentration camps and who is being held captive and what crimes they have committed in the eyes of the Chinese government. Last but not least, it examines how the Chinese dream, nationalist policies, and developments of international politics played an important role in the establishment of these concentration camps.
2016
Ethnogeopolitics or (ethnic)geopolitics is the geopolitics of ethnicity. It is related to the politics of ethnic communities for geographical space. Thus, it is politics of ethnicity for their existence in geographical space. Described and defined in whatever way; politics and geography are present in every existence; crisis or conflict. The present or future configurations of the ethnic landscape, ethnic faults and geopolitical cleavages, stability or instability therein, ethnic conflicts and rivalries (clash of civilizations) or similar phenomena are ethnogeopolitics. Demand for '(East) Turkistan' in itself is a political problem. The very name 'East Turkestan' points to a political territory of an ethnic community that is not China (i.e., away from China). It challenges the sovereignty of China. Whereas the policies of the Chinese government are directed toward creating or sustaining a single political identity (i.e., China). The Uighur nationalism and separatism in Xinjiang do not encompass but rather divide the Chinese sovereignty. In fact, it is a conflict for a separate Uyghur nationality. Thus, separatism or nationalism in Xinjiang or East Turkestan, that goes with an appeal for a separate Turkic 'Homeland' on the grounds of Turkic Culture, using the idea of 'Turkic People' (the peoples who speak Turkic languages), is the best example of ethnogeopolitics. This research aims to interpret the Uyghur separatism, terrorism and extremism in Xinjiang. The objective of this study is to understand the nature of ethnogeopolitics in Xinjiang.
Manas Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2008
Timur Kocaoğlu, Türkistan'da Yenilik Hareketleri ve İhtilaller: 1900-1924. Haarlem: SOTA Publications, 2001, 2001
Türkistan’da Yenilik Hareketleri ve İhtilaller: 1900-1924 Osman Hoca Anısına İncelemeler Reform Movements and Revolutions in Turkistan: 1900-1924 Studies in Honour of Osman Khoja, 2019
ISBN 90-804409-5-7 Türkistan’da Yenilik Hareketleri ve İhtilaller: 1900-1924 Osman Hoca Anısına İncelemeler Reform Movements and Revolutions in Turkistan: 1900-1924 Studies in Honour of Osman Khoja Edited by Timur Kocaoğlu This volume dedicated tot he memory of the late president of teh Republic of Bukhara Osman Khoja (1878-1968) , brings together the most significant and interesting works of many Central Asian scholars who attempt to shed light on many dark pages regarding the historical events and personalities in Turkistan between 1900 and 1924. Themes: Politics: Czarist Russian and the Soviet colonial rules, reformist (jadididst) movements and struggle for independence among Central Asian peoples. Events: The Andican uprising of 1898, the mass revolt of Central Asian people in 1916, the formation of various authonomous governments (Alash- Orda, Turkistan) and republics (Bukhara abnd Kharazm) between 1917 and 1923/, and the guerilla (Basmachi) armed struggle (1918-1934), the congress of the Muslims in Russia (1905-1907) Personalities: Osman Khoja, Mustafa Chokay, Zeki Velidi Togan, Enver Pasha, Fayzulla Khoja, Behbudi, Munavvar Qari, Abdurrauf Fitrat, Cholpan, Ahmad Naim Nusratullah, Ahmet Baytursunov, Mir Yaqub Daulet-uli, Abdurrashid Ibrahim, Ismail Gaspirinski Locations, Bukhara, Tashkent, Almati, Dushanba, Sari Arka, Kazan, Moscow, Bakhchesaray, Baku, Istanbul, Ankara, Kabul. Contributors: S.S. Agzamkhodjaev (Uzbekistan), Edward A. Allworth (USA), Hamidulla Andicânlı Baltabaev (Uzbekistan), Kambar Atabayev (Kazakstan), Ahmet Salih Bıçakçı (Israel), Nadir Devlet (Turkey), Stéphane A. Dudoignon (France), Baymirza Hayit (Germany), Necip Hablemıtoğlu (Turkey), Darhan Hıdıraliyev (Kazakstan), Khayrulla İsmatulla (USA), Adeeb Khalid (USA), Tımur Kocaoğlu (Turkey), Hisao Komatsu (Japan), Mämbet Qoygeldiyev (Kazakstan), H. B. Paksoy (USA), Mehmet Saray (Turkey), Uli Schamiloglu (USA), M. Nazif Shahrani (USA), Tomohiko Uyama (Japan), Mehmet Tütüncü (Holland)
Bilig, 2016
Erken donem muhaceretteki Turkistanlilarin mucadeleleri vatan disinda “Milli Kimlik Tasavvuru” olusturma gayretlerinin onemli bir ornegidir. Bu makalede ulkeleri Bolsevikler tarafindan ele gecirildikten sonra vatanlarini terk eden Turkistanli milliyetci liderlerin karsilastiklari fikirsel sorunlarin bir kismi ele alinmaktadir. Ozellikle de muhaceret liderleri ve Turkcu dusunurlerden Zeki Velidi Togan, Mustafa Cokayoglu, Osman Hoca ve Nihal Atsiz’in kimlik merkezli tartismalarina deginilmektedir. Bu calismada siyasa yapimi, propaganda taktikleri, dergi nesriyati ile medya kullanimi ve sivil toplum orgutlenmesi yollari ile muhaceretteki Turkistanlilarin Ruslara karsi birlestirilmelerine calisilmasina oncelik verilmistir. Muhaceretteki liderlerin vatandan izole ancak vatandaki problemleri yanlarina alarak baslattiklari bu mucadelenin de ana ogelerinden biri kimlik siyaseti olmustur.
Living Together: Discourses on Citizenship in Turkey, Armağan Öztürk ve Murat Satıcı [eds.], Nomos Yayınları, Baden, Almanya, 2019.
Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity, 2013
Turkish nationalism became an element of the Ottoman political scene in the late nineteenth century. Although its roots can be traced back to the Hamidian period (1876–1909), Turkish nationalism emerged as one of the most important political ideologies during the Constitutional Regime. Wars that the Ottoman State participated in from 1911 to the end of the empire in 1918 resulted in population and land losses. Especially, following the Balkan Wars, most of the lands that were populated by non-Muslim and non-Turkish subjects were lost. Within this context, Turkish nationalism came to be seen as the most dominant ideological tool intended to save the Empire. This article argues that Turkish nationalism emerged as a reactive ideology that addressed Ottomanism and Islamism, which were the two other dominant state ideologies during the late Ottoman State, due to the changing political context. In this article, Türk Yurdu, a well-known and influential periodical, is used as the primary source of reference to demonstrate the basic features of Turkish nationalism in its infancy. Keywords: Turkish Nationalism; Türk Yurdu; The Balkan Wars; The Ottoman Empire
Empiria: Revista de Metodología de Ciencias Sociales, 2019
Published in A. Crispino (a cura di), Castelluccio. Ambiente, Commercio e Simboli nella Sicilia Sud-Orientale. Catalogo della Mostra , 2022
Maximilian I. (1459-1519). Wahrnehmung - Übersetzungen - Gender, Hrsg von H. Noflatscher, M.A. Chisolm, B. Schnerb, 2011
Revista de Educación Social RES, 2013
Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia, 2024
Proceedings of the 22nd ACM Conference on Virtual Reality Software and Technology, 2016
Plant physiology reports, 2019
Physical Review E, 2015
Bulletin of the American Physical Society, 2005
Schweizerische Ärztezeitung, 2019
Cadernos de Tradução, 2024