၁၁မွ၁၄ရာစုျမန္မာ့ဂႏၲဝင္ပုဂံေခတ္၏ေရအသံုးခ်မႈ၊႐ိုးရာဓေလ့ႏွင့္
သာယာဝေျပာမႈအထြတ္အျမတ္ထားရာနတ္ေရကန္ႏွင့္တုရင္သက္စိုးေတာင္
ေရအသံုးခ်မႈဆိုင္ရာေရွးေဟာင္းသုေတသနစူးစမ္းရွာေဖြျခင္း
IRAW Bagan စီမံကိန္းသည္ ၁၁ရာစုမွ ၁၄ရာစုအတြင္း
စည္ပင္ထြန္းကားခဲ့ေသာ ျမန္မာတို႔၏ ပုဂံႏိုင္ငံေတာ္တြင္
ဘက္ေပါင္းစံုေပါင္းစည္းထားေသာ လူမႈ ေဂဟ သမိုင္းေၾကာင္းျဖစ္ေသာ
လူေနထိုင္မႈပံုစံ၊ စိုက္ပ်ိဳးေရး ဓေလ့စ႐ိုက္မ်ား ႏွင့္
ေရအရင္းအျမစ္အသံုးခ်မႈမ်ားအား ျပန္လည္ေဖာ္ထုတ္ရန္
အဓိကရည္ရြယ္ပါသည္။ အဆိုပါ ေရရွည္ သုေတသန စီမံကိန္းေလ့လာေရးအား
ဗဟိုအခ်က္အခ်ာျဖစ္ေသာ ပုဂံၿမိဳ႕ေဟာင္း၏ အေရွ႕ေတာင္ဖက္
၁၁ကီလိုမီတာေဝးကြာေသာ တုရင္ ႏွင့္ သက္စိုးေတာင္ ဧရိယာမွ
စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါသည္။၎ေတာင္တန္းဧရိယာသည္ ပုဂံရာဇဝင္တြင္
အေနာ္ရထာမင္းႀကီး (၁၀၄၄-၁၀၇၇ AD) အဓိဠာန္ျပဳ၍ လႊတ္လိုက္ေသာ
ဗုဒၶျမတ္စြယ္ေတာ္ တင္ေဆာင္သည့္ ဆင္ျဖဴေတာ္ကိန္းဝပ္ရာ ငါးေနရာတြင္
တစ္ခုအပါအဝင္ျဖစ္သည့္ ထင္ရွားအေရးပါသည့္ ေနရာလဲ ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
မ်ားစြာေသာ ၁၃ရာစု ပုဂံေခတ္ သာသနိက အေဆာက္အအံုမ်ားလည္း
တုရင္ေတာင္ေၾကာတစ္ေလ်ာက္ တည္ေဆာက္ထားၾကသည္။
အဆိုပါေတာင္တန္းတြင္ လက္တေလာစူးစမ္းရွာေဖြမႈသည္လည္း
သမိုင္းတန္ဘိုးအရ သာသနိကအေဆာက္အအံုမ်ားကဲ့သို႔အေရးပါေသာ
သက္စိုးေတာင္၏ အေရွ႕ဖက္အစြန္းတြင္တည္ရွိေသာ ေက်က္ေရကန္အား
အထူးျပဳေလ့လာျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ေဒသခံ ရြာသူရြာသားမ်ားက
၎ေက်ာက္ေရကန္အား နတ္ေရကန္ဟုေခၚဆိုမႈအရ
၎ေရေလွာင္ကန္ႀကီးသည္ ကနဦး ေရစုေဆာင္းသိုေလွာင္ၿပီးေနာက္
ပုဂံလြင္ျပင္ တစ္ေလ်ာက္ရွိ ေရေလွာင္ကန္မ်ား တူးေျမာင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ဆက္သြယ္၍
ေရျပန္လည္ ျဖန္႔ေဝေပးယံုသာ မကဘဲ ထြင္းထုထားေသာ
႐ုပ္လံုး႐ုပ္ႂကြမ်ားသည္လည္း ကန္ေရအား ဒုမဂၤလ
သန္႔ရွင္းစင္ၾကယ္မႈသေဘာေဆာင္၍ ျဖန္႔ေဝျခင္းျဖင့္ ပုဂံၿမိဳ႕အနီးတဝိုက္
၎ကန္ေရရာရွိရာ ေနရာေဒသမ်ား သာယာစည္ပင္ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေအာင္
ျပဳလုပ္စီမံထားသည္ဟု မွတ္ယူရပါသည္။ ဂႏၲဝင္ပုဂံ ေခတ္အတြင္း
ထင္ရွားခဲ့ေသာ နတ္ေရကန္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သတ္ဆက္ႏြယ္ေနေသာ စီးပြားေရး၊
ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ ဘာသာေရး စသည့္သေဘာတရားေရးရာ အဆင့္ဆင့္အား
နားလည္ေစရန္ ေရအရင္းအျမစ္အသံုးခ်သိပၸံပညာ၊
ေရွးေဟာင္းသုေတသနတူးေဖာ္မႈ ႏွင့္အတူ ႐ုပ္လံုး႐ုပ္ႂကြေလ့လာမႈ ႏွင့္
ေက်ာက္စာ စိစစ္ေတြ႕ရွိခ်က္မ်ားအား အသံုးျပဳ ေလ့လာတင္ျပသြားပါမည္။
Key words: ျမန္မာ၊ ပုဂံ၊ ေရ၊ ႐ိုးရာဓေလ့၊ သေဘာတရားေရးရာ
Journal Vol 3 (2019)
Fig 1.
Water, Ritual, and Prosperity at the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar
Location of Bagan and some of the other pre-industrial capitals of Southeast Asia. Source:
Scott Macrae
Bagan was subject to a monsoonal rainfall regime, and like other early tropical state
formations, it must have been challenged by periods of droughts and/or floods, some
minor and short-lived, others major and multi-decadal. Indeed, contemporary
communities in the region are frequently challenged by droughts, and severe famines
have also been historically documented (Scott 1976:1). The low annual rainfall that
characterizes Myanmar’s dry-zone today (500-1000 mm per annum) has led some to
presume that ancient Bagan was likely not particularly well suited for irrigation or
wet-rice cultivation (Aung-Thwin 1990:8; Cooler 1997:22-23; c.f., Hudson 2004:45,
194). That said, during its florescence the city likely received more rainfall than at
present (Hudson 2004:45; Lieberman 2003:101-112; Stadner 2013:12). This is
because Bagan’s era of growth and decline coincides with, and was undoubtedly
influenced by, two significant climate changes: The Medieval Climate Anomaly
(MCA; 900-1300 CE), marked by warmer conditions with increased rainfall, longer
monsoon seasons, shorter dry season droughts, and rains more evenly distributed
throughout the year – which were ideal conditions for agriculture – and the
subsequent Little Ice Age (LIA; 1300-1570 CE), a cooling period that brought
negative changes in both rainfall (i.e., droughts and severe storms) and temperature,
and hence deteriorating agricultural conditions (Buckley et al. 2010, 2014; Cook et al.
2010; Lieberman 2003:103, 2009:330, 792, 2011:939; Lieberman and Buckley
2012:1052; Wohlfarth et al. 2016; Wündsch et al. 2014; Yamoah et al. 2017).
Given its dry-zone location, and the vagaries of its monsoonal climate (Lieberman
2011; Lieberman and Buckley 2012), one might expect that Bagan would have
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developed sophisticated infrastructure to facilitate both the storage and redistribution
of water (Hudson 2004:44). Such a complex water management system is, however,
not readily apparent in the center’s peri-urban (mixed urban-rural) zone (Cooler
1997:22), at least when compared to its regional contemporaries – such as the Khmer
capital of Angkor (Kummu 2009) and the Sinhalese capitals of Anuradhapura and
Polonnaruwa (Geekiyange and Pushpakumara 2013; Gilliland et al. 2013) – where
exceptionally large reservoirs and extensive canal systems are found. Indeed, it has
been suggested that – other than the Ayeyarwady River – access to water was likely
an endemic issue at Bagan (Cooler 1997; Luce 1969:7). Does this mean that Bagan’s
citizens survived without the benefit of water management infrastructure? Not
necessarily. Bagan’s inscriptions and retrospective chronicles inform us that its kings
augmented the city’s water supply through the construction of wells, dams, canals,
and brick or stone-lined holding tanks (Aung-Thwin 1985:63; Kan Hla 1977:22; Luce
1969:76, 84, 256; Pe Muang Tin and Luce 1923:65, 131; Scarborough 2003:62-63;
Stargardt 1968:360-361). It is possible that these water management features may
have simply silted up over time (Hudson 2004:2, 266). The dearth of such features
may also reflect the fact that Bagan’s water management system had a subtler
character than those of its contemporaries (Moore et al. 2016:283; Win Kyaing 2016,
2018). Considered in unison, these observations imply that more detailed surface
reconnaissance and remote sensing strategies are required to fully appreciate how the
Bagan metropolis dealt with seasonal rainfall.
Water Management at Bagan: Investigation by the IRAW@Bagan Research
Project
The IRAW@Bagan project – which aims to generate an integrated socio-ecological
history for residential patterning, agricultural practices, and water management at
Bagan – initiated a more extensive analysis of the metropolis’s water management
system in May 2017 through visitations to known water management components,
and by searching for additional features (e.g., ponds, wells, canals) using both remote
sensing and surface reconnaissance (Figure 2). These activities included the
preliminary examination and 3D-imaging of Nat Yekan tank (aka Spirit Lake),
located atop the Thetso-Taung ridge, in the northern portion of the Tuyin mountain
range (Figure 2). Situated 11 km southeast of the Bagan epicenter, the Tuyin
mountain range rises roughly 140 m above the Bagan plain (240 m asl) and runs
approximately 14 km NNW-SSE (Figure 3). Although it comprises a relatively
narrow premonitory (ca. 1 km E-W at its base), the northern end of the range – Mount
Tuyin proper – figures prominently in the chronicles of early Bagan, as it was one of
five places around the city that a royal white elephant carrying a Buddha-tooth-relic
kneeled, prompting King Anawrahta (1044-1077 CE) to build a stupa there, now
known as the Tuyin-taung-zedi (Monument #2217; Figure 4; Hudson 2004:27; Pe
Muang Tin and Luce 1923:91, 109, 119, 147, 158; Stadtner 2011:222, 230, 2013:43).
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Water, Ritual, and Prosperity at the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar
Fig 2.
Google Earth image showing the location of Bagan’s walled epicenter (“Old Bagan”), its
major water management features, the Nat Yekan sacred water tank, and the Mya Kan
reservoir. Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 3.
The Tuyin mountain range as seen from the Bagan plain. Source: Gyles Iannone
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Fig 4.
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The Tuyin-taung-zedi (Monument #2217) at the northern end of the Tuyin mountain range.
Source: Gyles Iannone
The IRAW@Bagan research team was initially drawn to the Tuyin range because it
constitutes the only significant upland area on the Bagan plain, and as such it was
believed that it would have played a significant role in water management strategies at
the city, especially because these would have been based on collecting and
redistributing runoff from the monsoon showers (Win Kyaing 2016, 2018). Key here
is the potential connection between the flow of runoff downslope, from the western
side of the Tuyin range, towards the Mya Kan Reservoir (Figure 3; aka Emerald Lake
or Kyanzittha Reservior; Aung-Thwin 1990:28; Luce 1969:56; Moore et al.
2016:294-295). According to an inscribed pillar that once sat on it bank, this reservoir
was built in the late 11th century by King Kyanzittha (1084-1113 CE), although Luce
(1969:76, 345-346) notes that the retrospective chronicles erroneously attribute it to a
later ruler, King Kyazwa (1235-1249 CE; see also Cooler 1997:29; Hudson 2004:28).
Intrigued by the role that the Tuyin range likely played in Bagan’s broader water
management system, we initiated reconnaissance, mapping, hydrological modeling,
and excavations on the Thetso-Taung ridge in May 2018. Our excavation program
focused on two relic water tanks situated roughly 700 m south of the Tuyin-taungzedi (Figure 5), one located on the eastern side of the Thetso-Taung ridge – an
embankment-style tank known as Ka Tak Kan (sacred garlic pear or temple tree
[Crateva religiosa] lake) – the other being Nat Yekan, a rock-cut reservoir situated 60
m to the west, directly above the Mya Kan reservoir (Ni Tut 2013:166; see also
Moore et al. 2016:295; Nyan Hlaing Lynn 2017; Win Kyaing 2018:283). Having been
brought to scholarly attention only recently, Nat Yekan tank had yet to receive any
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Water, Ritual, and Prosperity at the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar
detailed investigation, although two “popular” publications had previously focused on
this important water management feature (Ni Tut 2013 and Nyan Hlaing Lynn 2017;
but see also Moore et al. 2016:295; Win Kyaing 2018:283). Our own investigations
indicate that Nat Yekan tank was hewn directly from the sandstone substrate,
although on its eastern side an 11 m long, 5 m high sandstone slab retaining wall was
used to close off the reservoir (Figure 6). A smaller (2.7 m long) section of retaining
wall was also used to close of the eastern corner of the north wall. The square tank is
roughly 16 m x 16 m in size, and if filled to capacity it would have held as much as
2000 m3 of water. Today, the tank only holds water on a seasonal basis (Figure 7).
Fig 5.
Google Earth map of the Tuyin-Thetso area showing the location of the Ka Tak Kan and Nat
Yekan water tanks, along with other related features. Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 6.
Drone photo of the Nat Yekan sacred water tank in May 2017 (note the carved stair in the
foreground). Source: Saw Tun Lin
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Fig 7.
SPAFA Journal Vol 3 (2019)
Pyiet Phyo Kyaw at the Nat Yekan sacred water tank in October 2013 (note the water
labyrinth image and carved stair in the background). Source Pyiet Phyo Kyaw
A Socio-Ecological History for Nat Yekan Tank and its Water Management
System
Our 2018 excavations examined the area associated with the embankment wall in the
northwest corner of Nat Yekan tank, and the central portion and northern
embankment wall of the Ka Tak Kan tank (Figure 8). These investigations generated
important insights into the basic engineering techniques associated with water tank
construction at Classical Bagan. Unfortunately, our excavations did not produce
significant quantities of ceramics – bulk lots were limited to small collections of
weathered earthenware – and we did not encounter suitable materials for radiocarbon
dating. For these reasons, our excavation results have been considered alongside the
epigraphic and chronicle histories in our efforts to craft a socio-ecological history for
both the Nat Yekan and Ka Tak Kan tanks, and the broader water management system
of which they were part.
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Fig 8.
Water, Ritual, and Prosperity at the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar
Excavations in Ka Tak Kan (upper right) and Nat Yekan (lower left) in May 2018. Source:
Gyles Iannone
Phase 1: The Late 11th Century Quarry Phase
Nat Yekan saw its first usage as a quarry for sandstone slabs (Figure 9; Nyan Hlaing
Lynn 2017; Win Kyaing 2016, 2018:283), and one or more of the three stairs leading
into the tank may have been carved during this “quarry phase” to facilitate removal of
these building materials (Figure 10). In terms of dating this quarrying activity, the
retrospective chronicles relate that stone was quarried from Mount Tuyin to build the
Shwe-zigon Pagoda (Monument #1; Figure 11; Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:109),
which was commissioned by King Kyanzittha and completed in 1086 CE (Luce
1969:43, 77). This is one of only four major architectural features at Bagan
constructed from sandstone, the others being the Nan-hpaya (Monument #1239) and
Kyauk-ku-umin (Monument #154) temples, and the Mya Kan library (Monument
#2241), the latter situated at the base of Mount Tuyin. Also noteworthy is a Glass
Palace Chronicle entry that states that the Shwe-zigon quarrying activities on Mount
Tuyin produced sandstone building blocks “three spans in length, one span in width”
(Pe Maung Tin and Luce 1923:109). If the traditional taung measurement was used (a
measurement from the thumb to the elbow; Moore and Win Maung 2018:124, 129),
this would mean that the blocks were 45.72 cm wide and 137.16 cm long. The quarry
scars exposed within Nat Yekan, and those found beneath its embankment wall during
our 2018 excavations (Figure 12) roughly conform to the Taung width, although they
vary in their length. In combination, this evidence provides some support for the idea
that Nat Yekan was quarried out in the late 11th century as part of the Shwe-zigon
construction program. Indeed, this massive pagoda would have called for a significant
amount of stone, and Nat Yekan is the largest “quarry” site so far identified on the
Tuyin range, other than the more informal quarry area located on the northwestern
flanks of Mount Tuyin proper (Figure 13).
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Fig 9.
SPAFA Journal Vol 3 (2019)
Northeastern stairway, symbolic stairway (cride stair), and sandstone “brick” wall enclosing
the eastern side of Nat Yekan tank (note quarry scars in the lower left corner of the photo).
Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 10. 3D image showing the location of Nat Yekan’s west, northwest, east, and “symbolic” (nonfunctional) stairs, facing north. Source: Gyles Iannone (3D image courtesy of Nyi Lynn Seck,
3xvivr Virtual Reality).
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Water, Ritual, and Prosperity at the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar
Fig 11. The Shwe-zigon Pagoda (Monument #1), Bagan. Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 12. Quarry scars exposed beneath the northwest embankment wall (forming an in-stepping
channel “choke” feature on the left side of the image, and a constricted water channel on the
right, both part of the tank’s spillway feature; photo taken facing south, into the Nat Yekan
tank). Source: Gyles Iannone
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Fig 13. Quarry area located at the northwest base of Mount Tuyin. Source: Gyles Iannone
Phase 2: Late 11th – 14th Century Spillway Phase
The Reservoir. The transformation of Nat Yekan quarry into a reservoir with a
spillway outlet involved the closing off of a large break in the natural sandstone wall
on the east side of the quarry using a thick embankment wall faced with stacked
sandstone slabs (Figure 9), and the laying down of a ca. 50 cm thick clay floor lining
(the latter was removed during the 2009 cleaning conducted by the Tuyin Monastery
and its local village supporters, although remnants of this lining have been identified
within the wall and floor crevasses of the stone-cut tank, and a similar lining was
exposed in the Ka Tak Kan tank [see Figure 14]). Given the highly compact nature
and permeability characteristics of the clay lining, it can be confidentially stated that –
as long as sufficient precipitation fell during the monsoon season and as long as the
lining was in place and functioning properly – Nat Yekan was capable of retaining
water year-round. At the time of its modification into a reservoir, its maximum water
holding capacity was somewhere around 1200 m3.
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Water, Ritual, and Prosperity at the Classical Capital of Bagan, Myanmar
Fig 14. Example of a clay floor lining and associated reservoir embankment wall in Ka Tak Kan tank.
Source: Gyles Iannone
In terms of dating the transformation from a quarry to a reservoir, we feel that this
occurred over a fairly short period of time, given that some of the quarry activities
were also employed to create the spillway situated in the northwest corner of the tank
(se Figure 12). The imprecisely dated Po-daw-mu hpaya inscription does document
the donation of a sandstone lake on Thetso-Taung in 1082 CE (Michael Aung-Thwin,
personal communication, October 10, 2018), but we cannot directly confirm that it is
the Nat Yekan tank that is referred to in this historic record. Other data directly
related to Nat Yekan does suggest that the quarry was transformed into a reservoir
with a spillway in its northwest corner sometime in the very late 11th or early 12th
century CE, including the application of a basic clay brick chronology outlined by
Thet Oo and Maung Hlaing (2014:7; see also Aung Myint and Moore 1991-1992;
Moore 2007:18, 2013:313; cf. Hudson 2004:123). Specifically, a large (35 cm long by
5 cm thick) 11th to early 12th century Early Bagan period (1044 to 1113 CE) brick was
included in the cut-stone facing wall that had been used to close off the east side of
the tank during its transformation into a reservoir (Figure 15). This brick adheres to
the “average” brick size for Bagan suggested by Cooler (2018) to be 36 x 18 x 6 cm
(cf. Moore and Win Maung 2018:129, 139). That the reservoir continued to be
maintained into the 12th and 13th centuries is implied by the presence of a smaller
brick (22 cm long by 6 cm thick) in the same section of the east wall dating to either
the Middle (1113-1174 CE) or Late Bagan (1174-1300 CE) period (Figure 16). This
use-life is corroborated by one of the rare iconographic elements found carved on the
west wall of Nat Yekan tank – a water labyrinth – which is an image also depicted in
a mural inside the early 12th century Loka-hteik-pan (#1580) Pagoda (1125 CE), and a
similar water labyrinth occurs in the early 13th century (1223 CE) Le-myet-hna
(Minnanthu, #447) Pagoda murals (Figure 17). These findings support the idea that
although this iconographic element was used sparingly at Bagan, it was part of the
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iconographic inventory used in the mural corpus during the “spillway phase,” when
Nat Yekan is proposed to have served as a water tank that directed its overflow into
the Mya Kan reservoir.
Fig 15. Early Bagan Period brick in the east wall of Nat Yekan tank. Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 16. Middle or Late Bagan Period brick in the east wall of Nat Yekan tank. Source: Gyles Iannone
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Fig 17. Left – water labyrinth image from Nat Yekan tank; Right – water labyrinth image from Lemyet-hna (Minnanthu) Pagoda (Monument #447), likely depicting Mahosadha-Jataka #546.
Source: Gyles Iannone
The Spillway. Additional insights into the timing of the modifications that
transformed the quarry into a reservoir come from the spillway outlet itself, a section
of which was exposed during our 2018 excavations beneath Nat Yekan’s northwest
embankment wall (Figure 12). Our investigations demonstrated that this area was first
modified during the removal of hard sandstone slabs destined for construction
projects on the Bagan plain, and possibly the mountain top itself. This quarrying not
only formed the deep reservoir portion of the tank, and the three stairs leading down
into it, but also the spillway. Specifically, the quarrying activities lowered the
northwest corner of the tank’s bedrock embankment wall significantly compared to
those encircling the rest of the tank, extending down to a layer of softer, laminated
mudstone not suitable for building blocks, but still impermeable enough to maintain
water flow. The natural south/southeast-to-north/northwest dip of this lower bedrock
level would have enhanced the initial gravity-based outflow of water from the tank,
thus forming the foundation of the spillway feature.
An exception to the aforementioned quarrying strategy was evident in the eastern side
of our excavations, where an elevated section of the harder sandstone suitable for
construction projects was preserved. The quarrying in this area formed an in-stepping
“choke” feature that would have significantly constricted the width of the flow
channel immediately preceding the spillway. In terms of open channel hydraulic
engineering (Farrington 1980; Ortloff et al. 1982), the choke feature and spillway – in
combination – would have maintained higher water levels and diminished flow
velocity behind the spillway, increased the velocity of the water flow but decreased its
depth immediately after the spillway (supercritical flow), and stimulated a subsequent
“hydraulic jump,” resulting in higher water levels and decreased flow velocity
downstream of the spillway (subcritical flow; e.g., Farrington 1980:287-301; Ortloff
et al. 1982:582-594). Such engineering would have fostered low velocity flow,
maintained critical water depths, and inhibited erosion (Ortloff et al. 1982:583) along
a cobble-walled channel that funneled overflow water away from Nat Yekan, to the
northwest, and ultimately, the Mya Kan reservoir. Continued use of this tried-and-true
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method of gravity-driven, inertia-aided (Farrington 1980:294) aqueduct construction
can be witnessed south of Bagan, in the Minbu rice-growing region (see Figure 18).
Fig 18. Contemporary choke and sluice gate along the aqueduct system at Minbu. Source: Gyles
Iannone
The spillway interpretation is lent credence by an inscribed pillar (Mya Kan
Inscription) and related Glass Palace Chronicle entry indicating that King Kyansittha
“dammed” the Mya Kan reservoir (Emerald Lake) at the western base of Mount
Tuyin “before 1098” CE (Duroiselle 1920:131-143; Luce 1969:76-77; see Table 9.2),
and that the water for the Mya Kan reservoir fell from the nearby mountain, clearly
referencing the western side of Tuyin-Thetso (Luce 1969:56, 345; Pe Maung Tin and
Luce 1923:156; see Figures 19 and 20). The related chronicle entry specifically states
that the King:
“dammed the water falling from the foot of Mt. Tuywin [Tuyin] and made a great
lake. He filled it with the five kinds of lotus and caused all manner of birds, duck,
sheldrake, crane, waterfowl, and ruddy goose to take their joy and pastime therein.
Near the lake he laid out many tā of cultivated fields; it is said he ate [produced]
three crops a year. Hard by the lake he built a pleasant royal lodge, and took
delight in study seven times a day” (Luce 1969:345; Pe Muang Tin and Luce
1923:156; emphasis ours).
Our 2017-2018 reconnaissance demonstrated that Nat Yekan’s spillway feature is
indeed connected to a seasonally dry water fall (Figure 20) situated on the western
edge of Thetso-Taung summit via a water channel that is, at least partially, culturally
modified. Our on-the-ground investigations also confirmed that water falling from
this locale would have flowed directly into the Mya Kan reservoir via a channel that
originates at the base of the water fall (Figure 21). We strongly believe that it is this
water fall area that is being referenced in the Glass Palace Chronicle entry, and we
therefore posit that the Nat Yekan reservoir that fed this water fall was likely
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functioning coincidently, or shortly after, the construction of the Mya Kan reservoir,
in and around 1098 CE.
Fig 19. The Mya Kan Inscription. Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 20. The seasonally dry Thetso-Taung waterfall, (the white spot in the upper center of the picture),
with the Mya Kan Reservoir in the foreground (Nat Yekan Tank is located on the ridge in the
upper right corner of the image). Source: Gyles Iannone
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Fig 21. Drainage channel at the base of the Thetso-Taung waterfall, to the southeast of the Mya Kan
reservoir. Source: Gyles Iannone
The Tank Interior. Other features of Nat Yekan also speak to its broader function,
beyond that of simply water collection. A round hole, ca 20 cm in diameter, is carved
into the very center of the tank (Figure 22). This depression likely held a pillar that
served as a water depth measuring device, as is seen in some nearby village and
pagoda water tanks today (Figures 23 and 24). Such pillars are often topped with
carved lotus buds, a symbol that is connected to purity, fertility, and prosperity in the
Buddhist belief system (Ward 1952). More specifically, the lotus symbolizes
“creation out of water” (Ward 1952:138; Wolters 1999:81). That such a “lotus bud
pillar” was once positioned in the center of Nat Yekan tank is leant support by the
discovery in 2018 of one half of a stone pillar support with a cavity precisely the same
size as the hole in the bottom of the tank (Figure 25).
Fig 22. A hand-cut round hole in the center of the Nat Yekan tank which was possibly used to hold a
“lotus pillar” that was symbolic of fertility and useful for gauging water levels. Source: Gyles
Iannone
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Fig 23. Lotus pillar in the center of the water tank at the Dhamma-yazika Pagoda (Monument #947).
Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 24. Lotus pillar in the center of the water tank at Minnanthu Village, the tank being seasonally
dry. Source: Gyles Iannone
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Fig 25. Half of a pillar support discovered in Nat Yekan during the 2018 field season. Source: Gyles
Iannone
As noted previously, Nat Yekan tank also contains three flights of carved stairs, one
on the west wall (running from south to north), one in the northwest corner (running
roughly southwest to northeast), and one in the northeast corner of the tank (running
east to west; see Figure 10). Each of these stairways descends into the tank to a
different level. A fourth set of steps was carved into the east wall – below the stoneslab retaining wall – but these are likely symbolic, as they are far too small for actual
use (Figure 26). The multiple stairways leading down into the Nat Yekan tank are
reminiscent of the intricate stairway systems associated with the stepwells (baoli) of
Medieval India. These stepwells were long used to provide potable water and to
contend with drought conditions, in addition to offering space for leisure, social
gatherings, and ritual practices (Bhattacharya 2015:36; Shubhangi and Shireesh
2015). Significantly, Indian stepwells “were often carved profusely with elaborate
detail” (Bhattacharya 2015:36), and they were frequently associated with temples
(Shubhangi and Shireesh 2015:29). Studies of the Indian stepwells indicate that they
vary considerably in terms of their “size and form types, scales, access and use and
the potentiality they have” (Shubhangi and Shireesh 2015:32).
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Fig 26. Symbolic (non-functional) stair carved into the sandstone bedrock of the east wall. Source:
Gyles Iannone
Iconography. A number of iconographic images are also carved into Nat Yekan’s
walls (Ni Tut 2013; Nyan Hlaing Lynn 2017; Win Kyaing 2018:283). These include:
1) a water labyrinth – likely representing the water tank “with a thousand bends in the
bank and a hundred bathing places” in the Mahosadha-Jataka #546 (Luce 1956:294,
301) – a water lizard or “water dragon,” a Naga-serpent, two hamsa birds (possibly
the Ruddy Shelduck, a goose that migrates from the Himalayas, through India, and
into Myanmar; Stadtner 2011:134), a large fish, and a possible third goose, all facing
south, and all found in association with the stair carved into the west wall (Figure 27);
2) a Naga-Buddha or Buddha-Muchalinda image situated in a niche – representing the
story of the Naga King using his hood and tail to protect the meditating Buddha from
a rain storm in the 6th week following his enlightenment (Fisher 1993:23, 175; Leidy
2008:170; Luce 1969:171; Moore 2007:244; Stadner 2013:34; Ward 1952:144) – and
a crocodile or Makara (water monster), both found in the northwest corner of the tank
(Figure 28); and, 3) an egret or crane, three tortoises, and two small fish facing each
other, all carved into the tank’s southern wall (Figure 29). Water imagery is clearly
evident in all of these depictions, not only in basic biological terms, but also with
respect to the association that these symbols have with water in the Jataka Stories of
the Buddha’s previous lives, and in the life of Gautama Buddha himself. Many are
also tied to notions of purity, fertility, prosperity, and power within the Buddhist
belief system (e.g., Beer 2003:5, 69, 72, 77, 97; Fisher 1993:23; Ward 1952:144-146).
Considered in unison, this iconography suggests that, although it undoubtedly served
as a source of potable water for both monks and construction crews (Moore et al.
2016:295), broader symbolic meaning is also inherent in Nat Yekan tank. The
question remains, to what purpose was such symbolism aimed?
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Fig 27. Iconography associated with Nat Yekan’s west wall. Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 28. Iconography associated with Nat Yekan’s northwest corner. Source: Gyles Iannone
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Fig 29. Iconography associated with Nat Yekan’s south wall. Source: Gyles Iannone
Ideology: One final feature of Nat Yekan provides a clue to the tank’s broader
significance. As part of the creation of the spillway feature, the northwest corner of
the tank’s natural sandstone enclosure wall was purposely cut down by roughly 1-1.5
m, in a clearly symmetrically manner (Figure 30). Intriguingly, the very center of this
lower portion of the tank’s rock-cut wall – which is roughly 8 m in length –
articulates precisely with the top of the carved niche containing the Naga-Buddha
image, and it is also axially aligned with the most western inside face of the instepped choke feature that constricted the flow channel immediately preceding the
spillway. Also noteworthy is the fact that the northwest stair begins its descent into
the tank at exactly the same elevation as the down-cut portion of the enclosure wall
and terminates at an altar feature at the base of the Muchalinda image. In other words,
the lower portion of the tank’s rock-cut enclosure wall, the northwest stairway, the
altar, the Naga-Buddha image, and the spillway were unquestionably all used at the
same time, and they were also symmetrically arranged. We therefore suggest that the
northwest portion of Nat Yekan tank initially served as a rock-cut spillway that
directed overflowing water across the top of the Naga-Buddha image and out of the
tank, where it was channeled downslope, into the catchment zone of the Mya Kan
Reservoir. This flow pattern, we believe, was aimed at sanctifying the water as it
flowed out of the tank, thus tying this life-giving substance, the water tank, and the
mountain itself, to notions of purity, fertility, prosperity, and power (e.g., Beer
2003:5, 69, 72, 77, 97; Fisher 1993:23). In other words, we propose that Nat Yekan
served as the physical and spiritual apex of Bagan’s broader water management
system.
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Fig 30. Imagery/modifications in the Northwest corner of Nat Yekan. Source: Gyles Iannone
The Water Management System. But what of the system that Nat Yekan was
presumably part? Our archaeological reconnaissance identified a complex set of water
management features that encompass the entirety of the Thetso-Taung ridge (Figure
31). Our findings confirm that Classical engineers used the natural topography, in
conjunction with a series of channels, terraces, and tanks, to effectively collect and
redistribute water derived entirely from rainfall. Nat Yekan tank was a key node in
this water management system, and it functioned as the terminal collection and
distribution point that fed the expansive Mya Kan Reservoir situated at the base of the
Tuyin-Thetso uplands, to the west (Figure 36; Aung-Thwin 1990:28; Luce 1969:56).
Water entered the Nat Yekan tank through two primary rock-cut and stone-lined
channels. One channel ran along the western side of the Thetso-Taung ridge, starting
from a small collection tank at the base of Monument #2225, eventually discharging
into the southwestern corner of Nat Yekan. Two additional collection tanks were
located along the northward path of this channel, and these served to collect
additional water and to divert it into Nat Yekan’s southern feeder system. A second
channel fed water from a smaller reservoir on the eastern side the Thetso-Taung ridge,
from the southeast to the northwest, where it discharged into the southeast corner of
Nat Yekan tank. The creation of this intricate water management system was likely
aimed at taking advantage of the beneficial precipitation regime associated with the
Medieval Climate Anomaly (MCA; 900-1300 CE).
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Fig 31. Major components of the Thetso-Taung water management system. Source: Scott Macrae
Religion. A series of religious structures, including a number of small temples – some
with associated inscription houses and/or small shrines containing Buddha statues –
were also established on Thetso-Taung during the spillway phase, including
Monuments 2223, 2224, and 2225 (Pichard 2001:202-209; see Figures 31 and 32).
Most of these are believed to have been constructed in the 13th century, and many
have been renovated in more recent times. Significantly, two of these monuments, #s
2223 and 2225, are associated with small rock-cut water tanks (Figure 33). This
physically connects them with water storage, and symbolically ties them – at least to
some degree – to water-related rituals and broader notions of fertility and prosperity.
Intriguingly, not only is Monument 2225 physically connected to a rock-cut tank that
serves as the initial collection node in Thetso-Taung’s wider water management
system, its building façade incorporates a depiction of the head of a water-serpent, or
makara (Figure 34). Although this façade was likely added to the temple in recent
times, it is a poignant reminder of the symbolic connection between Thetso-Taung
and water-related activities, of both the secular and sacred variety.
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Fig 32. Google earth image of the Thetso-Taung water management system. Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 33. Rock-cut tank associated with Monument #2225. Source: Gyles Iannone
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Fig 34. Makara or water-serpent image (note the protruding mouth and nose/nostrils) associated with
the façade of Monument #2225. Source: Gyles Iannone
Phase 3: 14th Century Embankment Phase
Our 2018 excavations above the spillway in the northwest corner of Nat Yekan tank
indicate that this water outlet was eventually covered by an embankment engineered
to retain water (Figure 35; it remains unclear whether the rest of the tank saw
additional embankment work at this time). This would have increased the holding
capacity of the tank from 1200 to 2000 m3 of water. We believe that this modification
was carried out in the early 14th century, coinciding with the onset of the Little Ice
Age (LIA) climate regime (1300-1570 CE), with its marked decline in precipitation
and frequent droughts. We surmise that it was a combination of factors that
contributed to the decision to modify Nat Yekan into a more traditional water
collection and storage feature: 1) the drier climate regime may have stimulated a
desire to retain as much water on top of the Thetso-Taung ridge as possible, in order
to meet the needs of the monasteries, monks, temple personnel, and pilgrims that
frequented this place; 2) the breakdown of Bagan’s overarching political and
economic systems may have also diminished the Crown’s ability to maintain the
large-scale, tightly integrated, water management system that had manifest during
times of plenty; and, 3) the general trend towards decentralization may have fostered
more localized control of resources of all kinds, including water, resulting in the
disarticulation of state infrastructure and concomitant efforts to enhance village-level
autonomy and resilience, all at the expense of the Crown (this is a common response
to significant climate perturbances). We suspect that Ka Tak Kan, the fully embanked
water tank on the east side of the Thetso-Taung ridge – which is not fully integrated
into the rest of the Nat Yekan water management system – was likely also built at this
time to enhance the water collection and storage capacity of the Thetso-Taung ridge
(see Figures 31 and 32).
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Fig 35. Excavations into the reservoir embankment wall in the northwest corner of Nat Yekan tank.
Source: Gyles Iannone
Discussion and Conclusions
In summary, we propose that Nat Yekan was not simply a collection node within
Bagan’s broader water management system. Rather, during the spillway phase this
reservoir appears to have been integral not only to the initial collection and
subsequent redistribution of water across the Bagan plain via a series of
interconnected canals and reservoirs, but also, through its associated iconographic
imagery, it may have been intended to symbolically purify this water, enhancing its
fertility prior to its flowing downslope, into the city’s peri-urban zone. Indeed, we
believe that Nat Yekan’s iconographic elements served a similar purpose as the
imagery found in association with the intricately carved river beds along the Stung
Kbal Spean River in the Kulen Hills, northeast of the Khmer city of Angkor (Figure
36). Here, water was made to flow over and around a series of Shaivite symbols
(Boulbet 1979; Chevance 2005; Feneley et al. 2016:282-284; Hendrickson 2011:451;
Jacques and Dumont 1999; Tan 2014:3), many of which – such as carved linga – are
clearly tied to notions of fertility (Tawa 2001:134). These symbolically charged water
management nodes, and the extensive water storage and redistribution system of
which they were part, celebrated the Angkor king’s role as guarantor of prosperity for
the Khmer kingdom (Tawa 2001:141). Similar Hindu iconography is also associated
with the river bed at the Sahasralinga pilgrimage site on the Shalmala River, in the
Indian state of Karnataka. Apparently, iconographic embellishments to river beds and
stone-cut tanks was a common means through which water was transformed into a
more sacred, and ideologically vital, substance in the pre-industrial states of
monsoonal South and Southeast Asia. This may explain why the iconography of Kbal
Spean and Nat Yekan overlaps in some significant ways, including the use of similar
Naga-serpent themes (Figure 37) and crocodile images (Figure 38), even though the
Khmer symbolism references Hindu beliefs, and the Burmese context favors Buddhist
principles.
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Fig 36. The carved river bed at Kbal Spean, Phnom Kulen, Cambodia (note the abundance of yoni
and linga). Source: Gyles Iannone
Fig 37. Left – Kbal Spean iconography depicting Visnu resting on Ananta (Sesha), both floating on
the cosmic ocean at the time of creation; Right – Nat Yekan iconography depicting the Naga
King using his hood and tail to protect the meditating Buddha from a rain storm. Source:
Gyles Iannone
Fig 38. Crocodile images at Kbal Spean (left) and Nat Yekan (right). Source: Gyles Iannone
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The integral relationship between water management and ritual practice – and the
broader implications this relationship has for the development of state ideologies, the
characteristics of political organizations, and the nature of societal inequalities – has
been demonstrated throughout the world’s monsoonal regions (e.g., Boomgaard
2007:15; Lansing 1991; Scarborough and Lucero 2010; Scarborough 2003:84, 88).
Across Southeast Asia, iconographic imagery has long been employed to reaffirm the
ideological connection between water and ritual (Boomgaard 2007:6). As has been
underscored by Barbara Andaya (2016:243): “For Southeast Asian societies
generally, ritual water was highly valued because of its life-giving, healing, and
transformative properties. Together with the appropriate ceremonial, the very act of
pouring water over a tangible emblem of fertility (like an upright linga) could ensure
the community’s well-being.” Similarly, Bob Hudson (2004:209) underscores that:
“Buddhist cosmology and practice are bound up with the ritual pouring of water,
reflecting the story of how Buddha, at the moment of his enlightenment, was able to
call on the water he had poured in previous lives to witness his good deeds to come
back and wash away the forces of evil.” We surmise that at Bagan, similar ideological
principals underpinned the basic construction and symbolic embellishment of the Nat
Yekan “sacred water tank.” This would also imply that the Tuyin-Thetso uplands are
an example of what Vernon Scarborough (1998) has referred to as “water mountains”:
specialized ritual and economic nodes that enhance basic lifeways, socio-political
integration, and agricultural production through the collection, sanctification, and
redistribution of water, often under the auspices and patronage of societal elites
(Scarborough 2003:84).
Acknowledgements. We express our gratitude to the Ministry of Religious Affairs and
Culture and the Department of Archaeology and the National Museum for allowing us
to carry out our field work at Bagan, and for facilitating our research visas.
Particularly noteworthy is the encouragement and assistance provided by Director
General for Archaeology, U Kyaw Oo Lwin, and Director of International Relations,
Daw Mie Mie Khaing. In Bagan, the project benefited from discussions with, and
support from, Deputy-Director General, U Thein Lwin, U Aung Aung Kyaw, Director
of the Bagan Archaeology Branch, and both Ye Lwin and Nyein Lwin of the
Department of Archaeology. The Department of Archaeology in Bagan also provided
housing for some of the IRAW@Bagan team members at their compound in Old
Bagan, and Director U Aung Aung Kyaw and his GIS team graciously shared GIS
resources useful for our hydrological and settlement studies. We extend our
appreciation to U Nandavamsa, Abbot of Tuyin Monastery, for assisting with our
preliminary investigations at the Nat Yekan sacred water tank in 2017, and for
helping us with lodging, food, and storage space during our 2018 investigations. Nyi
Lynn Seck, of 3xvivr – Virtual Reality Productions donated his time and equipment to
help us generate the high resolution, 3D representation of the interior of the tank. A
number of experts in the archaeology of Myanmar also provided us with useful
insights and inspiration, including Michael Aung-Thwin, Bob Hudson, Elizabeth
Moore, and Janice Stargardt. We graciously acknowledge the generous financial
assistance of the National Geographic Society, who funded our 2018 research though
an Explorer Grant. Finally, the PI extends his thanks to Trent University for providing
seed funds for the 2017 research program as part of the Vice-President of Research
Strategic Initiatives Grant program.
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