1
This is a pre-print of the article Leaver, T., & Highfield, T. (2016). Visualising the Ends of Identity: PreBirth and Post-Death on Instagram. Information, Communication & Society.
https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2016.1259343
Visualising the Ends of Identity: PreBirth and Post-Death on Instagram
Tama Leaver, Department of Internet Studies, Curtin University, t.leaver@curtin.edu.au
Tim Highfield, Digital Media Research Centre, QUT, t.highfield@qut.edu.au
Introduction
The beginnings and ending of life are moments where groups communicate extensively, sharing the
full range of human emotion, but also moments where those being discussed are not able to directly
participate in the dialogue. In this article we explore these exchanges online by examining the two
‘ends’ of identity—birth and death—as they are captured and discussed on the visual social media
platform Instagram. Focusing on two events within the wider experience of birth and death –
ultrasounds during pregnancy, and funerals – we examine both ends of identity in an attempt to
surface commonalities in the way that individuals use visual social media when sharing information
about others who cannot speak or interact for themselves: the latter shape the content (and may
appear within it), and are responsible for the meaning drawn from it, yet are not directly or explicitly
participating. Our investigation is framed by questions of privacy, agency and legacy, which are
inescapable in the contemporary context of an online culture where real identities are the norm, and
information surveillance of various forms are commonplace. However, given the paucity of research
on the Instagram platform to date, we also document other frames and themes that emerge,
demonstrating a wider range of visual social media uses and practices relating to birth and death.
These life processes are complicated and feature various events, the details of which are
represented in (and influenced by) social media activity and the affordances of individual platforms:
the analyses featured in this paper focus on one platform and specific aspects of birth and death
with their own particular practices (culturally and through their depiction on social media), but these
also call for further examination of how birth and death are experienced and represented on
different platforms.
Existing literature regarding foetal ultrasound sharing on social media is minimal: emerging literature
has focused on the way ultrasound sharing is an increasing part of the ritual of pregnancy (Lupton,
2013); is part of a trend toward gamifying and regulating pregnancy via apps (Lupton & Thomas,
2015); and normalises a culture of sharing and surveillance of young people by parents (Leaver,
2015b). Our examination is framed with these existing rituals and questions of regulation and
surveillance in mind, but also specifically focuses on the question of sociality and how ultrasound
sharing is situated more broadly in everyday sharing practices relating to the beginnings of life.
To date, most studies examining death and mourning on social media have focused on Facebook
(Giaxoglou, 2015; Kohn, Nansen, Arnold, & Gibbs, 2012; Pennington, 2014) or now largely defunct
platforms such as MySpace (e.g. Brubaker & Hayes, 2011). As Marwick and Ellison note,
memorialisation and identity are complicated terrain on social media: “impression management is
2
complicated in Facebook memorial pages, as the person is not present in the social network to
censor or monitor what is said about him or her” (2012, p. 381). Social media traces and assets left
behind by deceased users present ongoing issues without clear processes clarified neither by social
norms nor legal precedents (Acker & Brubaker, 2014). While the various overlapping contexts of
mourners can produce antagonistic responses, Facebook memorial pages and memorialised
accounts nevertheless clearly focus on a deceased individual and the comments left shape that
person’s social media legacy, often quite profoundly (Marwick & Ellison, 2012). Affording a collective
and often public space for online mourning regarding a specific individual also brings the challenge
of deliberate desecration and ‘trolling’ of these spaces (Phillips, 2011). Mourning on the Instagram
platform provides a markedly different type of space; while Facebook profiles and pages are
anchored to the deceased individual, in addition to individual users’ expressions of grief and
reflection on their own timelines, this memorialisation process is not yet in place on Instagram.
Instead, Instagram mourning is framed by the accounts of users who are in mourning. Individual
users thus use Instagram (as well as other social media) to document their own loss and grief as part
of a stream of personal imagery, most of which is unlikely to be related to death, rather than as a
bespoke and specific arena for grieving or remembrance.
The Ends of Identity
There are many ways of conceptualising identity and personhood as mediated by social and digital
media, but one of the most popular frameworks is that of the networked self and networked publics.
As danah boyd (2010) argues, this framework for understanding identity online emphasises four
core characteristics: firstly, that personal data is persistent, where once created or shared it
does not necessarily ever go away and may remain available in various forms indefinitely;
secondly, identity information is easily duplicated and is thus replicable; thirdly, data about
individuals is infinitely scalable in that the difference between making one copy or a thousand
copies is insignificant across digital networks; and finally identity information is searchable in
that the main way that identities are accessed and organised is via platforms either dedicated to
search (such as Google) or widely searchable (such as Facebook). Importantly, identity
information also circulates on primarily corporately owned platforms, subject to legal Terms of
Use more so than government regulation (Aufderheide, 2010). Along very similar lines, Anne
Helmond (2010) adds two important points: online identities are never treated as complete,
instead platforms always encourage the sharing of more and more material; and identities are
not just formed by users themselves, but are importantly also shaped by what other people post
about that individual, making identity fashioning online a co-creative process. The shared
assumption underpinning these models is that individual user agency is the key to managing online
identities. In many cases, this is the appropriate response, and making platforms more accountable,
or protecting individual privacy more comprehensively, may be achieved by giving users more
granular control of what information is shared with specific audiences. However, in contexts where
the individuals being talked about lack agency, solutions are less clear-cut.
Sociologist Erving Goffman (1959) argued that self is a presentation or performance, although not an
insincere one, but rather the sense of self put forward is contextually determined: in each context a
particular self is performed on the frontstage, while the more essential self, inaccessible to others, is
backstage. Extending Goffman’s metaphor, examining the ends of identity—that is, looking at birth
3
and death as part of identity—begs the questions who builds the stage, and how will the
performance be remembered? More explicitly, who has the reigns of a young person’s online
identity before that person can exercise agency themselves, and how are the digital and online
traces of someone’s life managed after they die?
While identities on the internet and the early world wide web were often very fluid, with
individuals often using a range of avatars and handles as their names and faces in everyday
exchanges, that is far from the norm today. Rather, both national governments and large online
corporations have systematically pushed toward what is often dubbed the real-name web,
where a single authentic self, name and identity is expected in both online and offline contexts
(van Dijck, 2013; van Zoonen, 2013). This is typified by Facebook and Google not only providing
their own encompassing platforms, but also acting as identity arbiters, offering to authenticate
and verify user identities to log into other online platforms, tools and services (Helmond, 2015).
However, for a range of people and groups the loss of anonymity or even acceptable
pseudonymity in many contexts can prove harmful (van der Nagel & Frith, 2015). When exploring
the ends of identity, the persistence of a single authentic online identity means that information
shared about young people or babies, even before they are born, may very well persist as an
inescapable part of the way they are represented online (Leaver, 2015b). Similarly, mourning
practices and personal grief at funerals may end up permanently added to the digital traces found
through search engines after a person has passed away (Marwick & Ellison, 2012). These elements
are also intrinsically linked to the individuals sharing the content: the traces may influence targeted
advertising and algorithmic recommendations based on birth and death-related content, regardless
of the context and indeed what happens after posting (e.g. whether a previously-announced
pregnancy is successful or not).
The circulation of ultrasounds and mourning on visual social media has gradually become a
normalised part of everyday online interactions, at least within a Western context (and how
pregnancy, birth, and death more broadly are expressed and depicted online are also a response to
cultural norms and rituals). Indeed, sharing of the first ultrasound images on social media has
become a ‘rite of pregnancy for many women’ (Lupton, 2013, p. 42), with the first scan often
celebrated as something akin to the first baby photo. This form of sharing can be understood as
‘intimate surveillance’ which entails the ‘purposeful and almost always well-intentioned
surveillance of young people by parents, guardians, friends, and so forth’ (Leaver, 2015b).
Intimate surveillance captures the tension that comes with celebratory sharing which, often
inadvertently, might begin a long trail of personal information tracked by online corporations for the
purposes of identifying the details of individuals in order to maximise their advertising capabilities. In
terms of mourning and digital legacies, social media material created during periods of mourning,
and the already existing traces of individuals which persist posthumously, present new challenges in
terms of memory, archives, inheritance and cultural heritage (Leaver, 2013; Pitsillides, Jeffries, &
Conreen, 2012). Deciding what information about someone persists after they die, in which
contexts, and who gets to make that determination, is a complex arena in which there are neither
legal nor cultural norms for online behaviour and practice. Our analysis here focuses on personal
experiences and narratives, where information about the deceased might be less (publicly) known
than for celebrity cases, where a marked difference in the scale of coverage and processes of shared
grieving may be apparent (Harju, 2015; see also Klastrup, 2015, on parasocial mourning). At the
4
same time, though, the processes of engaging with birth and death on social media may take similar
forms for the personal and mundane and the extraordinary and celebrity, at different scales, and the
ideas and implications of constructing meaning through others, of unknown performativity and
projecting upon these individuals, are important considerations in these settings. Thus, our aim in
focusing on birth and death, on those areas which necessarily address individuals who do not have
their own agency on social media, is to develop a more robust understanding of networked digital
communication and identity practices where identities, communication and memory are necessarily
social, mindful of the uneven power dynamics of that sociality (Leaver, 2015a).
Method: Collecting Instagram Images
As José van Dijck (2008) argues, while digitisation is far from the only cause, it is nevertheless the
case that as part of recent social, cultural and technological shifts, digital photography has
substantially increased the use of photographic images as means of communication, identity
formation and social interaction compared to more historical understandings of photography as a
medium of memory. The particular aesthetics and affordances of the visual social media app and
platform Instagram, including its mobile nature and growing popularity, enable both popular
practices and its own uses and tropes, its ‘platform vernacular’ (Gibbs, Meese, Arnold, Nansen, &
Carter, 2015). This is not uncontested, though, for the norms and guidelines of Instagram may
promote or deny particular media types or content (as political, hateful, or inappropriate, for
instance), which may also be circumvented or challenged (Tiidenberg, 2015; Olszanowski, 2014).
Instagram was chosen as a source for visual social media around birth and death due to the
platform’s increasingly widespread use and the comparative accessibility for researchers, compared
for example to its larger parent corporation Facebook. Launched in 2010 and bought by Facebook in
2012, Instagram reports having 400 million active users, is available on Android and Apple devices,
and continues to evolve as a platform in its own right. Accompanying this growth has been a related
app ecology with a huge range of third-party apps, as well as Instagram’s own Layout, Hyperlapse
and Boomerang.
Utilising Instagram mapping methods we have detailed in depth elsewhere (Highfield & Leaver,
2015), we used the Instagram application programming interface (API) to collate metadata about
items in which the media item’s caption included specific hashtags. The resulting metadata included
a range of potential fields, including details about the Instagram user, the date, a location or
geographic coordinates (if specified), the caption (text accompanying the visual media), the number
of comments from other users, the number of likes, and so forth. Notably, these metadata fields are
publicly available not only to researchers, but other Instagram users, corporations, or anyone
accessing Instagram either via the app, third party tools, or directly via the API.
Derived from social and technical conventions normalised on other platforms (Page, 2012; Halavais,
2014), hashtags provided a clear mechanism to surface Instagram media relating to birth and death.
There are a wide range of terms relating to birth and death and in our exploratory searches to
identify those widely used we ran hashtag searches on the following terms: born, birth, newborn,
ultrasound, sonogram, dead, death, RIP, grave, funeral, memorial, vale, and in memorium. After
sorting through the first forty results from each term of relevancy (proportion linked to the concept
being explored) and currency (number of images within the last 24 hours) initially, four hashtags
were tracked: #birth, #ultrasound, #RIP and #funeral. However, both the #RIP and #birth hashtags
5
proved to be used in a very wide manner, hailing such a diverse range of practices and events that
they proved overwhelmingly complex. Instead, we focused on two event-specific tags associated
with birth and death as a means of variously thinking about pregnancy and birth, and visualising
individuals before they are born, and of exploring the way posthumous individuals are visualised and
memorialised on social media. These collections only represent certain moments, occurring before
and after birth and death respectively, and neither depicts actual birth or death: we use these
collections as a starting point for a wider consideration of identity and sharing practices that concern
both the individuals posting the media and others who are explicitly and implicitly featured yet not
actively participating in the creation or publication of this content. We were mindful, too, that just
because these items had specific hashtags, these tags do not necessarily indicate the person posting
intended or imagined that the images were part of a meaningful collection of funeral-related or
ultrasound-related media. These tags are unlikely to suggest the users in question were seeking to
be part of an imagined community of ultrasound sharers or mourners on Instagram. Rather, the use
of hashtags in both of these instances appears largely descriptive, explaining to that user’s existing
audience the context and content of the media shared. Finally, while not featured in the analysed
media, the two hashtags featured here are not necessarily mutually exclusive. An ultrasound may
end up being the sole image of record of an unborn child, and could potentially be used as part of a
grieving process as well as a more celebratory announcement (for more discussion of social media
and parental grief, see af Segerstad & Kasperowski, 2015).
All Instagram metadata and media captured and analysed was completely public according to
Instagram’s platform settings. However, we are mindful that absolute public/private distinctions at
the level of code are insufficient to determine user intent; rather, following Markham and Buchanan
(2012) we were mindful that technically public media may nevertheless not have been shared with a
wide audience in mind. When Instagram was initially released, it was only available to iPhone users,
only accessible on mobile devices, and was only navigable via the Instagram app itself. Over time,
the app has changed significantly, adding a version for mobile devices using the Android operating
system, adding the means to view public Instagram media on the web, adding the ability to embed
specific Instagram images in other websites, altering various other parameters of accessibility, and
notably being purchased by Facebook. In this shifting terrain, even if Instagram images were
technically public years ago, the experience of using the app may have felt largely private. Over
time, the changes to the platform have meant it is far easier to surface technically public Instagram
media on mobiles, the traditional web, or via many third-party apps and interfaces. Given this
shifting experience of privacy, we have elected to avoid including specific examples of Instagram
media in this published form, relying instead on textual description.
To collect the metadata and Instagram media for our investigation, we used scripts to query the
Instagram API on a recurring basis, rather than standalone collections and snapshots, to note those
Instagram images and videos published with the #ultrasound or #funeral hashtag for three months,
from March to May 2014. We collated the metadata for these three months to gain a quantitative
overview of the media generated, establishing the frequency and size of each type of image. For this
article, we are focusing on the qualitative (boyd and Crawford, 2012) aspects of this data.
Approximately a fortnight after the initial posting of the media, we selected a 48 hour period
(Monday 10 and Tuesday 11 March) and temporarily downloaded the images and videos available
from that period for closer examination. These media items were individually coded to surface
common elements within the two collections, and across them. The categories used were not
6
mutually exclusive. In the first instance we focused on the visual media, but where it was helpful in
understanding the context or intent of the post, the captions and comments were read to ensure
accurate coding of the images and videos. Referring back to captions helped to confirm intertextual
content making use of images drawn from other sources, such as screencaps from film and
television. Notably, in the period of time between downloading the metadata about Instagram
media and actually capturing the media items themselves, a number of items were no longer
available, and thus not available for coding. The two possible reasons for this are that either the
media item was deleted or the account posting that image was made private (Instagram does not
distinguish between these two states when informing a user that a media item is no longer
available).
At the time we captured the data there were only 200 million Instagram users, which is far from
representative of all users online or using mobile devices. The platform is particularly popular with
younger people and simply by virtue of using a mobile device, users must be of a particular level of
economic affluence. Similarly, using English language hashtags has necessarily limited the pool of
Instagram users to primarily English-speaking. There is likely a much wider range of culturally and
linguistically diverse practices around both ultrasounds and funeral images on Instagram than is
represented in these collections: global experiences of funerals and other rituals of memorialisation
and death might treat them not as necessarily solemn events but as celebrations (see, e.g., the
Ghanaian funerals discussed by Light, 2014). Similarly, the visibility and presentation of the deceased
may vary drastically between cultures, for instance, while the ultrasound process is not a universal
aspect of pregnancy. Our collections are also necessarily limited to material that was technically
public; material from private Instagram accounts, or from public accounts but shared with limited
audiences using Instagram’s Direct messaging function, have not been collected for both privacy and
technical reasons. With those limitations in mind, the qualitative snapshot of the #ultrasound and
#funeral hashtags detailed below nevertheless reveal a range of important practices, including a
wide range of approaches to framing images both visually and textually.
Visualising Identity Pre-Birth: #ultrasound
After refining our approach to focus exclusively on the #ultrasound hashtag as a means of
investigating the way babies are visualised on social media prior to birth we tracked the hashtag for
three months in 2014, with videos making up just under 4% of the corpus with the remainder still
visual images (see Table 1).
Table 1. #ultrasound tagged media on Instagram, 2014
Images
Videos
Overall Media
March
3468
151
3619
April
3847
128
3975
May
3575
151
3726
3-Month Totals:
10890
430
11320
We examined in detail the media posted within a 48 hour period beginning on the second Monday
of each month, with the results here focusing exclusively on the 48 hours in March 2014. We elected
this period of time to try and capture the range of hours where it was Monday anywhere in the
world (that is, across different international time zones). We presumed that ultrasounds were more
likely to take place on weekdays. The resulting collection included 289 images and 7 video files with
7
the #ultrasound hashtag in their caption which were publicly shared by Instagram users (outlined in
Table 2).
Table 2. #ultrasound tagged images on Instagram, 10-11 March 2014
Total number of Instagram media items
295
Items deleted or made private within a fortnight
19
Sonograms
221
Sonogram without personally identifiable metadata
145 (66% of sonograms)
Sonograms with personally identifiable metadata
76 (34% of sonograms)
Collages / Professional Photos
45
Social experience of sonogram
22
Selfie
14
Historical sonogram
4
Sonogram humour
4
Other medical ultrasound (not foetal sonogram)
22
Advertising
4
Irrelevant
7
The vast majority of images in the ultrasound corpus featured, usually exclusively, foetal sonograms
which appear to be either camera phone images taken of the screen during the ultrasound process,
a higher quality version where a digital copy of a sonogram was uploaded itself, or, in a few cases,
photographs taken of the physical print-outs of sonogram images (there were typically the lowest
quality images, and in some cases quite blurred). Twenty-three of these images showed threedimensional sonograms which often appear to reveal a more recognisable face or form. While this
paper does not seek to enter into legal, moral or religious debates about when personhood occurs, it
is nevertheless notable that for the vast majority of sonograms in the collection the in-image
annotations, captions and comments refer to the sonogram as showing a baby, child, or similarly
representative nickname (eg ‘our little peanut’). Notably, this reaction to foetal sonograms long
predates the emergence of social media (Mitchell, 2001).
When ultrasound scans take place, the screen showing the details of the scan usually displays a
range of information about the person being scanned, such as their full name, date of birth, the
location of the scan, sometimes the estimated due date of the baby, and so forth. This information is
personally identifiable metadata in that it directly refers to and identifies the individual being
scanned. Of the total amount of images showing sonograms, 66% (145) were presented in such a
way that the image was either cropped to avoid showing the embedded ultrasound metadata, or the
image had been blurred or manipulated to obscure this information. Conversely, 76 images (34% of
the sonograms) did clearly show personally identifiable information about the person being scanned
and about the foetus. In the context of the real-name web and the persistence of personal data
outlined above, the quite possibly accidental sharing of this personally identifiable information may
be quite significant, possibly allowing the data mining activities of social media platforms to identify
new potential users even before they are born (a point explored below). With the question of
privacy in mind, it is important to note that in the two weeks between capturing the metadata about
Instagram media, and returning to analyse the visual media itself, 19 images had been deleted or
8
made private, possibly indicating the Instagram users rethinking sharing the ultrasound image
publicly.
Another 45 images were multi-frame collages or professionally constructed photographs featuring
the ultrasound photos, usually situating the image in the family unit. For example, one image
depicted a couple holding each end of an iPhone which displayed the ultrasound on its screen, while
another was a 9-panel image showing the story of how the couple came to meet and become
parents, with the sonogram as the central image. These images more actively framed the ultrasound
experience as part of a more explicit story or journey, a genre similar to other forms of professional
pregnancy photography.
Twenty-two images depicted the social experiences surrounding an ultrasound. These included
images of ultrasound booking forms, screen captures of Facebook profile updates indicating
excitement about a scan the next day, and images of women lying on the ultrasound table with the
scan taking place (clearly photographed by someone else). All of the selfies (self-portraits) in the
#ultrasound corpus depicted social experiences relating to the ultrasound process. Seven selfies
featured the expectant mother alone, with a caption conveying excitement, anxiety, or a mixture of
both either the night before or on the journey to have an ultrasound. Another six selfies featured
what appeared to be expectant couples and in one case a woman looking excited with her mother.
The remaining selfie was of a mother with her young child, excitedly about to drive to have an
ultrasound. In contrast with to the sonograms, these images far more explicitly capture the
emotional journey of the Instagram user, rather than visualising the foetus, raising far fewer
purposeful or accidental privacy risks.
Of the 289 images, 22 were non-foetal ultrasounds, showing various medical procedures that
required ultrasound scans that were not related to pregnancy, including one ultrasound scan being
performed on a dog. Four were advertising, either promoting baby clothes or different types of
maternity wear. The most unexpected images were the four depicting ultrasound humour, which
featured photoshopped ultrasound images altered to include either a Starbucks coffee cup (showing
something akin to the foetus drinking coffee), a foetus holding a wad of cash, or one image featuring
a foetus with oversized male genitalia. The captions on these images all suggested these were
intended as jokes and, as far as it was possible to ascertain, none of the altered sonograms appeared
to feature the offspring of the users sharing the images. Finally, 7 images with the ultrasound
hashtag had no discernible connection to ultrasounds or pregnancy in any comprehendible way.
These final images tagged with #ultrasound highlight some of the diverse practices present on the
Instagram platform, where humour and commerce intersect with personal photographic expression
(Abidin, 2014; Marwick, 2015).
Visualising Identity Post-Death: #funeral
Instagram media with the hashtag #funeral were tracked for the same three months as #ultrasound,
producing a larger overall corpus of 16,497 items (see Table 3). The proportion of videos in the
#funeral corpus was identical to proportion of videos in the #ultrasound collection (which might also
demonstrate API access/limiting more than Instagram user practices).
Table 3. #funeral tagged media on Instagram, 2014
Images
Videos
Overall Media
9
March
5375
214
5589
April
May
5429
5059
220
200
5649
5259
3-Month Totals:
15863
634
16497
As with #ultrasound, we did a qualitative analysis of a 48 hour period beginning on second Monday
of each month, with the results here focusing exclusively on the 48 hours in March 2014, on which
users publicly shared 396 images and nine videos with the #funeral hashtag in their caption (outlined
in Table 4).
Flower arrangements, wreathes and typical funeral icons constituted a significant proportion of the
Instagram funeral media, consistent with more mainstream Western funeral visualisation: such
funereal imagery alone, without any people in shot, appeared in over 14% of the corpus. Funerals
also extended beyond the human: there were several funeral images related to pets (including
videos of goldfish being flushed down toilets). While smaller in number, there were still a range of
humorous and ironic images, including those explicitly related to death and funerals (e.g. memes
suggesting variations on ‘at my funeral, it would be funny if…’ – eight of which featured the same
image explicitly referencing Doctor Who), and motivational images (e.g. ‘a funeral for my fat’)
emphasising funeral as a farewell rather than death. The variable references signified by ‘funeral’
also contributed to numerous media which, while relevant to a ‘funeral’, were not about funerals in
the sense of our study: six images directly referenced Canadian band Arcade Fire and their debut
album Funeral, while similar references were made to musical acts Band of Horses and Funeral (a
Norwegian band also part of a ‘funeral doom’ metal genre). This range of visual content and styles
highlights the polysemic nature of funeral as a hashtag and signifier on Instagram, linking the
platform with expressions regarding personal grief, humour, commerce, popular culture and
exercise.
Nearly half of the images involved the social experience of funerals, including selfies. These images
depicted a range of emotions: the funeral selfies, for instance, included sad or forlorn poses, with
the person typically clad in black, presumably immediately before or after a funeral, but there was
also a high proportion of photographs featuring individuals or groups clearly dressed for a funeral,
but smiling – or at least not appearing outwardly melancholic. This includes groups at wakes and
gatherings post-service, images taken on the way to funerals, and pre-funeral shots of the author in
their chosen attire. For a Western framing of a funeral as a solemn event (or associated norms of
‘appropriate’ responses, including what is suitable for sharing on social media), such practices
appear incongruent with the setting, but given that many selfies are about dialoguing with your
imagined audience, not just capturing the physical setting, smiling may convey that the selfie-taker is
okay themselves despite the sombre setting (Senft & Baym, 2015). Framed around the Instagram
user themselves, #funeral grief communicates a loss with that user’s followers rather than explicitly
adding to a collective digital memorial. Further contextual analysis will be needed to delve deeper
into these possibilities. Such future work might also compare how other grief- and death-related
hashtags may denote other events and responses beyond the memorialisation of a funeral (and how
other cultural experiences of funerals and death are depicted when accompanied by non-English
hashtags). However, it is clear that #funeral is a multivalent hashtag and is utilised to convey a
variety of meanings, consistent with related research (Gibbs et al., 2015).
10
Table 4. #funeral tagged images on Instagram, 10-11 March 2014
Total number of Instagram media items
405
Items deleted or made private within a fortnight
35
Funereal images – flowers, wreaths, without people
54
Selfie
81
Social experience of funerals (incl. posed, group
164
photos and funeral dress choices)
Collages / curated images
33
Advertising
11
Historical imagery
12 (incl. 1 #tbt)
Non-human funerals
6
Funeral humour
16
Visible deceased
7 (1 person; 6 pets)
Visible identifiers (name/photo) of deceased in image 21
Irrelevant
94*
The high number of irrelevant media (94, 25% of the corpus) reflects the flexibility of the ‘funeral’
marker, and thus a fairly tight coding process: within the ‘irrelevant’ code are media reflecting
various fandoms and fan practices, including fanfic – through visual media – involving members of
One Direction, as well as references to popular culture where screencaps highlight on-screen
funerals (e.g. Hawaii Five-0, The Vampire Diaries) or scenes from cemeteries (e.g. Bones).
Advertising, meanwhile, remains on-topic for the most part, with florists, funeral homes and plots
present.
Where the #funeral and #ultrasound media diverge most significantly is in their presentation of the
deceased and the unborn respectively. Reflecting perhaps the specificity of #ultrasound—its
description of a particular process with a common visual output—the high proportion of sonograms
within that corpus is not unexpected (and comparing #ultrasound with other pregnancy-related
hashtags may offer a greater diversity of practices and content). In comparison, the subject of the
funeral is rarely present within #funeral imagery. The deceased appeared—in situ at the service—
only once within the analysed corpus, which may be both a reflection of particular cultural norms
and of the much broader scope of potential experiences and content that could be relevant to the
#funeral hashtag. Other visible identifiers within the visual media included headstones, programmes
from services, photographs (both archival and within the service context, such as images of
programmes), and notices on wreathes and flowers. However, more information about the
deceased was included in captions than in images, whether mentioning their name or the personal
relationship with the author (father, grandmother, and so on). Yet it is clear that on Instagram, grief
as depicted through #funeral appears to be about the individual in mourning far more than curating
images of the recently deceased.
Visualising the Ends of Identity?
The hashtag contexts of #ultrasound and #funeral serve to provide markers related to the ends of
identity—birth and death—featured in our study. While these hashtags explicitly situate the
11
Instagram images and videos examined as moments that directly refer to another person, it is
nevertheless the case that the bulk of the images from both collections are social, depicting and
communicating that Instagram user’s relationship with the individuals those tags refer to, and what
the user wishes to share visually with their Instagram audience, be that family, friends or a much
wider circle of followers. Although there were some common content types (memes, advertising,
and selfies, for instance) across the #ultrasound and #funeral collections, it quickly became apparent
that the types of media and ways in which they were framed was very different across the two
collections, with funereal images far more about the individual user’s experience, while ultrasound
images often presented the initial visualisation of a young person before they are born.
Despite the specific contexts implied by #ultrasound and #funeral, our analysis of visual media
featuring these tags on Instagram found that these settings are mutable: the presentation of the
unborn and the deceased is accompanied by, and at times overshadowed by, the depiction of social
experiences related to these events. As much as the motivation for these media involves others, the
choice to capture, to post, and to share is that of the active user, as are the framing devices
apparent; the depth of feeling within #funeral images, for instance, might be demonstrated through
text alongside a photo of floral arrangements from a service, or a group shot of family members
assembled at the wake. The visual focus and specificity of the Instagram platform affords purely
visual responses, such as representing loss by posting a plain black square, devoid of any other visual
content, and explaining their grief in the accompanying caption (Gibbs et al., 2015).
Strong emotions are also clearly present within the #ultrasound dataset: while the sonogram
provides a visual representation of a new life, it is shared on Instagram with the emotions of soonto-be parents and families, of excitement and nervousness. These are made explicit through
particular visual approaches to presenting #ultrasound media on Instagram, beyond the simple
replication of the sonogram itself to collages and displays, which depict journeys to and from
ultrasound sessions and present the unborn as part of an ongoing and unfolding narrative involving,
for instance, the user and their partner. Such approaches ground #ultrasound media as and within
social experiences, or the ‘rite of pregnancy’, as Lupton (2013) describes it.
The #funeral media also demonstrates how mourning and discussion of death on Instagram differs
from other platforms. Whereas Facebook and MySpace mourning can take place in a bespoke
location—a profile or page—organised to collate mourning about a specific individual (Kohn et al.,
2012; Marwick & Ellison, 2012; Pennington, 2014), mourning on Instagram does not have that
option, and so is repeatedly framed around the personal. Mourning takes place within the context of
the social media user’s content, and is often about their experiences of loss rather than explicitly
eulogising the deceased individual. Thus while very few selfies were taken at a funeral (and avoiding
the social stigma that entails, see Miltner & Baym, 2015), instead, selfies and other personal
photography depicted various stages of the funeral experience: preparing in advance for the service
(from drafting eulogies to choosing an outfit), pre-service experiences (how they are addressed,
selfies from the car on the way to the service), and post-service media as the individual – or groups
of friends and family – reflect at wakes or at home. Conflicting emotions may be present here:
expressing grief and loss while also commenting upon how good the subject looks (including regret
for why they are wearing suits or black dresses), or joy at seeing family members again. Here, the
users have chosen to share their experience of a relatively extraordinary event and which, by this
nature, may warrant recording as something different or unusual as well as being personally
12
significant. There may also be a negotiation taking place regarding what is and is not seen as
appropriate or suitable for sharing on social media, by the user and their networks, which is part of a
much wider discussion about the cultures and user behaviours on social media (see, e.g., Light, 2014,
p. 132). Instagram does not afford new spaces of collective mourning but rather serves to
communicate individual user’s experiences of loss and grief to their existing followers.
The self – of the author, not of the deceased – is a more common feature for the #funeral media
than for #ultrasound; and by extension, approaches such as collages are less frequent parts of the
#funeral dataset. Commemorating the deceased through visual media, mixing together different
images and/or overlaying text, is not common within the media analysed here. However, it may also
be that this approach is not used within the funeral context or using this particular hashtag, and
occurs at different points in the grieving process, employing other markers as the case may be. The
funeral is a specific event related to death, experienced by others rather than just being a reflection
upon a life (at the initial planning stage for this study, we considered tracking additional tags such as
#vale as well as #RIP, but this term also has multiple meanings beyond our particular context,
particularly for Spanish-language users).
One of the framing questions guiding the ends of identity approach has been in relation to privacy
both of the user and of the people they are posting about, whether that sharing is intentional or
accidental. For the funeral collection, comparatively few individuals were named (more often
mentioned in terms of their relationship to the Instagram user), and in those instances where a
name was clear, it did not appear that revelation would or could do any real harm – although this is
not to say that there are no inadvertent revelations for users seeing that content, such as finding out
about a death through this media. In contrast, with more than one third of the sonograms revealing
detailed personal information about the person being scanned, and the foetus, this personally
identifiable information may form some of the earliest data about that young person, online even
before they are born, consistent with concerns raised by Leaver (2015b). It may have been the case
that since a lot of this information was inside the image (i.e. text as part of the image, not just in the
textual caption) a user may have presumed this was not searchable. However, any number of
algorithms can easily read clear text from an image and given the ongoing shifts in the way
Instagram makes images accessible and searchable it is reasonable to presume that in the near
future this sort of information, too, will be searchable by users. It is likely already searchable by the
Facebook corporation, Instagram’s owners. The ever-changing nature of platforms like Instagram,
the strategic lessening of privacy by their parent company Facebook (boyd, 2008; boyd & Hargittai,
2010; van Dijck, 2013), and the uncertainty with which corporations will manage personal
information make this early privacy question an important one: this includes the use of scannable
data to target content and advertising towards the posting user based on their aggregated social
media activity, within the broader context of the deliberate and the background aggregation,
tracking, quantification, and analytics of user activity. If a corporately owned data trail with a
person’s date of birth, location and mother’s details exists before they are born, then there are
significant privacy implications for the user and for the unborn child. While this study has focused
solely on Instagram, content posted here is not restricted to this platform: users may automatically
cross-post media to other platforms, including Facebook and Twitter, offering different audiences
access to this content and further complicating ideas of context collapse with potentially unexpected
impacts of posting information about pregnancy or death. Connections made across the extended
social media ecology also have implications for the user, as their identifiable information may vary
13
on different platforms, such as using pseudonyms on Instagram and real names on Facebook; while
this information is beyond the scope of the analysis for this paper, cultural practices about the use of
names and identities is an important consideration for further research.
What is ultimately apparent from both datasets is that, while there are privacy concerns relating to
ultrasounds in particular for the Instagram users (Leaver, 2015b), the images being shared are first
and foremost acts of communication. Mourning on Instagram is not collected in a specific space
about the person mourned. Instagram users are visually documenting their emotional reactions to
personally significant situations and life events with the explicit intention of sharing these with
family, friends and followers. It is not just the context of excited parents or the context of a funeral,
but the specific social context of Instagram, too, that matters. The ‘platform vernacular’ of Instagram
both builds upon material contexts, but also adds specific layers of meaning and depth via the digital
communication and sharing process (Gibbs et al., 2015). Birth and death will always be momentous
events in people’s lives, and they will be experienced and expressed in different ways, including on
social media. The circulation of the ends of identity on Instagram shows that new patterns of social
media communication are emerging which express these moments in new ways, with new emerging
vernaculars which differ across various platforms (and differ across the same platforms as well).
Instagram as a platform affords new spaces and new types of sharing, and thus facilitates new
permutations of beginning and end of life communication practices.
Conclusion
Mapping #ultrasound and #funeral tagged media on Instagram opens one avenue for understanding
how birth and death are shared and discussed on visual social media. Consistent with emerging
research (Leaver, 2015b; Lupton, 2015), whilst sharing moments of great joy, ultrasounds on
Instagram are nevertheless also initiating a young person’s social media footprint before they are
even born, normalising a culture of surveillance in the context of a web driven by singular identities
(van Dijck, 2013; van Zoonen, 2013). Ultrasound sharing is also a very social experience, curating
moments of great joy. While platforms like Facebook offer specific memorialisation processes in
addition to individual expressions of grief (Giaxoglou, 2015; Kohn et al., 2012; Marwick & Ellison,
2012; Pennington, 2014), mourning on Instagram is not collated in a single bespoke online space.
Moreover, the specificities of Instagram reveal approaches to mourning, at least within the funeral
context, that are far more about articulating the mourner’s emotional state in their own social
media spaces rather than eulogising or attempting to shape the deceased person’s online legacy.
Different social media platforms thus offer different affordances of emerging norms of terms of
mourning; on Instagram these are more personal expressions rather than spaces of collective
commemoration. The platform vernacular of Instagram facilitates new beginning and end of life
practices; the persistent nature of social media data leaves issues about the legacies of these
practices, but the common feature at both ends of identity is the centrality of sharing and
communicating significant social experiences. This research is limited by the focus on particular
events within the wider context of birth and death (and the cultural specificities of English-language
hashtags), and by the size of the sample coded. The research can be expanded in a number of ways,
including future work on a larger sample and re-sampling the full metadata annually to note changes
in quantitative trends and in practices of visualising and sharing information and experiences
associated with birth and death. Comparative work on other visual social media would also reveal
similarities and specific differences across platforms.
14
Acknowledgement
This paper is vastly improved thanks to detailed suggestions from our two anonymous peer
reviewers and the guidance of our editors.
References
Abidin, C. (2014). #In$tagLam: Instagram as a Repository of Taste, a Burgeoning Marketplace, a War
of Eyeballs. In M. Berry & M. Schleser (Eds.), Mobile media making in an age of smartphones.
Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan.
Acker, A., & Brubaker, J. (2014). Death, Memorialization, and Social Media: A Platform Perspective
for Personal Archives. Archivaria, 77, 2–23.
af Segerstad, Y. H., & Kasperowski, D. (2015). A community for grieving: Affordances of social media
for support of bereaved parents. New Review of Hypermedia and Multimedia, 21(1-2), 25-41.
Aufderheide, P. (2010). Copyright, Fair Use, and Social Networks. In Z. Papacharissi (Ed.), A
Networked Self: Identity, Community, and Culture on Social Network Sites (pp. 274–303). Routledge.
boyd, d. (2008). Facebook’s Privacy Trainwreck: Exposure, Invasion, and Social Convergence.
Convergence, 14(1), 13–20.
boyd, d. (2010). Social Network Sites and Networked Publics: Affordances, Dymanics and
Implications. In Z. Papacharissi (Ed.), A Networked Self: Identity, Community, and Culture on Social
Network Sites (pp. 39–58). Routledge.
boyd, d., & Crawford, K. (2012). Critical questions for big data. Information, Communication &
Society, 15(5), 662–679. http://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2012.678878
boyd, d., & Hargittai, E. (2010). Facebook privacy settings: Who cares? First Monday, 15(8).
Retrieved from http://www.uic.edu/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/3086/2589
Brubaker, J. R., & Hayes, G. R. (2011). We will never forget you [online]: An empirical investigation of
post-mortem Myspace comments. In Proceedings of the ACM 2011 conference on Computer
supported cooperative work (pp. 123–132). ACM. Retrieved from
http://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=1958843
Giaxoglou, K. (2015). Entextualising mourning on Facebook: stories of grief as acts of sharing. New
Review of Hypermedia and Multimedia, 21(1-2), 87–105.
http://doi.org/10.1080/13614568.2014.983560
Gibbs, M., Meese, J., Arnold, M., Nansen, B., & Carter, M. (2015). #Funeral and Instagram: death,
social media, and platform vernacular. Information, Communication & Society, 18(3), 255–268.
http://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2014.987152
Goffman, E. (1959). The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Anchor Book.
Halavais, A. (2014). Structure of Twitter: Social and Technical. In K. Weller, A. Bruns, J. Burgess, & M.
Mahrt (Eds.), Twitter and Society (pp. 29–41). New York: Peter Lang.
Harju, A. (2015). Socially shared mourning: Construction and consumption of collective memory.
New Review of Hypermedia and Multimedia, 21(1-2), 123-145.
15
Helmond, A. (2010). Identity 2.0: Constructing identity with cultural software.
Www.annehelmond.nl, PDF: http://www.annehelmond.nl/wordpress/wp–
content/uploads//2010/01/helmond_identity20_dmiconference.pdf.
Helmond, A. (2015). The Platformization of the Web: Making Web Data Platform Ready. Social
Media + Society, 1(2). http://doi.org/10.1177/2056305115603080
Highfield, T., & Leaver, T. (2015). A methodology for mapping Instagram hashtags. First Monday,
20(1). http://doi.org/10.5210/fm.v20i1.5563
Klastrup, L. (2015). “I don’t know her, but…”: Parasocial mourning of mediated deaths on Facebook
RIP pages. New Review of Hypermedia and Multimedia, 21(1-2), 146-164.
Kohn, T., Nansen, B., Arnold, M., & Gibbs, M. (2012). Facebook and the Other: Administering to and
Caring for the Dead Online. In G. Hage & R. Eckersley (Eds.), Responsibility (pp. 128–141).
Melbourne: Melbourne University Press.
Leaver, T. (2013). The Social Media Contradiction: Data Mining and Digital Death. M/C Journal, 16(2).
Retrieved from http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/viewArticle/625
Leaver, T. (2015a). Researching the Ends of Identity: Birth and Death on Social Media. Social Media +
Society, 1(1). http://doi.org/10.1177/2056305115578877
Leaver, T. (2015b). Born Digital? Presence, Privacy, and Intimate Surveillance. In Hartley, John & W.
Qu (Eds.), Re-Orientation: Translingual Transcultural Transmedia. Studies in narrative, language,
identity, and knowledge (pp. 149–160). Shanghai: Fudan University Press.
Light, B. (2014). Disconnecting With Social Networking Sites. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan.
Lupton, D. (2013). The Social Worlds of the Unborn. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan.
Lupton, D., & Thomas, G. M. (2015). Playing Pregnancy: The Ludification and Gamification of
Expectant Motherhood in Smartphone Apps. M/C Journal, 18(5). Retrieved from
http://journal.media-culture.org.au/index.php/mcjournal/article/view/1012
Markham, A., & Buchanan, E. (2012). Ethical Decision-Making and Internet Research
Recommendations from the AoIR Ethics Working Committee (Version 2.0). Retrieved from
http://aoir.org/reports/ethics2.pdf
Marwick, A., & Ellison, N. B. (2012). “There Isn’t Wifi in Heaven!” Negotiating Visibility on Facebook
Memorial Pages. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 56(3), 378–400.
http://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2012.705197
Marwick, A. (2015). Instafame: Luxury Selfies in the Attention Economy. Public Culture, 27(1 75),
137–160. http://doi.org/10.1215/08992363-2798379
Miltner, K. M., & Baym, N. K. (2015). The selfie of the year of the selfie: reflections on a media
scandal. International Journal of Communication, 9, 1701–1715.
Mitchell, L. M. (2001). Baby’s First Picture: Ultrasound and the Politics of Fetal Subjects. Toronto:
University of Toronto Press.
16
Olszanowski, M. (2014). Feminist self-imaging and Instagram: tactics of circumventing sensorship.
Visual Communication Quarterly, 21(2), 83–95. doi:10.1080/15551393.2014.928154
Pennington, N. (2014). Grieving for a (Facebook) Friend: Understanding the Impact of Social Network
Sites and the Remediation of the Grieving Process. In D. R. Christensen & K. Sandvik (Eds.),
Mediating and Remediating Death (pp. 233–250). Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, Limited.
Phillips, W. (2011). LOLing at tragedy: Facebook trolls, memorial pages and resistance to grief online.
First Monday, 16(12). Retrieved from
http://firstmonday.org/htbin/cgiwrap/bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/3168/3115
Pitsillides, S., Jeffries, J., & Conreen, M. (2012). Museum of the self and digital death: an emerging
curatorial dilemma for digital heritage. In E. Giaccardi (Ed.), Heritage and Social Media:
Understanding heritage in a participatory culture (pp. 56–68). London and New York: Routledge.
Senft, T. M., & Baym, N. K. (2015). What does the selfie say? Investigating a global phenomenon.
International Journal of Communication, 9, 1588–1606.
Tiidenberg, K. (2015). Odes to heteronormativity: presentations of femininity in Russian-speaking
pregnant women’s Instagram accounts, International Journal of Communication, 9, 1746–1758.
van der Nagel, E., & Frith, J. (2015). Anonymity, pseudonymity, and the agency of online identity:
examining the social practices of r/Gonewild. First Monday, 20(3).
http://doi.org/10.5210/fm.v20i3.5615
van Dijck, J. (2008). Digital photography: communication, identity, memory. Visual Communication,
7(1), 57–76. http://doi.org/10.1177/1470357207084865
van Dijck, J. (2013). “You have one identity”: performing the self on Facebook and LinkedIn. Media,
Culture & Society, 35(2), 199–215. http://doi.org/10.1177/0163443712468605
van Zoonen, L. (2013). From identity to identification: fixating the fragmented self. Media, Culture &
Society, 35(1), 44–51. http://doi.org/10.1177/0163443712464557