Originally published as: Nikolsky - Evolution of Tonal Organization in Music. Part-2. 2016. Appendix VII: “Melodic line, geometric line and environmental topography in traditional Nenets culture”. Front. Psychol. | doi: 10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00211 This is the revised version, August 2021, doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.15146010 The commonalities between melodic line, geometric line, and environmental topography in traditional cultures of Northern Siberia Aleksey Nikolsky Table of Contents: 1) Cross-modal correspondences between properties of music and physical objects ...............................1 2) Cross-modality, emotions, and environmental topography in the genesis of music ............................5 3) Samoyedic culture and the institution of personal song as a paradigm of prehistoric music .........8 4) Nenets versus Khanty: depiction, music, navigation, cosmology, and traditional art...................... 13 5) Nenets versus Komi: navigation and music......................................................................................................... 24 6) Nenets versus Chukchi: depiction, social organization, music, and traditional art .......................... 27 7) The geographic factor in tonal organization of indigenous music traditions ..................................... 33 1) Cross-modal correspondences between properties of music and physical objects Creators and listeners of music commonly imagine musical structures in terms of attributes of physical objects and/or their physical motion. Let us list all these physical attributes in the order of decreasing commonality of their association with music structures. We shall also briefly specify the structural elements that might be responsible for such associations. Altogether, there are 33 physical attributes, the experience of which can be triggered by the recognition of specific patterns of tonal organization in one or more aspects of music expression:1 1. Height – the physical attribute of height is very commonly associated with pitch and register in music, which are estimated in terms of higher or lower position in the frequency range (e.g., upper register vs. lower register of a musical instrument); 2. Width – is very commonly associated with the size of harmonic and melodic intervals, as well as the compass of a melody (e.g., wide tessitura vs. narrow tessitura); 1 This list reflects those physical attributes that have been reported by Western musicians regarding their perception of music texture (Banshchikov 1997, Berry 1987, Demuth 1953, Dmitriyev 1962, Frayonov 1981, Huron 1989, 2001, 2016, Kholopova 1979, 2002, Levy 1982, Nazaikinsky 1972, 1982, 1988, 2013, Nikolsky 2018, Nikolsky et al. 2020a, Rags 1999, Ratner 1980, Skrebkov 1973, Skrebkova-Filatova 1985, Tagg 2013, Tovey 1941) and timbre (Adeli et al. 2014, von Bismarck 1974, Caivano 1994, Hubbard 2013, Ivanchenko, 2001, Marks 1978, Nazaikinsky & Rags 1964, Nikolsky 2015a, Nikolsky et al. 2020b, Nykänen et al. 2009, Pridmore 1992, Volodin 1972, Zacharakis et al. 2014). The chief criterion for identifying a property as cross-modal is its extra-musicality and even extra-audibility: e.g., human ear does not specialize in perception of “height”, “width”, “depth”, “weight” etc.. Normally, such physical attributes are experienced thorough visual, tactile, vestibular, proprioceptor, or psycho-somatic sensations. The first 17 attributes are relatively well researched, and their relation to musical structures is confirmed in numerous experimental studies, listing of which is beyond the scope of this paper (please, consult the sources on music texture that are listed above). Some attributes appear nominally synonymous. To distinguish them, look at the description of the corresponding music structures. 3. Depth – is very commonly associated with the number of parts in musical texture and the number of voices in a part (e.g., flat monophonic texture is usually perceived as less deep than thick polyphonic texture); 4. Weight – is very commonly associated with the interaction of registral, timbral, textural, dynamic, and metro-rhythmic features of music (e.g., soft fast passages in high register performed by a flute are usually perceived as lighter than loud long sustained tones in low register performed by a trombone); 5. Shape - is very commonly associated with the patterning of a melodic contour of a part in a music texture (e.g., wave-like vs. angular shape of a melodic figuration); 6. Direction – is very commonly associated with the vertical orientation of a shape of a melodic contour (e.g., ascending vs. descending contour); 7. Quantity - is very commonly associated with melodic motifs (number of consecutive tones), chords (number of simultaneous tones), harmonic progressions (number of changes in harmony), music texture (number of parts and voices), instrumentation (number of musical instruments and/or vocalists), music form (number of themes and sections); 8. Size - is very commonly associated with the interaction of dynamic, registral and textural features of music (e.g., a loud chord performed by 3 trombones appear larger in size than a soft chord performed by 3 flutes); 9. Volume - is very commonly associated with the loudness of music, i.e., a volume of space that a music texture is capable of “proportionally” filling up (without causing painful experience), (e.g., a soft flute solo as though “occupies less space” than an orchestral tutti); 10. Energy – is very commonly associated with the interaction of metro-rhythmic, tempo, registral, articulatory, and dynamic features of a music movement (e.g., loud fast legato passages in low register are typically perceived as more energetic than soft slow staccato in high register); 11. Force – is very commonly associated with the interaction of dynamic, textural, and articulatory features of a musical tone (e.g., an accented tone performed on a grand piano versus nonaccented tone); 12. Speed - is very commonly associated with the interaction of tempo and metro-rhythmic features of a music movement (e.g., allegro with the prevalent 16th notes in common time projects the impression of greater speed than allegro with the prevalent 8th notes in split time); 13. Constancy - is very commonly associated with tempo (acceleration versus deceleration) and less commonly with music texture (addition versus reduction of parts and/or voices in the process of unveiling of a music work); 14. Brightness - is very commonly associated with the interaction of register and timbre (e.g., all human voices sound brighter in high register and darker in low register); 15. Sharpness - is commonly associated with the interaction of register, timbre, loudness and articulation (e.g., soft legato in low register of a French horn sounds duller than loud marcato in its high register, and trumpet generally sounds sharper, i.e., more penetrating, than horn); 16. Color (hue) – is commonly associated with the timbral coloration, especially the extent of harmonicity and the prevalence of certain harmonics in the spectrum of a musical tone (e.g., the sound of flute is usually perceived as more limpid, but when the flute plays frullato, the sound becomes dirtier), less commonly listeners associate timbres closer to pure tones (e.g., flute) as bluish or greenish, whereas timbres rich in harmonics and noise (e.g., double-bass) as brownish; 17. Tension – is commonly associated with harmonic dissonance (dyads and chords that do not form vertical intervals of low integer values, e.g., ½, 2/3, ¾) and melodic dissonance (successions of tones that form large leaps, i.e., horizontal intervals exceeding the 4th) – which 2 require resolution in the form of harmonic (intervals of octave, unison, 5th , 6th and 3rd) and melodic consonance (steps); 18. Spaciousness - is commonly associated with the interaction of music texture, registers, and the reverberation of a room; specifically, the intervallic size of the gaps that separate parts (e.g., the wider apart are the parts, the more spacious the impression of the texture) and the contrasts in numerosity of performers (e.g., the succession of the “tutti” by a solo is usually perceived as the opening up of an empty space, along the contrast of “solid” and “airy” textures); 19. Makeup - is commonly associated with the interaction of music texture, melody, rhythmic patterns, and timbre; specifically, textural parts might appear more or less homogenous due to the extent of similarity of their musical content – the greater the similarity, the better the mergence (e.g., a chorale performed on the grand piano sounds very homogenous, whereas a fugue performed by a wind quintet sounds much more differentiated); 20. Compositionality - is often associated with the interaction of music texture and music form; specifically, with the relative simplicity or complexity of the musical material of each of the parts in regard to each other (e.g., a sustained drone tone presents the simplest elementary structure, a riff repeated by a bass ostinato presents a melodic compound, a sustained bourdon dyad presents a harmonic compound, and a repeated progression of chords presents complex hierarchic layering of voices); 21. Position - is often associated with melody (the sequential order of a given tone in a motif or phrase), harmony (the vertical relation of a given tone to the root of a harmony), music texture (the vertical disposition of parts), and music form (the sequential order of a given melody or a figure of accompaniment in an entire music work); 22. Orientation - is often associated with the music texture, specifically, with the functional relations of parts and their hierarchy (e.g., typical “cantus firmus” technique subordinates all parts to the tenor part, passacaglia subordinates all parts to the bass, whereas nocturne subordinates all parts to the melody in the upper part); 23. Distribution - is often associated with the interaction of music texture, articulation, rhythm, and music form; specifically, with the placement of a specific thematic material (e.g., a theme, a melodic figure of the accompaniment, a pedal tone, or chords) anywhere in the vertical arrangement of parts and the horizontal arrangement of sections of music form (e.g., introduction, exposition, middle, episode, recapitulation, or coda); 24. Density - is often associated with the rhythm (the greater the number of rhythmic divisions used in a music section, the busier the impression), register (the more registers, the more filled up is the ambitus of music), texture (the more parts and voices, the more solid the texture), and timbre (the greater the number of musical instruments/vocals and the greater their contrast, the more crammed the instrumentation); 25. Locomotion - is often associated with the interaction of tempo and metro-rhythmic features of a music movement (e.g., dashing, sprinting, jogging, dancing, walking, swinging, stamping, swaying, shuffling, or dragging impression) and with the interaction of the intervallic structure of a melody with its tempo and rhythm (e.g., leaping, stepping, crawling, or stretching); 26. Viscosity – is sometimes associated with the interaction of melody, tempo, rhythm, articulation, register, and texture (e.g., legato passages of short tones in high register placed against the accompaniment of sustained chords generate the impression of fluidity, whereas non legato progressions of long tones in low register in polyphonic texture generate the impression of viscousness); 27. Inertia - is sometimes associated with the interaction of melody, rhythm, and harmony within a music movement; specifically, the ongoing movement by the same rhythmic value, provided 3 it contains high harmonic and/or melodic tension, tends to generate the momentum that is expected to carry on and be gradually decelerated in order to terminate the movement; 28. Friction - is sometimes associated with the interaction of metro-rhythmic, tempo, textural and harmonic features of a music movement; specifically, the metric displacement of rhythmic patterns (e.g., syncopation and offbeat accents) and harmonic progressions (e.g., irregular changes of harmony) in fast and moderate tempos simultaneously in all parts – such irregularities tend to obstruct the flow of music, causing performers to slow down; 29. Attraction - is sometimes associated with the tendency of unstable tones to resolve into stable tones (anchors) in melodic and harmonic progressions, thereby generating melodic and harmonic motion (e.g., long streaks of unstable tones or chords tend to make music movement more dynamic); 30. Gravity - is sometimes associated with the capacity of stable tones (anchors) to terminate melodic and harmonic motion in motifs and phrases (e.g., frequent use of stable tones or chords tends to make music movement more static); 31. Trajectory - is sometimes associated with the long-term prevalence of a certain direction in melodic contours of parts (e.g., most of phrases in a principal melody or most figures of the accompaniment tend to descend, ascend or stay even, which affects the expression of an entire music work by making it calming, excited or balanced); 32. Restitution - is sometimes associated with the recapitulation or the refrain in a music form (macro-level), or the return of the same motif after a contrasting motif within the same music phrase (micro-level); 33. Collision - is sometimes associated with rhythm (e.g., “run-in” patterns of contrasting rhythmic figures in a single part or polyrhythmic and polymetric counterpoint of contrasting parts), articulation (use of conflicting articulation styles side by side, e.g., legato phrase against staccato phrase), and texture (contrasting polyphony, especially where each of simultaneously sounding contrasting themes obtain their own accompanying parts). The sheer length of this list suggests that music can be regarded as a grand system of spatial abstraction of typical physical objects, their properties and their actions that are commonly observed in perceptual reality. Specifically, rules of designing the music movement, exemplified in the arrangement of melodic motion and harmonic progressions, appear to emulate physical movement together with the mechanical laws that govern it, where virtual motion (strictly speaking, coherent changes in time) of musical structures is perceptually specified by the objective acoustical information contained in the auditioned sounds (Clarke 2001). Music competence then should be defined as an acquisition of a set of skills for reliable detection of the expressive features of a music movement during the process of auditioning or conceiving music - and the subsequent experience of correlating this extracted information with a known stock of musical idioms. By musical idiom I mean patterns of characteristic melodic, rhythmic, metric, harmonic, and textural organization of musical material, which are associated to specific emotional states according to a public convention within a given music culture (Nikolsky 2020a). To distinguish such symbolic use of emotions from real-life emotions, researchers coined the term “musical emotions” (see Zentner 2012). Within this framework, music appears to be a naturally formed semiotic system designed for communication of emotional states that are most important for a given social group, encoded with the principal purpose to support emotional entrainment between individual members of a group to mediate their interrelations in the best interest of each one of them (Perlovsky 2012). Such semiotic model has been recognized and followed by absolute majority of music theorists throughout the history of Western classical music, challenged only in the 20th century by those theorists who advocated modernism and 4 post-modernism (Nikolsky 2015b). The view of music as a “language of emotions” has retained its status quo in nearly all forms of traditional indigenous music (Nikolsky 2020a). The 33 attributes of physical objects listed above find perfect match in attributes of so-called “auditory objects” – percepts developed as a consequence of perception of specific attributes of musical sound (Nazaikinsky 1973). Analogies between physical space and virtual space of music bring to light the biomusicological foundation for effective emotional communication. Musician encodes locomotion into musical structures, and listener decodes them, extracting the intended motion, thereby experiencing what can be called “embodied perception of music” (Leman, 2008, 160). Here, human body acts as a biologically determined mediator that converts physical characteristics of sound into mental representations and back via the chain of repeated acts of performance-audition. 2) Cross-modality, emotions, and environmental topography in the genesis of music If that is the case, then the above-listed spatial attributes are expected to be found across various musical cultures – hand-in-hand with cross-cultural distribution of basic emotions: music-movement relationship would only strengthen and secure emotional recognition (Sievers et al. 2013). The cross-modal correspondences execute the function of the error-correction mechanism in transmission of musical emotions: expressive capacities of different types of physical movement corroborate the expressive capacities of musical idioms that contribute to the experience of music movement. Thus, the excitement of leaping and of ascending melodic motion supports the anticipatory excitement expressed in the musical idiom (or, how Western musicologists qualify it, the “topic”) of fanfare (Monelle 2006). Universality of basic emotions (Elfenbein & Ambady 2002) might find its counterpart in universality of basic musical emotions (Mohn et al., 2010). Their correspondence would fulfill the biological need to synchronize the affective states amongst the group members, secure their motivation towards reaching the same mutual goals, and bring their emotional experience to a common denominator through acoustically mediated emotional contagion (Koelsch & Fritz 2013). The unique entraining capacity of music gives it an edge over another prominent biological trait of humans – verbal communication – in the capacity to induce emotional mediation and regulation (Perlovsky 2014). Complex hierarchic tonal organization that distinguishes music from speech is characterized by semi-automatic processing (Bidelman & Grall 2014) and exceptional informational density of effective transmission (McDermott et al. 2010), available right from birth (Bendixen et al. 2015). Such early availability and the ease of use are possible mainly because of the biological roots of cross-modality of music. Verbal speech does not share with music such “plug-and-play” capacity: only music is known to routinely engage cross-modal connections between sound and vision2 (Marks 1978, 53). The synesthetic relations between musical and visual stimuli are nearly universally observed throughout early infancy (Dolscheid et al. 2014). The same applies to cross-modal connections between musical sound and locomotor sensations, which are generally uncharacteristic for experience of prosaic speech (Dalla Bella et al. 2013). Synesthetic association of musical sounds with visible objects originates from the motoric experience of motion that shares with musical rhythm its entraining capacity (Trainor 2007). Intersensory perception 2 Although imagery perception of speech involves mental visualization, the connection between a specific image and a specific configuration of phonemes is realized entirely by learning the abstracted symbolic meaning of a word – and not by the intuitive and instinctive recognition of expressive “iconic” attributes of a sound “as such,” as it takes place in perception of music (Ingold 2000, 248). Natural languages do encompass the “iconic” phenomenon of onomatopoeia, but it is of very limited use in pragmatics of verbal communication, and a relatively little stock of onomatopoeic words definitely does not constitute an autonomous system of transmitting information (Svantesson 2017) – not anywhere close to that of tonal organization in music. 5 of motion relies on the vestibular system in disambiguation of musical rhythm (Trainor et al. 2009). Verbal communication involves neither hearing a pitch contour “in terms of moving,” nor hearing it “in terms of seeing”. Music remains the primary tool for communicating not only information about one’s affective state, but also for communicating information about one’s environment. Music can instruct the listener as to “how to see” – what to look for while scanning visual objects in one’s surroundings (Nikolsky 2016a). This includes strategies of observation of real-life objects, pictorial representation of the latter, and mental envisaging of known physical objects. Moreover, music can suggest to the listener how that which he envisages can potentially move. The entraining properties of music enable the entire community of music-users within a certain culture share the same scheme of organization of visual and motoric experiences, while directing their attention towards specific perceptual aspects and reinforcing a specific attitude in relation to them by means of engaging emotional reaction. Emotional priming is known to psycho-physiologically secure successful learning and semi-automatic response to important events in a uniform manner amongst a social group, supporting accumulation of knowledge and cultural evolution (Livesey 1986). It seems that the origin of tonal organization in music finds its ultimate source in the interaction between the perceiver and the topography of the surrounding environment. Here, it would be useful to remind that across the animal kingdom, environmental sounds are used for the auditory scene analysis (Bregman 1994). Animal calls and natural noises provide important information about prey, predators, and environmental conditions that are crucial for survival. Human music has its evolutionary roots in animal communication (Nikolsky 2020a). Cross-modal capacities of music should be seen as vestiges of the auditory scene analysis that received a new direction in the process of genesis of tonal organization of music and eventually evolved into frequency analysis. In the same vein as an animal gathers information about its surroundings by interpreting its sounds, a listener of music gathers information about the virtual space of a particular music work by interpreting the sound objects that constitute this work. In both cases, sounds are inherently connected to emotional reactions. Just as a particular environmental noise can bring an animal into a fearful or aggressive state, recognizing specific patterns of music can evoke a musical emotion of fear or aggression (Altenmüller et al. 2013, August & Anderson 1987, Briefer 2012, Gabrielsson & Juslin 2003, Juslin 2005, Juslin & Laukka 2003, Morton 1977, Peters 1984, Snowdon 2003, Snowdon et al. 2015, Zimmermann et al. 2013). Here, what distinguishes human music from animal communication is the abstraction of an emotional state and its deliberate triggering at the absence of real-life stimuli – more like a play (Nikolsky 2020a). Nevertheless, traditional music of indigenous hunters who live in isolation from Western civilization often retains the same orientation towards the auditory scene analysis that characterizes animal kingdom. Thus, Samoyedic peoples of Taimyr associate any sound, including musical, with life as opposed to silence that is associated with death and the underworld (Dobzhanskaya 2016). Numerous indigenous cultures of Northeastern Eurasia are known to interpret environmental and musical sounds as “voices” of spirits of real-life objects, deities, and the ancestors (Novik 2003). In fact, this is one of the reasons for a wide spread of so-called “phono-instruments” amongst indigenous ethnicities of Siberia: Yuri Sheikin (1996) coined this new term to supplement the conventional Sachs/Hornbostel classification of musical instruments according to the morphology of their structure (1914). In contrast, Sheikin’s classification goes by the functionality of a musical instrument (Sheikin 1996). Russian musicologists adopted the notion of “phono-instruments” as a peculiar class of the primordial tools of musicking that preceded the invention of musical instruments designed with the purpose to generate exclusively musical tones (Sheikin 2002, 46-67). A “phono-instrument” can be defined as a common tool manufactured for some utilitarian application other than music-making but used to make music due to its easily recognizable “voice” (Yesipova 2008). Across Northeastern Eurasia, such phono-instruments as a cane, a flask, or a spoon, are believed to reveal the “voice” of their “owner-spirits” essentially in the same way as natural objects, such as a fire or a water-stream are believed to “talk” to people, forecasting a fortune or a trouble (Novik 1998). 6 Creators of the very first forms of music must have discovered the first model of integrating tones of phono-instruments and their own voices into a perceptual whole, such as a motif or a phrase, by employing a cognitive scheme abstracted from the surrounding reality. Such natural prototype as a shape of a mountain that is important for the sustenance of a nearby tribe might have suggested a melodic contour for a song associated with the “owner-spirit” of that mountain. In fact, such prototyping was relatively common amongst the indigenous population of Chukotka (Krushanov 1987). The ritual performance of such melody to evoke a mountain spirit for some favorable outcome could have been practiced for centuries, if not millennia, by generations of the community whose livelihood was dependent on natural resources of that mountain as long as this community stayed alive. Ritual forms of music in animistic societies are renowned for amazing vitality and longevity: they can preserve the structural characteristics of musical genres, and even specific songs, essentially unchanged over long periods of time (Alekseyev 1986, Alekseyev & Nikolayeva 1981, Grauer 2007, Levin 1999, List 1987, Sheikin 2002). The cross-modal representational tradition might have started from the identification of a certain principle of spatial organization of a person’s immediate environment – what Marc Leman calls “culturally relevant descriptor” of the geographical relationship in terms of a scheme of distribution of physical energy through music (Leman 2008, 74). Listening to such musical encoding (as well as its repeated performance in case of solitary musicking) would then initiate a reverse process of transferring a sonic representation into the image of a “material form” (ibid., p. xiii) by triggering motoric sensations and spatial projections. This “embodied perception” of music is likely to translate the tonal organization of music into spatial organization and back, in a feedback loop. To sum up, the feedback loop of connectivity between the tonal organization of music and the spatial organization of perceptual reality in their simplest primordial form would consist of the following chain: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. observation of environmental landscape that the observer loves, abstraction of its most prominent features into musical attributes, conception and performance of melodies that make use of these attributes, abstraction of the “musical emotions” associated with the most liked melodies, distribution and “averaging” of the salient structural features of such melodies through ongoing oral transmission within a social group and between different generations of users, 6. generalization of averaged melodies into a musical mode, associated with a specific genre application (e.g., lullaby, working song, etc.), 7. production of new melodies based upon that musical mode, 8. abstraction of tonal principles of this musical mode into a compositional scheme, 9. translation of tonal principles of that compositional scheme into principles of spatial organization of pictorial representation and/or spatial orientation. Below, I am going to present some ethnographic evidence for the existence of such loop. It seems plausible to assume that the clearest case of cross-modal interaction should be looked for at the earliest stages of ontogenetic and phylogenetic development – i.e., in the emergence of music-making behaviors in early infancy and in the invention of music in prehistoric times – both of which are characterized by highly syncretic manner of perception. There is evidence that synesthetic perception of reality constitutes a default modus operandi for a newborn, when each of the sensory inputs is undeveloped and unreliable, and the strategy of combining the data from auditory, visual, motor, and proprioceptive sources automatically, upon the trigger of any of the senses, secures the best performance (Dolscheid et al. 2014, Mondloch & Maurer 2005, Neville 1995, Wagner & Dobkins 2011, Walker et al. 2010). Once child’s sensory system matures, sometime around the age of 3, this inborn synesthesia starts disappearing except rare cases of adult synesthetes who, for some reason, retain cross-modal hypersensitivity later in life. 7 And, on the other hand, syncretism underlies the ideologies of the earliest known human cultures, manifested in the amalgamation of multiple worldviews, cultural meanings, religious beliefs, and forms of expression (Clack 2011). Unfortunately, both of these paradigms of sensory fusion are hard to investigate. Although there is a vast research literature on the acquisition of music skills in infancy, relatively little is known about the tonal organization of the very first samples of original (non-imitative) musical vocalizations spontaneously created by infants (Nikolsky 2020b). The major obstacle is the impossibility of interviewing an infant and difficulty of designing experiments to unequivocally establish the ways how exactly infants perceive, process, and conceive music. Even more problematic is the study of the tonal organization in prehistoric music. The only documented source is the disposition of holes on the so-called “bone flutes” (aka, “pipes”) that makes it possible to extract the intervallic classes in the music for which these flutes were designed (Nikolsky 2015c). However, any other aspects of prehistoric tonal organization are irretrievably lost. In such conditions, the only way of finding analyzable music that would be representable of the simple intuitive, yet systemic, cross-modal associations (as opposed to such intricate cultural phenomenon as the “program music” of the Western classical tradition) is to look for the suitable music systems identified, documented, and studied by ethnomusicologists. 3) Samoyedic culture and the institution of personal song as a paradigm of prehistoric music The oldest and presumably the simplest forms of tonal organization may, perhaps, be found in societies that still resort to the same hunter/gatherer lifestyle that was conducted by the Paleolithic population: similarity in social organization suggests similarity in typology of thinking, which includes musicmaking (Both 2009). Thus, archeological evidence confirms that art forms of modern indigenous population of Northern Siberia strongly resemble the artifacts recovered from the Mesolithic settlements in Siberia, suggesting an uninterrupted cultural tradition (Frolov 1992, 147). The oldest traces of human presence in Siberia date back to the end of the Paleolithic period (Khlobystin 1998). The latest ethnographic estimates date the first appearance of reindeer hunters in Taimyr Peninsula (one of the utmost Northern, hard to access territories, at the coast of the Laptev Sea), by the Mesolithic period, about 5,000 years BC (ibid., p.49). The first human settlement on Taimyr was dated not earlier than 6000 BC (Khlobystin 2005). However, a mammoth kill site, at Sopochinskaya Karga, east of the Yenisey Bay (near 72ºN) was recently dated 45,000 BC (Pitulko et al. 2016). The same date was reliably established for the Ust’-Ishim man, discovered up the flow of the Ob’ river (Fu et al. 2014). Despite the distance of about 1,500 km from Sopochinskaya Karga, the convenience of travelling with the river flow significantly increases the chances for Ust’-Ishim people to spread north during the late Paleolithic. And the gulf of Ob’ is only about 300 km afar from the Yenisey River (see Image-1 below). The interim area is populated by Nenets and Enets that also reside at Taimyr. Present-time inhabitants of Taimyr: Nganasan, Enets, Selkup, and Nenets - most likely inherited the culture of prehistoric indigenous population of the Arctic coast, including their music tradition, and retained its traits in the archaic3 genres, such as epic songs and shamanic rites (Dobzhanskaya 2016). 3 The concept of “archaic folk culture” was introduced by Bartok and Kodaly in reference to the type of music that characterized the Hungarian folk tradition when it was just forming its own ethnic identity – in distinction to the later stylistic additions that came through cultural borrowing and elaboration (Szabolcsi 1935). Modern ethnomusicologists usually employ the term “archaic” to refer to a primordial musical culture that predated formation of “national” cultural features, and reflected a more biological, instinctive, use of music by an individual to mediate his relations with nature (Sheikin 2002, 4–7). 8 Archeological data indicates that the entire region of Taimyr was part of a gigantic single Mesolithic culture that occupied the entire North-East Asia: sites in such remote locations as Taimyr, by the Yenisey Gulf, and Aldan, in the Russian Far East (about 2,400 kilometers apart) demonstrate pronounced similarities between their artifacts, not only between the tundra sites but in comparison of tundra and taiga sites as well (Khlobystin 1998, 49-54). Even greater homogeneity characterizes the later Neolithic period in North-East Siberia (ibid., p.55). This homogenous Neolithic culture is termed proto-Samoyedic and dated from the beginning of the 4th millennium BC to the end of the 1st millennium AD, based on the data from paleolinguistics, paleobotany and lexicology of modern Samoyedic languages (Dobzhanskaya 2011). According to the consensus of Russian archaeologists, the proto-Samoyedic culture broke into Samoyedic cultures as a result of migration and emergence of separate languages by the middle of the 1st millennium AD. The alternative hypothesis by Eugene Helimsky holds that the home of proto-Samoyedic culture was located more to the West, between the Middle Ob’ and Yenisei rivers, as exemplified by the Kulay culture of the 500 BC-500 AD (Helimsky 1990). Yet another hypothesis by Juha Janhunen places the proto-Samoyedic culture to the South, in the Minusinsk Hollow on the Upper Yenisey, between the Sayan Mountains and Kuznetsk Alatau (Janhunen 2009). Janhunen dates the beginning of breakup of the proto-Samoyedic language by a few centuries BC. Image 1. The topographic map of Siberia that indicates the relative locations of the indigenous ethnicities mentioned in this paper. The smaller italic names next to the circled dots indicate the archaeological sites referred to in regard to the Proto-Samoyedic culture. Majority of Russian ethnographers and anthropologists consider modern Samoyedic peoples descendants of indigenous Paleo-Asiatic populations, assimilated by Samoyeds in the process of their migration from southern Siberia during the 1st millennium AD (Napolskikh 1995). The strict patrilinear clan system of Nenets population allows ethnographers to trace 42% of their clans to the aboriginal origin (Abanina & Sukernik 1980). Quite popular in Russia is the theory of a continental culture of sedentary Arctic Paleolithic hunters who populated the huge stretch from Eastern Europe to Chukotka, specialized on mammoth hunting and managed to survive harsh climate due to the inter-tribal cooperation (Okladnikov 1959). According to this model, Samoyeds, Yukagirs, Evenks, Evens, Chukchi 9 and Koryaks all descended from the same tribe or a group of closely related tribes (Simchenko 1968). The existence of prehistoric pan-North Eurasian culture spread along the coast of the Arctic Ocean could explain the close linguistic relation between the Samoyedic (Taimyr Peninsula) and Yukaghir (Kolyma River, at the Russian Far East) languages, according to the analysis of the basic words of their vocabularies (Starostin et al. 2021). Genetic studies seem to generally agree with Okladnikov’s model. Modern indigenous people of Siberia and East Asia share 38% of their ancestry with the genome of a 45,000-year-old Ust’-Ishim man (found near the Northern border of the Omsk region, in the Irtysh River basin) (Wong et al 2006) – the oldest human remains that contained the complete genome for sequencing according to contemporary standards of quality (Fu et al. 2014). The genome of the Ust’-Ishim man diverged from the ancestors of modern Eurasian population before or concurrently with the divergence of European and East Asian populations, suggesting that the Ust’-Ishim man belonged to the first wave of anatomically modern humans that migrated out of Africa, about 10,000 years after the incidents of human interbreeding with the Neanderthals (ibid.). Thus, Okladnikov’s pan-North Eurasian Paleolithic culture of hunters might represent the pocket of the earliest human migration, which ended up being isolated and conserved at the remote and hard-to-reach margin of the Extreme North. Nganasans are very likely direct descendants of the Arctic Paleolithic hunters of Northern Asia that were assimilated by Ancient Samoyeds, genetically closely related to Nenets, but different from Selkups who share common genetic features with Kets from the Yenisey region, about 1,000 km west of Taimyr (Karafet et al. 2018). This finding seems to support Vasilyev’s theory that Selkups descended directly from the ancient southern Samoyeds who did not assimilate with the Northwestern indigenous population (Vasilyev 1983). So, all in all, Nenets and Nganasan cultures seem to present the closest match in lifestyle to the Paleolithic cultures in the geographic areas most affected by global cooling during the Last Glacial Period. Therefore, Nenets and Nganasan traditions of musicking and spatial representation can be adopted as a paradigm of what Paleolithic traditions of music and spatial orientation might have been like. An important role in Samoyedic ethno-genesis played music: the Nganasan, Enets, Selkup, and Nenets traditions are all distinguished by pronounced contrasts in tonal organization, which used to allow the locals to easily identify every one of these traditions by ear, while displaying significant commonality in the patterns of musicking (Dobzhanskaya 2011). An outstanding characteristics of the Samoyedic musical culture, as well as of all neighboring ethnicities of Extreme North, is the prominence of the socalled “personal song” as a peculiar proto-genre of pan-North Asian folk music (Sheikin 2002, 236– 334). The term “personal song” originates from writings by Allan P. Merriam (1964, 83). In ethnomusicological literature in English, this term has been used in reference to the “private songs” of North American Indians, such as Sioux (Austin 1930), who, along with Canadian indigenous population, share the institute of personal song with Siberian ethnicities (Ojamaa 2002). In Russian ethnomusicological research, the most common equivalent term is “lichnaya pesnia,” where the interpretation of term “lichnaya” (“personal”) slightly varies amongst different scholars. Thus, some researchers consider drinking songs “personal” (Ojamaa and Ross 2004), whereas others do not (Dobzhanskaya 2017). In the most general sense, the consensus is that “personal song” refers to a brief vocal melodic composition, where the “personal” attribute reflects the notion of exclusive ownership of that composition by a single individual. His “copyright” is protected by all members of the traditional society to which that person belongs. The reason for qualifying personal song as a “proto-genre” is that the notion of a “genre” implies that a certain combination of expressive means is adopted as a category of artistic composition for expression of specific topics within a given culture. Personal song falls short of categoric convention because of its deeply personal nature: it retains a particular configuration of musical structural features only for a given 10 individual and his closest relatives, while tabooing any reproduction by outsiders. Such use precludes the formation of a genre typology that is necessary for cultural transmission. Personal song probably originated in the Ancestor Cult the traces of which are still omnipresent across North Asia, from Ural Mountains to Japan (Alekseyev 1992). The primary social function of personal song is to mark one’s affiliation with a particular family and kin, along the patriarchal lineage, in order to secure the right to use a territory and its natural resources (Sheikin 1996, 12). From this point of view, personal songs come surprisingly close to territorial animal calls. Just like animals emit specific recognizable signals to warn co-specific animals not to approach their territory, the presence of specific intonations, rhythms, embellishments, and timbres in a personal song tells a human listener the place of origin of the song’s owner and alerts about that owner’s rights (Novik 2004, 80). Noteworthy, a particular melody could be inherited, given as a gift, or traded – very much like a material possession (Zemtsovsky 1983, 10). 1. Audio: For Topahti, Nootka song of Kwaktiutl origin. An inherited ceremonial song, given as a dowry, and permitted for performance only by its owner (Halpern 1974). http://bit.ly/1DZ5TlS Comparative musicological analysis of personal songs of Samoyedic individuals indeed reveals that the music structures identify one’s heritage – sometimes disclosing the entire genealogical tree to a competent listener (Niemi and Lapsui 2004). The necessity to signal the geographic information in a personal song arises from the permanent scarcity of population, which poses the risk of incestuous marriage and subsequent genetic disorders, threatening the entire tribe with extinction. The entire region of Siberia is characterized by the millennia-long tradition of taking a wife from a different tribe – the politics of which has shaped the genetic fund of Siberian ethnoses (Pakendorf 2007). Each ethnicity has formed its own likes and dislikes in customs of choosing a neighboring ethnicity for marriage. Amongst Samoyedic ethnoses, the prevailing marriage migration was between Nganasan, Nenets, Enets and Dolgan populations (Goltsova et al. 2005). Patriarchal lineage determines the social identification of a wife through the rite of her symbolic “rebirth”, where she loses her membership in her birth-kin upon her adoption by her husband’s kin (Sagalayev and Oktiabr’skaya 1990, 18). That is why personal song as a rule reflects the territoriality of the maternal side (Aizenshtadt 1982). Yet another source of connection of personal song to animal communication is the ideological framework of totemism that promoted onomatopoeic imitations of calls of sacred animals. The idea of connection to an important spirit or deity by means of evoking it by its unique melody (in the manner of attracting an animal by imitating its call) could have emerged in the Proto-Samoyedic culture within the Proto-Samoyedic shamanic cult, branching into shamanic traditions of each of the Samoyedic ethnoses once they were formed during the 1st millennium AD (Dobzhanskaya 2011). Personal melodies of spirits and shamans could have provided prototypes for ascribing specific musical structures to represent the personality of common people. A number of Siberian ethnicities ascribe personal songs and instrumental patterns (“naigryshi”) to deities and spirit-owners of important landmarks (e.g., river, forest, mountain) to call for their attention in order to ask for favors – and the morphology of such “supernatural” personal songs reflects the supposed family relations between spirits and deities (Gemuyev and Sagalayev 1986, 68). Yurii Sheikin transcribed a set of “spiritual” Ugric personal songs (1990). Ugric peoples (i.e., Khanty and Mansi) sing such songs to patronizing spirits when becoming ill (Voldina 2017). Most indigenous ethnicities of Siberia, the Far East, and the Northern part of North America employ personal song as means of individual spiritual representation: typically, they reuse the same melodic formula over different lyrics or vocables that are adjusted to reflect a given real-life situation, such as riding, fishing, or knitting. The fact of sustaining the same motif over various verbal expressions in the context of different situations and emotional states indicates that the musical component of personal song works as a mental equivalent of the “self” – an imaginary twin-person employed to emotionally 11 examine the interaction between the self and the environment as though from aside (Ojamaa & Ross 2004). Singers usually see personal songs as auditory manifestation of the “soul” of a person, or of a personal guardian-spirit of that person (Niemi 2002). Sometimes they use textless personal melodies to refer to a third person: a personal motif of a relative or a friend can be used in reference to them in their absence (singing someone else’s song at his presence is usually regarded as bad manners). Yelena Novik draws a parallel between “personal song” and “passport” – like updated photos in one’s passport, different melodies might represent the same individual in childhood, adolescence, and old age, while also indicating the changes in residence4 (Novik 2004, 80). Shortly after the birth of a child, his parents usually compose a melody that captures the most salient personal traits of that child, which becomes that child’s “personal ID” until reaching adulthood, at which point the owner of a parental song creates a new melody to represent his mature “self” – some ethnicities may adopt the personal song of their older sibling or even of one of their parents, in case of a special affection towards that relative (Ojamaa 2002). On the other hand, the value of a purely melodic aspect of the “personal song” cannot be entirely isolated from the song itself. The melodic structures that constitute a song are perceived in an organic unity with the text, so that a singer and his competent listener are not capable of comprehending the pitch aspect of a song separately from its lyrics, even upon request (Ojamaa and Ross 2011). The same applies to the circumstances of performance: e.g., riding songs are performed only while riding – thus, the Nganasan genre tararsa baly (“road song”) is designed for riding a reindeer sledge and is based on the personal song of a rider, supplied with everchanging new lyrics for each of the trips, usually dedicated to thoughts about life (Sheikin et al. 2019). The “self” of a personal song, while being encoded in the personalized permanent progression of pitches in conjunction with the unique timbral characteristics of the singer’s voice that allow his friends and relatives to recognize him by his voice, is embodied in the extra-musical physical attributes of the performance. Such are the lyrics, the activities that accompany singing, the landmarks that are passed by, etc., which resemble different cloths put on the same person. Contextual ties to concrete circumstances testify that the “personal melody” is perceived as a “real person” rather than a fictional character, such as the protagonist of a story. The singer of a “personal song” is always the first person, and hardly ever a third person: the singer of a personal song, be it his own song or someone else’s, as a rule speaks for himself while singing. 5 This explains the nearly universal (in traditional cultures) ban on reproducing the song of a foreign person, and especially of a shaman – since opening the gates to an unfriendly spirit-patron of the owner of the song or an evil spirit of the underworld could let harmful influences permeate the singer’s persona (Dobzhanskaya 2016). Therefore, a “personal song” essentially manifests the most direct form of mental representation of the imaginary “I” placed in a certain environment. This makes a musical culture that retains the institution of “personal song” most suitable for investigation of the correspondence between tonal and spatial organizations as close as possible to their primordial form. If a purely musical “self,” encoded in the configuration of pitches, receives a metro-rhythmic arrangement so that the music movement 4 Passport system in the USSR differed from passport systems of Western countries: in addition to identifying a person’s face, name, and family status, the USSR passport stated one’s permanent residential address (“propiska”) – very much what the typical personal song usually indicates. 5 Shaman’s songs might constitute a peculiar case where the shaman sings on the behalf of a client in an attempt to mediate a deal with a particular spirit, thereafter, acquiring the voice and the personal song of that spirit in order to answer the request previously sung by shaman’s natural voice. In the same vein, singing a personal song of a dear relative “in absentia” is believed to temporarily bring in the spirit of this person, so that the singer as though for a moment adopts the personality of the song’s owner. This is one of the reasons why the right to sing one’s personal song is restricted to the people of the same kin and family – to prevent potential conflicts between different ancestries. 12 complements the daily activity performed to singing and supported by the content of lyrics, then, such design is perceptually equivalent to defining one’s position in a certain physical place: the “self” of a singer literally obtains the coordinates of its placement within a virtual musical space.6 The proof of such congruency is the practice of using personal songs of the deities to represent the spiritual journey of a shaman during the kamlaniye rite: e.g., Nganasan shamans depict their travelling to the underworld and back to their clients in words sung to the personal melodies of the actors of their lyrics (Dobzhanskaya 2019). Such forms of indigenous “program music” are possible only because personal song has established itself as a musical equivalent of a persona, while the variations in the arrangement of a personal song, accompanied with variations in lyrics, represent what exactly that persona is currently doing. Since all indigenous ethnicities of Siberia spend their day singing to themselves while doing their daily chores (Alekseyev 1976), personal song actually becomes a “diary” of one’s day. So, all in all, the pitch contour of a permanent personal melody stands in the foreground as the protagonist of a music work, whereas its changeable metro-rhythmic, timbral and intervallic pitch features represent the background – the actions of a protagonist and their circumstances (Nikolsky et al. 2020a). The daily variations of a personal melody musically reflect the whereabouts of one’s day in a manner of a videocamera. To examine the correspondence between tonal organization of music in cultures of those Northeast Eurasian ethnicities that retain personal song, we shall focus on two manifestations of spatial orientation: 1) a common strategy of finding way in a real-life topographic environment during long-distance travelling and 2) a common scheme of pictorial representation of visible reality either in the form of drawing from life or of sketching a plat. 4) Nenets versus Khanty: depiction, music, navigation, cosmology, and traditional art Perhaps, we could start our inquiry from examining the spatial organization patterns evident in attempts of untrained Nenets to depict simple objects. Nenets culture,7 as explained above, is one of the best candidates to represent the earliest forms of cultural evolution due to the exceptional conservation of cultural traditions and direct lineage to Paleo-Asiatic cultures. Nenets traditional music of today is still based on ekmelic (from ancient Greek “unsuitable for melody”, i.e., poorly defined), tonal organization – i.e., exclusively melodic arrangement of indefinite-in-pitch tones according to their registral position and melodic functions, featuring variable-in-size (stretchable) intervallic classes (Nikolsky 2015). In a nutshell, ekmelic melody is created by the formulaic repetition of the same progression of 2-4 indefinite pitch classes (aka, “degrees” of an ekmelic musical mode). 6 Unfortunately, matters of orientation, spatial and tonal organization that are habitual to indigenous ethnicities of Siberia are currently only in the embryonic state of investigation. There is much that remains to be discovered, and this paper just barely touches upon this important area of inquiry. The practice of replacing a personal song made by one’s parents with the self-made song is likely to disclose the functional connection between the common schemes of tonal and spatial organizations, promoting those schemes that are most characteristic for the lifestyle of the song’s owner. And since each member of society that retains personal song is free to adopt a melody that reflects his worldview and his “ego”, then, the most common tonal schemes would testify as to which models of orientation are most common for a given culture. 7 The Nganasan culture presents a better case of isolation and preservation of archaic cultural traditions. However, it is by far less researched than the Nenets culture – the scarcity of information makes it hard to characterize the Nganasan tradition of navigation and the capacities of Nganasan individuals to generate pictorial representation of visible objects. 13 2. Audio: Verya Neniang Syo, personal Nenets song, Taimyr. Formula-based structure with frequent ekmelic pitch-bending that fills up the leaps. The mode includes 4 basic degrees (if to disregard the sliding embellishments and estimate only rhythmically stressed tones). http://chirb.it/dgenGN How do we know that the musical mode is ekmelic and that it engages a few indefinite degrees rather than great multitude of definite micro-tonal degrees? We know it because indigenous singers can never reproduce the “same” (as they perceive it) song with the “same” pitch values of melodic tones and the “same” intervallic values between those tones. Pitch values usually keep fluctuating within the range of 100-400 cents, causing the intervallic values to shrink or expand, depending on whether a performer becomes excited or relaxed (see the audio examples with explanations in Nikolsky 2015). Performers are not aware of these fluctuations, reporting that they sing perfectly in tune – as long as they sing their native repertoire. Whenever they sing foreign songs coming from emmelic (from ancient Greek “suitable for melody”, i.e., well defined) music cultures, such as Russian folk songs, they sing well in tune, which testifies that their fluctuations in pitch while singing their native repertoire are not the result of poor hearing or lack of vocal skills but a deliberate style of music-making. Ekmelic singers resort to the strategy of gliding through the ambitus of a chosen register in a wave-like shape, loosely observing a pitch level of peak- and trough-points of a wave, without fixing each of their subsequent occurrences in a melody at exactly the same pitch level (Image 2a). Instead, singers focus on retaining the overall melodic contour and rhythmic proportions – but only roughly, without any incrementation of frequency and time intervals. A) B) Image 2. The typical tonal organization in an ekmelic mode (Alekseyev 1976). A) Each song consists of cyclic repetitions of the same formula that usually corresponds to a phrase in the lyrics. The formula can start at the trough (A), at the peak (B), or slightly above the trough level (C). It can end at the trough (A1), at the point above the trough after passing it (C1), or at the point above the trough prior to reaching it in the descending motion (D). The pitch level of A or C/D usually houses the anchor degree, distinguished by greater stability in tuning and stronger gravity. B) The most common disposition of 3 degrees in an ekmelic mode. The anchor degree is indicated by the red color. It features the greatest tonal stability in a mode – all of the tones of a melody (red dots) that fall on the pitch level of this degree (red horizontal line) are nearly perfectly aligned. The opposing degree is positioned above the anchor, separated by a leap and colored blue. It features the greatest instability, indicated by the vertical fluctuation of melodic tones (blue dots) that fall on its pitch level (blue horizontal line). The third degree is complementary to the second degree, which is indicated by the green color. This degree is also unstable but less so than the second degree. An ekmelic formula usually contains a single anchor-tone that fluctuates the least (i.e., the primary degree of ekmelic mode). This primary degree can be either complemented by the adjacent second degree a step aside or challenged by the gapped third degree that acts as a secondary anchor. Such “opposing” degree is much more flexible in tuning than the “complementary” degree which, in turn, is more flexible than the primary anchor. The opposing degree might receive its own complementary degree (Image 2b). Less common is the use of a fourth degree that might execute a special offsetting function in relation to 14 the primary degree by temporarily throwing the melody off its course. Usually this is achieved by registral means: the offsetting tone either is marked by a different timbre or hits the margin of a register. This dialectics of non-incremental stepping and leaping, a wave-like contour, melodic functionality of peaks and troughs, and rhythmo-metric formulation are also found in the first attempts of infants to entertain themselves with their own music in the babbling period (typically, 1-2 years of age), which can be effectively interpreted by ekmelic analysis of their tonal organization (Nikolsky 2020b). Just like Nenets traditional music, their traditional art has retained its idiosyncrasy until the middle of the 20th century, and even then, stayed more resilient towards Russian cultural influences than the arts of the neighboring ethnicities. This has to do with stronger adherence to the traditional lifestyle: 72% of male and 38% of female Nenets maintain their traditional forms of occupation (as opposed to 29% and 5% of Evenki, respectively), 39% of Nenets population live in chums rather than houses (vs. 21% of Evenki), and 33% of Nenets still use reindeers for transportation – this is while maintaining one of the highest ethnic concentration of all indigenous ethnicities of Taimyr, 69,5% pure Nenets (excluding creole Nenets)8 and 52% of the population living in mono-ethnic settlements (Bicheool 2012). In a unique field experimental study, where the majority of the subjects were tundra Nenets (all were the reindeer herders) could not complete the task of drawing a cube from real life, regardless of their level of education (Goncharov & Tiapovkin 2012).9 Researchers explained such poor projection skills by the influence of habitual schemes of topological orientation in the tundra environment. According to Goncharov’s findings in his previous studies, reindeer herders are known to make no use of topographic maps that would represent a physical disposition of real-life objects and find it very difficult to retrace the same route in the opposite direction. Life in a wide-open space does not contribute to the development of a system of vertical and horizontal coordinates. The ecological conditions of life in tundra and occupational tasks of reindeer herders promote formation of special skills and schemes of orientation that are characterized by highly developed topological representation while deficient projective and coordinative representations (Goncharov 2007). Goncharov’s experimental study confirmed that the impact of the environmental factor is more significant than the education level and cultural preferences of the subjects of his study: both, adult reindeer herders and their children, displayed low level of projection and coordination skills in comparison to a selected control group of Nenets who permanently resided in a city – despite the herder’s experience of visiting cities and being familiar with cityscapes (Goncharov & Tiapovkin 2012). Mere exposure to hierarchic organization of urban landscapes apparently does not suffice to cause reorganization of non-hierarchic methods of spatial orientation, suggesting that it is only the prolonged experience of exercising the orientation skills in vitally important environment that has formative power on one’s ability to optimize representation of the 3D objects on a 2D plane. 8 This point is one of the most crucial, since most of the creole aboriginal population lose command of their native tongue, abandon their traditional beliefs, and tend to follow the metropolitan Russian cultural stereotypes (Bicheool 2012). 9 All the subjects followed the same strategy: they drew the front side of the cube as a square, then added the left side, and then the invisible bottom side. Upon comparing their drawing to the original cube before them, they became dissatisfied with what they had drawn, and made several more attempts to complete the drawing, but every time, to their surprise, they produced the same result. Only 2 out of 20 adult subjects managed to draw the cube in the form of combined rectangles. None of the 22 children could draw the cube at all. On those few drawings that displayed multiple sides of the cube, the nearest side was depicted narrower and shorter than the farthest one. Another source of difficulty was the second experimental task of selecting projections, where subjects had to choose the best match between a few 3D objects of various geometric shapes, and photos of these shapes taken from 8 different angles. Majority of children could correctly identify only one to two of the ten projections. The execution of all tasks by adults and children exhibited more commonalities than individual differences. 15 The peculiar combination of great topological representation and weak projection/coordination representation in spatial organization remarkably corresponds to the typology of tonal organization in music native to these herdsmen. Difficulty in topologic and geometric projection transpires into difficulty in exact reproduction of the same pitch contour across different performances of the same song. To be more precise, Nenets singers simply do not set a goal of incremental rendition of a pitch contour according to some fixed reference points. In fact, they reject the very idea of pitch error: they tend to think that once a singer knows what to express, then any way of expression is necessarily “right” (Ojamaa & Ross 2011). Nenets do not distinguish between patterns of pitch organization and patterns of lyrics, and therefore, do not seem to track the pitch contour per se, perceiving a musical phrase in a syncretic unity of musical intonation and phonemic intonation of words. Nevertheless, pitch contours of Nenets songs do differ from those of the spoken Nenets lyrics throughout most of their song genres – unlike their rhythm and meter that generally agree between their speech and singing (Niemi 1999). This discrepancy seems to demonstrate the peculiar relation between music and words, where each of them carries its own intonational expression while sharing the rhythmo-metric organization, enabling their syncretic integration in a song. Making melodic contours different from verbal intonations serves the purpose to assign a unique role to music: thus, the ethnographic research indicates that it is the melodic formula rather than words that is believed to directly reach a particular spirit during the shamanic rite (Dobzhanskaya, 2013). The distinction between sounds of speech and sounds of music is obvious in the belief systems of indigenous population of Siberia. Thus, Tungus-Manchu people believe that the forest spirits hear everything sung by human visitors but are deaf to the sounds of human speech (Bulgakova 2000). Similar beliefs underlie the customs of performing music or singing epic tales to the “taiga master” in order to please him so that he would reward hunters with generous prey (Galdanova 1987). It seems plausible to conclude that during the earliest stages in the evolution of tonal organization, when it was ekmelic, the interaction of verbal and musical intonations executed the formative semantic function, whereas at later, emmelic, stages music users learned to focus on the melodic intonations alone. The latter became important for the recognition of specific genres of music and thereby contributed to the formation of the autonomous musical semantics in contradistinction to the meaning of the lyrics. This developmental pattern is evident in the acquisition of musical skills throughout childhood. Thus, 5to 10-year-old children base their judgement of the emotional impact of a song on lyrics, in contrast to adults who rely on musical features (Morton & Trehub 2007). One of the leading specialists on the development of vocal skills, Graham Welch, considers lyrics-based perception of songs a landmark of the first stage in vocal development (Welch 1994). Nenets songs feature all typical traits of ekmelic organization: • • • • expandable intervals, regularization of directional changes, periodic rhythmical cycling in metric formula, and prevalence of wave-like melodic shapes (rather than the extended progressions of consistent ascending or descending contours that are so common in emmelic music). Predictability of the oscillation algorithm in a sinusoid wave and the smoothness of a waveform in its coverage of the ambitus between the peak and the trough points constitute the principles of orientation that are extremely valuable in all tasks of spatial navigation in an unfamiliar terrain that lacks landmarks. Nenets melodies are characterized by a pronounced one-dimensionality of tonal organization: a single anchor tone attracts coordinated non-hierarchical degrees, typically marking the beginning and the end of a song (Niemi 2009, 102). Ekmelic melodies, in general, are characterized by heterarchic tonal 16 organization: the indefinite nature of ekmelic degrees and the gliding manner of their connection limits the ability of the singer to generate tonal tension. Therefore, unlike degrees of diatonic keys, ekmelic degrees cannot be ranked according to their melodic stability and instability. The anchoring degree only slightly exceeds the other degrees in stability of its tuning, which is not enough to make it act like “tonic” in diatonic keys. Ekmelic melodies can end on any of the degrees – performers do not perceive any of the degrees as unstable and requiring a melodic resolution (Alekseyev 1986). In most songs of the tundra Nenets, a singer seems to follow the strategy of filling up the ambitus of his song with numerous reproductions of a single formula (sometimes with considerable variation and addition/insertion of new intonations). Its cycling is wrapped around a single point of reference (an anchor degree), where melodic intervals keep slightly varying in size. Such melody moves in a way much like a tundra inhabitant who follows his course through a vast flat snowy surface by reference to the sun and the wind that may change directions or disappear (Fortescue 2011, 74). Sled tracks present the easiest way of navigation (akin to the verse of a song). However, tracks are vulnerable to blizzards – so, the natives have to develop a keen sense of wind, based on the observation of shapes of the snow ridges (Lewis & George 1991). Orientation by sun and wind works similarly to referencing ekmelic degrees to a weak (and possibly fluctuating) gravity of an anchor tone, vaguely indicated by its greater permanence in tuning and its registral position at the bottom of the pitch ambitus (Nikolsky 2015). Ekmelic reliance on the gradations in permanence resembles tundra inhabitants’ reliance on weather gradations in visibility, and on ever-changing wind. In tundra landscape, estimations cannot be made in a clear-cut numerical style: the absence of landmarks makes any incrementation impossible. Arctic inhabitants demonstrate amazing discrepancy in estimating distance, where not only different individuals widely disagree between one another, but the very same person changes his estimate from day to day (Aporta 2004). Quite common are the customs of measuring the distance by counting the days of travel or by the amount of the dogfood the dogs consume – both rather flexible and imprecise (ibid.). Indeterminacy is also manifested in Nenets orientation of the entrance in chum (their nomadic tent): they make entrance from the side opposite to the direction of a wind that is generally prevalent at a given location, whereas other Taimyr ethnicities fix the entrance by the preferred compass point, such as West or South-West (Bicheool 2013b). As we shall see, this discrepancy corresponds to different methods of tonal organization. In such conditions, ekmelic method of modal organization can prove to be instrumental in exercising one’s mind to process a set of variable-in-pitch degrees as a single modal unity, integrated by the functional relation of all degrees to a single anchor and that anchor’s position in both, the ambitus of a song and in the ongoing cycling of the same wave-like formula. Such memorable item as one’s personal song in ekmelic style becomes a par excellence “compass” for navigation in tundra. The equation of personal melody with a persona perfectly fits the wayfaring paradigm of defining a position of a person in an unfamiliar space. Quite in tune with this paradigm, Andrei Golovnev, a specialist in cosmology of Siberian ethnicities, characterizes the typical Nenets method of wayfaring as envisaging the view of a particular place as though watching oneself from the sky “as a moving dot on the map” (Istomin & Dwyer 2009, 43, Commentary). Golovnev insists on what he calls ‘celestial’ aspect of Nenets navigation as a characteristic trait of their culture. He claims that, in a methodology that is unique amongst other Arctic Siberian ethnicities, Nenets travelers move according to the mental rotation of the sky-picture with each subsequent shift in orientation from one star to another, the succession of which they memorize as their route. The moment they have to commit a turn, they perform a mental rotation of the map, readjusting their position in relation to the next star in their road map. This usually occurs every 7-10 kilometers. So, in essence, Nenets navigation strategy consists of continuous periodic matching of celestial map to the map of their actual position on land. A traveler as though equates himself with a musical tone in an ekmelic melodic formula and moves along the trajectory of a sine wave very similar to the graphic representation of the ekmelic formula in Image-2a. 17 In their custom of employing multi-factorial projection and matching the celestial plan of the route to their the changes in their actual position, the Nenets differ from the neighboring ethnicities, such as the taiga (i.e., deep forest) Khanty, who memorize “every hummock of his hunting ground” and walk by proceeding sequentially and linearly from “point A” to “point B,” from “point B” to “point C”, etc.. The cosmological beliefs of Nenets bear similar “vertical” orientation in contrast to the “horizontal” Khanty beliefs. Khanty see the Universe as the World River, where the Heaven is located at the river head, and the Underworld – at the river mouth (Martynova 1998, 123). The most important deity is the top Underworld god Khyn’ Iki, whose anthropomorphic clothed doll used to be kept in every household – to be redressed in case of someone’s illness. After Khyn’ Iki, the most important deity to consider is the god of water, Yink Yeurt, omnipresent in any source of water (ibid., p.124). Also important are the spirits of local landmarks, family spirits and totem animals, which comprise the rest of the Khanty pantheon (p.126-8). Unlike Nenets, Khanty reveal directionality in their beliefs: they worship the geographic location, Ural Mountains, by going there on pilgrimage with their sledge idols (p.125). This testifies to the fixedness and the locality of Khanty spatial thinking. Nenets beliefs, on the other hand, reserve an important place for the celestial bodies: cults of Sun (Heyha) as a force of life, and Moon – as a force of death – cults that initially must have occupied the top rank at the Nenets pantheon, but throughout the course of the 20th century became subordinated to the god of hunting, Vaesoko (Lar 2008). The more recent Nenets worldview still features a sophisticated cosmological scheme of vertical orientation. It divides universe into three worlds, where the Upper World is considered the “Earth” (with its own rivers, mountains, stars and sun) as for its top deity, Num, who subdivided it in 7 heavens, appointing each of his sons to govern 6 lower ones, placed himself and his wife, Ya’Minia, the Goddess of destiny and children, at the highest 9th heaven, and reserved the 7th Heaven for Moon and stars, and the 8th Heaven for Sun (Lar, 1998, Chapter 2). Equally powerful, Num’s brother, Nga, rules the Underworld, and every human can choose whether to comply to Num’s or Nga’s rule. Shamans can reach only the 5th Heaven (and Underworld) with the help of the spirits that normally live in clouds and lower Heavens. If for some reason, a shaman is not available, humans could appeal to a spirit or lower deity on their own, through their home idols (siadei and khekhe) which, therefore, had to be constantly treated like a person: fed, put to sleep, and entertained by conversation. Yet another means of reaching spirits for Nenets (just like for Evenks and Nganasans who are ethnically close to Nenets) were sacred reindeers that symbolized the connection of wood and stone with Earth, light with Sun, blizzard with Water, etc. (Gratchyova 1983, 33), embodying the elemental cosmological attributes. Overall, Nenets respected many more deities than Khanty, paying tribute in sacrifices to spirits of fire, water, patrons of various animals and places, and family spirits – so that the entire life of a Nenets consisted of responding to great many “signs” in his surroundings by appealing to dozens of deities and spirits in order to maintain harmony with nature (Lar, 2008). The sheer number of superstitions in everyday life, and the importance given to them, tells Nenets culture apart from the neighboring ethnicities and makes them notorious for credulity amongst their neighbors. As far as in the mid-20th century, the celestial objects still carried the most socializing influence in Nenets life. The annual festival of Sunrise made the central event in Nenets calendar for all clans to meet and join in a rite and a feast, during which the most important events of the coming year were to be planned, including the decisions on the herding routes (Lehtisalo 1998, 14). Thus, Nenets navigation was literally inferred from skies. It appears that, overall, the Nenets culture followed a substantially more “vertical” worldview, with developed hierarchy of skies, earth, and underworld, rather than the flat “horizontal” river paradigm adopted by the Khanty mythology. Although Khanty also distinguished between Heavens, Earth and Underworld, categorizing each of them in strata (Golovnev 1995), their beliefs from the times of migration of their Finno-Ugric ancestors to Western Siberia were based on a unique principle of cultural 18 dichotomy, reflected in the division in two phratries (of Por and Mos’), each specializing in sacrifices (respectively, with raw versus cooked meat), gender-based division of house and tent, association left with evil versus right with good, and placement of good spirits at South and East, whereas evil spirits – at North and West (Veres, 2014). As it follows, Nenets’ greater dependence on the celestial position of sun and moon in their navigation in tundra put in place an “astronomic”-style mapping, and gave greater importance to metaphysical cosmological powers, invisible to the eye, as opposed to more “materialistic” religious views of the Khanty, exemplified in binary opposition of more tangible entities. Here, ekmelic organization of Nenets traditional music opposes emmelic organization of Khanty music that employs “materialistic” style of “way-finding” from “point A-to-point B”. Khanty music demonstrates greater concision of details, attention to music form, permanence in tuning, and concern for diversity of tonal schemes. Most of the compositions are based on octave-equivalent pentatonic modes, but heptatonic and hexatonic music is also encountered. In contrast to the overwhelmingly vocal monophonic Nenets music, Khanty musical textures are more complex: they feature either monodic or heterophonic design due to the widespread use of instrumental accompaniment (Bogdanov 1982). Khanty manufacture and play on the rich assortment of percussive, wind, and string instruments, including 2-string violin, 12-string harp, and 5-string zither. The popularity of instrumental music is evident from the adoption of instrumental “personal patterns” (naigryshi), used along with personal songs to musically represent an individual. Khanty melodies are generally characterized by clear patterning and contrast, they feature salient thematic material and rely on “squared” metric structures (i.e., featuring even and regular distribution of metric accents), with little importance given to variation (Soldatova 2012). Music form is usually of a composite type, created by repeated alternation of two or three motifs (e.g., A-B, A-B-C) (Lazar 1997). 3. Audio: Sortyng pusl pohyry, Khanty song. Emmelic hemitonic pentatonic mode, based on 5 relatively well-defined principal degrees, where the lowest degree receives an octave equivalent. The melodic formula consists of the alternation of two complementary motifs of the wave-like shape. http://chirb.it/G213p9 As it is evident from the example above, Khanty music differs from Nenets music by its intervallic typology: it engages incremental steps that secure relative uniformity of intervallic relations between the pitch classes, making all occurrences of the same degree tuned to the model pitch value within the same phrase (e.g., the semitone between the II and the III degrees is nearly always stressed by a very consistent intonation, marking its function of a melodic resolution). However, over time, as the singer becomes excited, the song gradually shifts higher in pitch – albeit not in ekmelic manner: there is no characteristic ekmelic gliding from pitch to pitch, the intervallic relations between the degrees are retained throughout the shifting, and only the upper degree is somewhat smudged in pitch and timbrally recolored. The overall prevalence of fixed pitch classes and interval classes is supported by quite rigid rhythmic organization uniformed by incremental beats. The melodic formula in the example above features accumulation of tonal tension followed by its resolution. Contrasts between the tonal organization of Khanty and Nenets music finds analogies in contrasts of their cosmological worldviews and methods of spatial orientation. Thus, Khanty consider Earth stable and therefore inhabitable by the “eternal” (in Khanty view) communities of people, animals, trees, and rivers that all “fill up” the available space and form intricate relations between each other – in sharp contrast to Nenets who see Earth as unstable and permanently moving in relation to human movement (Golovnev 1995, 262). Similarly, Khanty’s music is distinguished by not only greater stability in tuning but by the presence of stable degrees that terminate melodic motifs and provide resolution to unstable degrees. Fixed degrees of their musical modes form much more intricate relations than indefinite ekmelic degrees of Nenets music. Khanty’s melody is characterized by ongoing changes in melodic motion fueled by the tension of unstable degrees with halts at the points of relaxation induced by stable degrees. 19 Nenets music, on the contrary, keeps permanently cycling through the same simple melodic formula for as long as a music work is lasting. This perpetum mobile principle of musicking finds a close match in the navigation strategies of Nenets: they believe that as long as the sledge keeps moving through the snowstorm, there is nothing to be afraid of, but any stop poses the risk of death (ibid., p.210). Golovnev cites a local bilingual expert on Nenets and Khanty cultures, Vella-Aivaseda, who draws the opposition between the Khanty’s strategy of fixing a boat motor by trial and error of tweaking the motor parts versus Nenets’ strategy of not touching the motor before completing the mental plan of the repair. Vella-Aivaseda relates this difference to the difference in navigation strategies: a Nenets tracks the trajectory of his motion by imagining himself as a moving dot on a map, whereas a Khanty moves from one landmark to another, memorizing their relative position (ibid., p.262). Subsequently, Khanty are most comfortable moving across forests and most uncomfortable moving across tundra – in polar opposite to Nenets. This opposition matches the opposition between ekmelic and emmelic typologies. Ekmelic melody flexibly cycles through the available ambitus according to the plan of a music-maker who sets the wavelike formula, where the gliding course of a melodic line stays at the center of attention of a music-maker and a music-listener. Emmelic melody, on the other hand, moves from one defined pitch value to another, defining them as degrees of a pitch-oriented musical mode, and categorizing all the occurrences of tones in a melody throughout the entire music work as constituting this or that modal degree. The focus here falls on hitting right pointillistic pitch values rather than on proper curving of the melodic line that connects tones. • For Khanty, it is the set of properly defined “pitch points” that fills up the ambitus of a song. • For Nenets, it is the curvature of the melodic contour that fills up the ambitus of a song. Hence, Nenets generally prefer oval shapes to straight lines: they gather animals in a herd in circle, they stop the herd’s motion by arching their course, they look for a suitable place for a halt by circling around, their wedding processions circle around the yurts, their hunting circles the prey, etc. (p.199). Nenets believe that anything straight is created by humans (e.g., arrow, stick for directing a reindeer, yurt beams, sledge tracks) and therefore is imperfect – in contrast to objects created by nature, which are always oval (p.198). Therefore, Nenets aesthetically appreciate semicircle: they build yurts by placing them in semicircle, house reindeers in semicircular enclosures, and have positive associations with words that are derivative of the root “yor” (semicircle). Nenets’ point of reference in spatial arrangement is the center of a semicircle. Remarkably similar is the ekmelic tonal organization: the wave-like melodic contour keeps continuously circling from its peaks to troughs, where the mid-point of a wave constitutes the point of reference. The straightforward ascending and descending melodic motion rarely, if ever, produces the melodic formula. Khanty’s lifestyle, kin structure and mythology are distinguished by thorough ordering of the relations between various objects and by great concision of the enumeration of objects (ibid., p.263). In contrast, Nenets tend to enumerate objects figuratively and pay attention not to objects but to their relative disposition and shape. Nenets travel by following a course defined by the relation of earthly and celestial objects: e.g., a rider moves towards the star that is positioned right above the head of the leading reindeer for one “pass,” turn towards the left star after the next “pass,” etc. – where the notion of a “pass” is defined as a typical length of a single uninterrupted run of the reindeer pack, about 7-10 km (p.210). At the same time, they take into consideration the direction of the wind, and note its changes by the quality and the shape of the snow ridges (sometimes able to reconstruct the changes of the wind for up to 2 days ago). Again, we can see how close such mode of orientation comes to laying out an ekmelic melodic formula, driven by the interaction of multiple poorly definable factors: • • indefinite pitch intervals, floating degrees, 20 • • • • expandable tessitura of the melody, constantly curving melodic shape, quite irrational coordination of melodic functions, and absence of contrasts (apart from timbral modulations). Similar counter-opposition can be traced in the domain of visual arts. Image 3. Female Nenets kapor (hat). The ornament is known amongst Nenets as the “reindeer’s horns.” It can be found on garments and bags, but not footwear – out of respect for the animal that is indispensable for Nenets’ survival. Remarkably, Nenets traditional visual art until very recently did not feature realistic depictions (Image3) on a plane surface (Ivanov 1954, 58). The only genre of realistic representation was siadei – an idol with human features carved on a totem-like wooden block, erected in a sacrificial place (Rafaenko 1972). But even this sculptural genre became anthropomorphic not earlier than in the late 19th century, under the Russian cultural influence. Prior to that representation was purely symbolic – connecting a siadei to the spirit that it was supposed to call upon by “magic” ties rather than visual resemblance. Nenets’ plats demonstrate failure to grasp the notion of scaling (ibid., p.766). However, nearly every Nenets is able to effortlessly generate a map with the aerial view of a particular region from memory upon request (Golovnev 1995). Evidently, the failure to capture the relative proportions of topographic objects does not prevent the Nenets to capture the relative positions of these objects. Such peculiarity perfectly matches the model of ekmelic music-making. The attempts of Nenets subjects, initiated upon request of ethnographers, to draw from nature (during the first half of the XX century) revealed a style similar to Paleolithic petroglyphs: relatively realistic zoomorphic versus very schematic human features without any grouping of objects or any reference to a mutual ground line (Ivanov 1954, 784). Even paintings of the first Nenets artist, Tyko Vylko, who was trained by professional Russian painters in 1907-12, strike a Western viewer as flat, devoid of spatial modeling and shading (Rafaenko 1972). The only form of depiction found in majority of Nenets tribes is strictly ornamental, reserved to the design on what they wear or carry (see Image-3 above): where few types of ornaments schematically represent real-life objects (Mitlianskaya 1983, 206). Just as a pitch contour of Nenets song contrasts a prosodic contour of a Nenets speech, shapes of their art, overall, bear little resemblance to real objects. Flatness of tonal subordination to a single anchortone corresponds to deadpan flatness in projective drawings. Inability to rasterize distances by means of a single increment in map scaling corresponds to the “changeable in size” ekmelic intervals, where pitchgliding resembles attempts of a blind person to figure out the disposition of objects around him by touching them consecutively, one after another.10 Permanence of rhythm and meter in tundra Nenets 10 This strategy of connecting the distant pitches by insertion of quick passages is characteristic for improvisations of blind keyboard and string players – they usually fill up the gaps between keys or frets that they want to play by fast passages, portamento slides, or glissandos. 21 song resembles the ornamentation principle that is observed amongst other tundra ethnicities: an ornament consists of the element/pattern that is reproduced over equal distances in vertical and horizontal dimensions (Image-4) – usually in a single direction, forming a band – often vertically symmetric (Petrova 2014). Image 4. 11 samples of the most common Nenets ornaments, known as “man’s head,” “woman’s head,” “calf’s horns,” “hare’s ears,” “reindeer’s path,” etc. – all representing the schematization of some “realistic” prototype typical for the living environment. Ability to conserve intervallic distances appears to be limited primarily to metric organization of music rather than pitch, indicating greater capacity for the incrementation of time than space. Just as music of indigenous population of Siberia features many common traits in rhythmic organization, the ornaments found in traditional art of different ethnicities display great commonality of design. It appears that different ethnic musical styles contrast each other more so in tonal than rhythmic organization. On the other hand, realistic images occupy a significant place in traditional visual art of Khanty people. In fact, their traditional art boasts an impressive lineage that dates back to 2,000 years BC: there are 54 sites of rock art located in Ural mountains, and many pictorial objects found in these petroglyphs are still used in folk art applications by the present-day Khanty (Shirokov & Tchairkin 2011). Some rock art compositions feature quite sophisticated spatial organization with noticeable canonic rules: e.g., most petroglyphs face South, animals are depicted in profile, but people are depicted in “full face”, and the landscape elements are included in the composition, forming the background layer (Tchernetsov 1971, 24–27). Image 5. The fragment of petroglyphs from the Vishera stone, Kama region, Ural, Bronze Age. The entire rock contains 213 images representing reindeers, bears, anthropomorphic creatures, masks, and geometric symbols, all facing South – next to the sacrificial place (Shirokov & Tchairkin 2011, 28). Such complex compositions usually adhere to the pronounced centripetal organization in relation to the principal subject of the composition - to the extent that the pictorial objects surrounding the 22 centerpiece object are often depicted upside down, similar to the pictorial canon of the Old Kingdom of the Ancient Egypt (Nikolsky 2016a). Depiction of real-life objects is encountered in almost every Khanty household: animal figures are carved on boats, cradles, needle-holders, and mortars. The tattooed pictures are quite common, although they were more widespread in the past (Lukina 1985). Images play an important role in religious beliefs, such as healing rituals that require making a “voodoo” doll and various figurines. Pictures of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic idols are recovered at the ruins of sacrificial sites, and images and figures of personal patrons are routinely manufactured from wood, bark, textile scraps, or stone - by male and female Khanty (Martynova 1998). Furthermore, the aesthetic appreciation occupies a greater place in the Khanty traditional art as compared to the Nenets. Decorating an artifact is no less important for the Khanty than its manufacturing, often exceeding the latter in expense and production time: such items, as a bag or a coat, are considered ready for use only after their decoration is completed (Siazi 1995). Attention to decoration transpires into the complexity and innovation of form, prominent in the composition of ornamental designs in Khanty applied arts. Clearly, Khanty visual art and music contain more definite, proportional, and complex structures that involve subordination and coordination of permanently shaped elements by means of fixed intervallic values. This organization closely corresponds to Golovnev’s description of Khanty wayfaring strategy. Much of Khanty preference for a “composite” approach to musical and pictorial compositions, as well as to topographic mapping, must have to do with the mixed terrain of mountains, valleys, rivers, and forest in which they live. Thus, Khanty songs performed during the Bear Festival, their most important annual celebration, contain specific vocables for specific sacred places – once such place is mentioned in the lyrics, a singer is supposed to sustain a tone on intense vibrato and with maximal loudness, so that each geographic landmark receives a unique sonic representation (Vasilenko 2019). Khanty’s more sedentary lifestyle, promoted by fishing and hunting, where they constantly return to the same place of residence, could also have contributed to the emergence of fixed intervals, permanent emmelic pitch set, and music forms based on refrain and recapitulation, with little place left for variation and improvisation. A very different situation with tundra Nenets art also has explanation in their geographic environment and tasks typical for a nomadic lifestyle. Michael Fortescue reports similar contrast between nomadic and sedentary methods of navigation in relation to the inhabitants of Chukotka and Kamchatka (Fortescue 2011, 67) – suggesting that the commonality of tonal organization might correspond to the commonality of lifestyle, which, in turn, is determined to a great degree by the commonality of geographic conditions. It could be that the ekmelic organization is representative of nomadic lifestyle living on plane surface, and the Khanty’s ancestors had originally practiced ekmelic music by the time when they retained nomadic lifestyle somewhere in the flat domain of South Uralic steppes. According to most recent estimations, the Nenets ethnos appears to be substantially younger than the Khanty ethnos: the Nenets identity was probably formed around the 2nd half of the 1st millennium AD in the taiga zone between the two rivers of Ob’ and Taz, and obtained its current cultural characteristics after the migration to the tundra zone and the commitment to reindeer herding (Labanauskas 1992, 1–3). The Nenets assimilation with the local aboriginal population of tundra, sikhirtia, dedicated hunters and fishermen, most likely took place during the 15-17th centuries, generating two principal Nenets phratries, Khariuchi and Vanuito (Petrova & Khariuchi 1999, 9). Khanty phratries of Por and Mos’ were most likely formed sometime between the 12th and 10th centuries BC (Veres 2014), and Khanty ethnicity took its modern shape at around the 9th-13th centuries AD, according to bone measurements at archeological sites in the Tiumen region (Bagashev & Poshekhonova 2008). If the Khanty’s ancestors were ever employing the ekmelic organization in their music, they must have accomplished the transition to emmelic music some time during Middle Ages. 23 The orientation principles implied by the Khanty’s tonal organization are of no use for life in a snowy flat surface with scarce landmarks. In contrast, the principles of integrating multiple variables in an ongoing reproduction of the same migration route with a herd from one area to another, never following the same exact course and constantly depending on track-breaking skills in finding virgin land that is rich of vegetation, are of the highest value in Nenets life. And it is exactly these skills that are promoted by the ekmelic organization of their music. Tim Ingold points out that the way-finding shares with music an essentially temporal nature: “the path, like the musical melody, unfolds over time rather than across space” (Ingold 2000, 238). In a remarkably similar way, the Nenets and Nganasan shamanic rites ensure an uninterrupted flow of a melodic line as means of reaching a necessary spirit of deity. A group of shaman’s associates have to help the shaman out to avoid any silence in carrying out the melody that is made of variations on the personal melodic formula of a spirit – resembling the continuity of moving by the road to a magic target, contingent upon not ever stopping (Gratchyova 1983, 56).11 Amidst the snowy tundra, indeed, stopping would imply the risk of freezing to death. This could be yet another reason for such prominence of personal songs amongst the Arctic ethnicities. Krushanov describes a story of a Chukchi hunter, caught by the snowstorm for a few days, who kept himself awake in a snow shelter by singing a song, and how he was found by his sons, who overheard his singing and made his melody their “personal song” after his death (Krushanov 1987, 234). Much time spent all by oneself in such harsh climate conditions would likely promote a culture of singing-tooneself just in order to maintain one’s sanity (Nikolsky et al. 2020a). This is not accidental that Nenets and Nganasan traditions tie travelling with singing – the idea of riding a reindeer sledge without singing is simply unthinkable for indigenous population (Sheikin et al. 2019). Noteworthy, there is a difference in style between songs of tundra and forest Nenets (Jones-Bamman 2009), attributable to the differences in geographic landscape (Brodsky 1976). One of the leading experts on Siberian music, Yurii Sheikin holds that there are more differences than similarities between the musical features of taiga and tundra Nenets songs due to the great contrast in their living environment (Sheikin 2008, 44). Thus, songs of the tundra Nenets tend to feature undulating-horizontal melodic contour, whereas the forest songs follow the apex-nadir model (Niemi 1999). Vertical orientation is suggestive by the omnipresence of tall pines and spruces in the taiga landscape. Overall, the forest songs feature greater finesse of the melodic detail, greater freedom of variation, often employing what Niemi calls the “additive pitch organization” (Niemi 2009, 98) – i.e., the practice of inserting small melodic motifs that are based on the musical intonations that are different from those employed in the repeated melodic formula. Such “additive” songs can even contain open-end improvisatory development in metrically flexible elaboration, reminiscent of recitative. Such improvisatory personal songs strongly contrast the metrically strict formulaic style of tundra songs and can be attributed to the lack of demand for the permanence of wave-like scanning in the environment of a thick forest. 5) Nenets versus Komi: navigation and music Geographic differences seem to contribute to different methods of orientation and construction of mental maps, adopted by people that otherwise share the same lifestyle. Thus, the Komi people that live west of the Ural Mountains (see Image-1) are reindeer herders, just like the neighboring Nenets, but occupy the 11 This uninterrupted method of delivery of melodic line has become a performance school in Nenets music: teltangova (from “te’eltango” – “repeat”) – a system of singing by the leading singer (meta) and his assistant (teltanzyoda), used to perform all the traditional Nenets genres except only four genres of personal songs, riddles, bylichka and byval’shina (Pushkaryova 2001). 24 mountainesque forested territory, covered with nexus of rivers, lakes, and swamps. Their strategy of herding and the tonal organization of their traditional music noticeably differ from those of the Nenets. Komi reindeer herders follow well established migration routes that have remained unchanged over centuries, travelling in two parallel brigades, 5-10 km apart in a linear fashion, for 400-500 km north over the terrain that includes rivers, streams, lakes, ponds, bogs, thermokarsts, hills, hill ranges, forest, and areas with specific vegetation, such as dwarf trees – which are all used for navigation (Dwyer & Istomin 2009). In contrast, the Taz (tundra) Nenets reindeer herders move within the plot of about 60 square km in a circular fashion, without any established routes, changing the plots every 5 years and shifting their course by up to few hundred km away (Istomin & Dwyer 2009). During the summertime, they use for orientation such landmarks as rivers, bogs, forested patches, lakes, hills, ponds, and areas with specific soil type. Despite the similarity of the landmarks, the interviews of the native herders reveal the presence of drastically different cultures of orientation employed by the Komi and Nenets people. When questioned by Istomin, Komi herders could describe the vicinities in detail up to 15 km aside from their linear route, in reference to various objects, whether these objects were present in the immediate environment or far away – as long as the distance was along their route. Nenets herders could describe the broader area - up to 30 km in radius - but only in relation to the objects observable in the surroundings. As soon as an object would go out of sight, a Nenets could not show direction to that object anymore.12 The Nenets navigation strategy consisted in breaking the terrain in patches, delineated by the closest watersheds, and then examining and remembering landmarks in the territory enclosed within that patch. The informants insisted that inside the region, they could point to “every tussock” from any given point, but once outside of the region they were unable to tell most of the places inside that region. Their mapping strategy seemed to proceed in two independent stages: using the environmental hydro-system to break the area into plots, and then learning the disposition of various landmarks within each plot. The latter was viewed as a much harder task, requiring special qualifications. Thus, Nenets were telling that they could navigate by watersheds to get to a very good pasture about which they had heard, but gave the following reason for not going there: “to live in a place one has to know the land, and not just the rivers… to know the land we need an old man (vesako) to go there” (Istomin and Dwyer, 2009, 40). Thinking in terms of plots of land occupies the principal place in Nenets ability to find their way – without which they appear to lose most of this ability. The strategy of defining the hydro-system first probably has to do with what Golovnev referred to as “celestial” perspective that distinguishes Nenets culture from those of the surrounding people: a skill to organize space from the birds’ point of view, from very high in the sky (Istomin and Dwyer, 2009, 40). The origin of this cultural trait must be the interplay of 4 factors: 1. Vast openness of a horizon line in all directions in the Nenets’ native tundra landscape; 2. Shortage of landmarks in their native environment, especially when covered by snow; 3. A particular importance of rivers and streams in their nomadic lifestyle; 4. Religious beliefs that give special importance to the gods of sun, moon, and water. The findings of Istomin and Dwyer demonstrate that people who belong to two different ethnic cultures follow completely different methods of mapping the surrounding space, despite each sharing the same occupation and the same terrain - Komi herders also face tundra areas in their travels. The key differences can be summarized as follows: • Komi pay attention to vegetation, whereas Nenets – to the soil; 12 Thus, one of the interviewed Nenets herders was saying that he knew every tussock near his native village, but he could not point to the location of that village from his current position of the pasture. 25 • • • Komi map in linear fashion, whereas Nenets – in circular; Komi can project landmarks in an abstract way (without seeing them), whereas Nenets cannot; Komi map sequentially, while Nenets – by first defining an area, and then examining its content. To these findings by Istomin and Dwyer, it should be added that Komi herding migrations are distinguished from other herding ethnicities by the remarkably long distances (routinely, about 400 km). This makes them conduct a transhuman form of reindeer pastoralism: they retain two households, one as a permanent residence in the village and another in a seasonal camp, under the canvas of the tent (Habeck 2006). Another remarkable trait of their migration is that, in stark contrast to the Nenets herders, they keep using the one and the same linear route forward and backward, year after year, despite the depletion of the vegetation along their course (ibid.). This poses the challenge to memorize all the multitude of landmarks as a pre-requisite for the profession of herding. It is enticing to explain these differences between the Komi and Nenets herders by the kind of music that each of these ethnicities uses. Nenets music follows ekmelic organization, characterized by circular melodic motion, formed by ongoing repetition of the same formula, with one tone anchored against the other 2 or 3 tones floating in pitch, defined in relation to the anchor and to the position of the beginning and end points of a phrase along the waving melodic curve. This practically means that a music-user defines the entire ambitus by the amplitude of a sinusoid curve, breaks the curve into segments by marking the start/end points of a formula in reference to the peak and trough, and then examines the content of each of the segments that have the semicircular shape (so favorite by the Nenets). The strategy is essentially the same as that of the Nenets spatial orientation. Nenets’ inability to abstract projections corresponds to their music that makes no use of fixed pentatonic and/or heptatonic interval set classes. Ekmelic degrees need a uniform curve and a permanent anchor. Without actually singing a formula, ekmelic singer cannot define the pitches of a “mode” – unlike a singer of the emmelic mode, who possesses pre-compositional knowledge of the sound of a particular musical mode. Orientation by the register plays a greater role in ekmelic singing than orientation by the intervallic distance between the tones of a melody. A performer maps a tone in relation to the particular registral range, as to the top, middle or bottom segment of the latter – where the exact intervallic distances are defined by the rhythmo-metric and syllabic properties of tones in a wavelike musical formula. Such orientation is remarkably similar to breaking the terrain into plots: a singer breaks the entire ambitus of his voice into registers and selects a register suitable for a specific song, after which the tones of that song are defined in relation to the margins of a register. Komi musician, on the other hand, is accustomed to the heptatonic organization. Few of the archaic Komi songs utilize the so-called “oligotonal” (i.e., possessing 2-4 pitch classes) and “mesotonal” (5-6 pitch classes) hemitonic modes (see Nikolsky 2015 for their description). However, much of the Komi vocal and instrumental music is based on Aeolian minor or Ionian major modes, with common mutability between the I-VI degrees: i.e., the same pitch classes of a musical mode keep alternating in their attraction to the anchor on the I and the alternative anchor on the VI degree, generating the impression of swinging between two tonics (Chistalev, 1977). In Western musicology, such systemic alternation is called the “double tonic” (Gelbart 2013). The use of modal transposition (i.e., generating musical modes by keeping the pitch classes the same but assigning a different degree as a new tonic) means that Komi singers utilize their knowledge of how a particular mode “goes” prior to making a song. The melodic style of Komi music is marked with pronounced Russian influence, featuring advanced heterophonic and polyphonic textures, with common 3-part singing (Chistalev, 1976). Komi instrumental music is very advanced: Komi instrumentarium includes 36 musical instruments, such as different types of zither (up to 6 strings), lutes (up to 4 strings), balalaikas, harmonica, variety of flutes, double-pipes, pan-flutes, ocarina, clarinet, oboe, horn and different types of accordion – many of which are engaged in the polyphonic ensemble performance (Chistalev, 1984). 26 4. Audio: Komi mu, song about the motherland, Komi. This song displays prominent influence of Russian folk music and features the Aeolian C minor key. http://chirb.it/K9gzC0 Komi music is created following the pre-compositional knowledge of the interval set of a specific key. Music-making here consists of on-going inference of intervallic values for the distances between parts in a polyphonic texture (in vertical) and between adjacent tones in a melodic contour (in horizontal dimesion). Melodic variation in polyphonic textures cultivates skills of attuning one’s part to the neighboring parts while elaborating melodic and rhythmic detail in the repeated renditions of a verse and, to a less extent, a chorus. The span of a verse or a chorus is considerably longer than a typical Nenets melodic formula. Correspondingly, it is not difficult for the Komi herders to mentally visualize the migration route all the way from the point of departure to the point of arrival in a manner of the linear succession of specific landmarks. Neither it is difficult for them to maintain parallel direction between the routes of two herding brigades. In fact, the latter strikingly resembles the diphonic texture of a parallel organum. Komi can find their way in the polyphonic arrangement of a familiar melody both, between the tones in vertical dimension (the pitch intervals between multiple parts) and in horizontal dimension (the pitch intervals between the sequential tones in melodic phrases). This comes pretty close to their ability to define the position of any known landmark in relation to where they currently stand or used to stand. In both cases, they engage the long-term memory of the fixed intervallic distances between two adjacent points. A surprising adherence of Komi herders to the same route in their year-to-year travels, both to the destination point and back (in opposite to Nenets), also finds a musical match. Unlike the Nenets tradition, the Komi music includes “cover songs” – a repertory of popular songs that can be reproduced by different performers quite closely to some reference model, including the reproduction of basic melodic structures, such as melodic contour, pitch intervals, musical mode, as well as lyrics. The notion of tracking the same melodic contour in the same arrangement throughout all phrases of a verse and a chorus repeatedly comes very close to the notion of following the same permanent migration route. It could be that the Nenets people forged their ekmelic method of tonal organization while living in the tundra conditions, therefore their music absorbed the cognitive schemes needed for orientation in terrains with scarce landmarks. Once such music was adopted as representing Nenets cultural identity, it started exerting formative influence on the orientation strategies of the entire Nenets population, whether they lived in tundra or taiga environment – as long as new generations kept growing up while listening to the ekmelic music. Then, herding in terrains rich in landmarks would have little impact on Nenets herders’ strategy of way-finding – they would mentally represent the space with diverse landmarks in the same way how they represent the space devoid of such landmarks. Ekmelic habituation could be responsible for the inability to map sequentially in a linear fashion and to define position of a landmark that is not immediately visible, as disclosed by Istomin & Dwyer (2009). 6) Nenets versus Chukchi: depiction, social organization, music, and traditional art The influence of environmental topography and schemes of prevalent forms of labor is not limited to navigation strategies, sketching plats, cosmology, and music. Difference in landscapes seems to correspond to differences in strategies of depicting real-life objects. We have already touched upon the peculiar inability of tundra Nenets herders to sketch basic geometric 3D figures and to recognize different angles in their photographs. This was explained by the discrepancy in the visual experience and related daily activities of urban and nomadic lifestyles. However, differences in pictorial abilities and strategies go beyond a simple binary opposition of urban versus rural landscapes. Rural populations that reside in different topographic conditions are also found to differ in their approach to representing the 3D scenery in their drawings. 27 An experimental study investigated the drawing strategies of tundra Taz Nenets as opposed to Chukchi and Yup’ik Eskimos of mountainous Chukotka (Istomin, Panáková & Heady 2014). Nenets children were found to include less contextual information in their drawings, make pictorial objects larger in size, and commit to the strategy of at first drawing the background, and then the foreground objects – in contrast to the Chukchi and Eskimo children. The authors of the study put these differences on the account of the difference between their native landscapes and the resultant differences in lifestyle. Nenets population is nomadic, spending most of the year migrating through the plane surface of tundra, hunting and reindeer husbandry, living in temporary camps without any differentiation of social roles (apart from those based on gender), and without a formal authority figure. On the other hand, Chukchi and Eskimos of Chukotka mostly conduct a sedentary lifestyle (except some coastal Chukchi that keep fishing and hunting), live in settlements, are organized in kins governed by the elders, and observe division of roles, particularly prominent amongst hunters. In regard to landscapes, the Chukchi residence, the Providensky and Chukostky districts, contain a mosaic of seashore, coastal marshes, basins, and mountain ridges of various sizes, areas densely overgrown with mid-size bushes, and plots of mountain tundra covered by grasses and sedges. The most prominent part of landscape are mountains, often closing the line of the horizon. In contrast, the Tazovsky district, the home of Taz Nenets, contains nothing but flatland tundra, without any elevations higher than 10 meters, where the only objects that break the monotony of a plane are a handful of dwarf trees. Vast vistas are opening in all directions, making the horizon line visible at all times. Istomin and Panakova believe that the more diverse scenery of Chukotka could be responsible for greater attention to detail in Chukchi’s and Eskimo’s drawings, as well as for their pictorial strategy of sketching the foreground first – since mountains frequently block the horizon line, unlike the Taz tundra landscape. The habituation to social hierarchy is also likely to promote greater differentiation between pictorial objects and considering the foreground figures more important than other pictorial objects. However, the tonal organization of traditional music could be yet another powerful factor in the choice of pictorial strategies. Chukchi music is overall much closer to Nenets music than to Komi or Khanty musics. Just like Nenets, Chukchi lack musical instruments capable of generating multiple pitches altogether. The only exception is the Jew’s Harp – which hardly can be considered a pitch-oriented instrument in indigenous traditions of Northeastern Eurasia due to its clear orientation on timbre, apparent in its use of onomatopoeia, talking-like articulations, and special audio effects (Nikolsky et al. 2020a). Chukchi instrumentarium includes tambourin (their principal instrument), whistles, bull-roarers, humming toys, jingles, bells, and phono-instruments, such as cane, sistrum, arch, and whip (Sheikin 2018). More complex chordophones were introduced only recently, after the memorable tour of Moscow Conservatory students and teachers in Chukotka, in 1936, that impressed local musicians and inspired attempts to construct musical instruments like violin and domra (ibid., 114-118). Chukchi widely cultivate personal song and shamanic music, and employ throat singing in a number of genres. Nevertheless, Chukchi music engages more complex form and content as compared to the Nenets music. The pil’g’ein’en songs often contain quite developed sketches of “program music”. They can sonically illustrate running of a reindeer herd scared by a wolf, riding a reindeer sleigh, migration of birds, spring blooming, different types of human labor, various moods, etc. – such compositions are usually performed in regional song contests (Krushanov, 1987, 234). The competitive presentation in front of the audience promotes originality and requires aesthetic appreciation on part of the listeners. Chukchi personal songs also often incorporate “program music,” such as imitation of the contour of the hills by means of the pitch contour of a melody (ibid). The oldest archaic Chukchi songs are based on a 4-degree anhemitonic mode, where the interval of a perfect 4th plays the formative role as a backbone axis for the complementary degrees (ibid.). The intonation of the 4th characterizes a number of ethnicities of Chukotka, Kamchatka and Sakhalin 28 (Alekseyev 1986). However, for Chukchi tradition, the tetrachordal framework most likely comprises a later development of the primordial timbre-oriented culture. According to the testimony of Chukchi musicians, their primary method of appreciation of music is still timbre-oriented, and ekmelic songs are still frequently encountered in regional traditions (Sheikin 2018). Chukchi music, more than any other tradition of the Russian Far East and Siberia, presents the full range of schemes of tonal organization: from timbre-oriented songs and instrumental compositions to ekmelic songs, emmelic oligotonal songs with 3-4 pitch classes, hemitonic and anhemitonic pentatonic modes, and hexatonic diatonic modes – all of them readily line up in a chain of evolutionary development.13 5. Audio: Keyukei, Chukotka. This Chukchi song about the reindeer calf features pentatonic organization in a 6-degree mode, based on two 4ths (G#-C# and D#-G#) and the octave equivalent anchor G#, with frequent melodic leaps and a rather complex music form (based on multiple formulas). http://chirb.it/LEd56G Greater complexity of the musical form and the realistic tendency to illustrate real-life happenings in onomatopoeic timbral devices and symbolic use of melodic contour might explain greater attention to detail in Chukchi’s drawings from nature as compared to Nenets drawings, as reported by Istomin, Panáková & Heady (2014). And the very presence of anhemitonic intervallic type in Chukchi music testifies to their ability to track the fixed intervallic classes between the well-defined emmelic degrees. Singing a melody in a conventional emmelic mode necessarily involves the reference to the tonal anchor that is intervallicly related to the other pitch classes of a musical mode – similar to the hierarchic representation of pictorial objects and the compositional preference for the foreground objects in Chukchi drawings. When the singer performs a tone of a melody that utilizes an anhemitonic mode, that singer brings such a tone to the focal point (foreground) of a melodic contour and maps it in relation to the surrounding tones under the condition of avoiding an interval of a semitone. Such point-by-point processing of a melody is an equivalent of point-by-point processing of a vista while depicting it, which explains how the Krushanov’s example of a Chukchi song that sonically depicted the hills of the singer’s neighborhood could have come into being. The Nenets strategy of drawing the background first, on the other hand, corresponds to the register-based rather than interval-based processing of a melody. A Nenets singer at first defines a pitch range, and only then can infer the position of a specific tone in that range – very similar to Istomin and Dwyer’s description of the Nenets way-finding strategy of dividing the terrain into plots by the watersheds. Yet another cognitive by-product of ekmelic register-based orientation could be the prevalence of the bird's-eye view in the drawings of Nenets children as opposed to the prevalence of more horizontal projections in the drawings of Chukchi and Eskimo subjects: Nenets’ representation of the very same scenery typically presented a more distant view from a greater height (Istomin et al. 2014, 90). Such tendency must reflect the same cognitive substrate that determined the “celestial” mapping strategy, described by Golovnev, which is likely to have originated in the strategy of defining the register for a song prior to reproducing its familiar melodic contour. An operation of delimiting the register for a song is quite similar to that of envisaging an enclosed space for a picture, which requires the positioning of a spectator “outside” of the depicted space in order to effectively capture that space. The device of elevating a viewpoint is called to cover greater area in all the depicted dimensions (which remain wide open for the Nenets, facilitating their preference to “zoom out”). Emmelic tonal organization does not require any form of zooming out, because it is based on tracking the intervallic relations between the adjacent tones, fixed through the “matrix” of a known musical mode. The task of joining discrete points by a line, be it a melodic contour that has to run through the emmelic 13 Chukchi tradition would constitute the best demonstration of my model of the evolution of tonal development in its prehistoric phases (Nikolsky 2015). 29 degrees or a route that has to pass through certain landmarks, do not require mental distancing from any of the reference points. The entire melody can be easily grasped as a succession of pairs of emmelic tones by means of melodic interval classes – just like the entire journey can be envisaged as a successive chain of paired adjacent landmarks. Hence, there is no need to “step further away” in order to grasp the whole, whether it is a register in a song or a plot of land in a journey. This explains the cross-cultural tendency of lowering the importance of timbre as pitch becomes the primary aspect of tonal organization, the most obvious in history of Western classical music. If some of the earlier forms of Western classical music were determined by the timbre and register – e.g., the socalled “melismatic organum” of the 12th century was based on the timbral contrast of a dark low part moving by long sustained notes and a bright high part flowing by short rhythmic values – by the 15th century classical composers have already adopted a motto: “pitch is governed by law while timbre is governed by taste” (Fales 2002). This is to the extent that amongst Western theorists and musicians, timbre is regarded as a secondary quality deprived of any formative power on the arrangement of music in a musical composition (Scruton 1997, 77-78). It is because of the reliance on the intervallic makeup of the melodic contour that an “emmelic” drawer is likely to resort to the strategy of transferring the visual contour into the pictorial contour in a pointby-point fashion, starting from the most proximal figure. The musical equivalent to this would be conceptualizing the tune as an extension of the opening melodic interval of that tune, thereafter, unveiling in time. In fact, this is a very common strategy of remembering melodies (Smith, 1997). It perfectly agrees with Tim Ingold’s observation of the commonality of way-finding and melodic unveiling. Both observations highlight the capacity of music to provide a mnemonic model for memorizing a topographic route. And indeed, there is ethnographic evidence for such use of music. Like language, music can conserve knowledge: directly and indirectly. Music supports mnemonic use. Australian aborigines employ vocal interaction of melodic contours, beat and rhythm to map “landmarks” in physical and Dreamtime world (Will 2004). In fact, music exceeds language in mnemonic capacities. The stability of melodic representations is so strong that it provides the basis for music therapy (Horden 2000) - even in treatment of diseases that incur memory loss and make memorization difficult (Sacks 2008). The best illustration of the superior encoding of musical information is the earworm phenomenon, exceedingly common (88%) amongst even non-musicians (Beaman & Williams 2014). Although it is most notorious in modern popular music, in song “hooks” (Burgoyne et al. 2013), earworms definitely are not limited to modern Western pop music: they were documented in the 18th century (Sacks 2008, 45–46). Noteworthy, earworms are limited to musical, not verbal, stimuli despite their occasional involvement of lyrics (Halpern & Bartlett 2011). Earworms are not triggered by autobiographical associations: thus, 6 repetitions of an unfamiliar song is shown to induce an earworm as a rule (Byron & Fowles 2015). The causal earworm factors are the melodic contour, lively tempo and syncopated rhythms (Jakubowski et al. 2016). However, earworms can be interrupted by a competing verbal, rather than nonverbal, task (Hyman et al. 2013), suggesting the shared music-speech resources where music takes superiority in triggering a phonological loop. Superb mnemonic mapping by means of music has been employed in the tradition of weaving songs. In the 19th century Central Asia, the collective work of carpet-weavers was directed by a song whose tonal organization signified numeric sequences in positioning threads and knots of certain color on the warp of a loom (Tuck 2006). According to Tuck, an Afghan weaver near Kabul explained that she transformed images into rug patterns not from a mental picture, but from a song that made her “see” numbers. In India, in the town of Sari Bawadi, a directress was singing to the rest of the weavers a song that was explained by the informants and the interpreter as “she is singing the rug.” The accounts of using a melody to secure memorization of a weaving pattern in Central Asia, of physical and spiritual journeys 30 in Australia, and of a navigation strategy in the Arctic suggest that cross-modal connectivity of the tonal organization of music to the spatial organization of physical objects constitute a cross-cultural biomusicological phenomenon. “Point-by-point thinking” enables the drawing of a pictorial contour, which becomes the preferential strategy for drawing from observation not only by trained artists but by untrained Western laypersons. The alternative philosophy of drawing concerns the representation of what is generally known about an object of depiction (Nikolsky 2016a), The mental breakthrough that is required to transit from this drawing approach to the strategy of matching the visual contour of a real visible object to the pictorial contour is most evident in the order of acquisition of drawing skills by Western children. After they learn to draw contours per se, as a type of the scribbling playtime activity, at about the age of 5, they discover the “intellectual realism” around the age of 7, and build their skills of contour transfer sometime when they turn 12 (Winner, 2007). When tasked with drawing from nature, they start from the most salient object of a scenery - usually, this is the closest object that sets the point “0” in a projection of the dimension of depth (Rosser et al., 1985). Then, they resort to the orderly procedure of constructing a pictorial composition, which is learnt autonomously for each specific type of object – they have to know “how” to draw a person, a cat, or a car, etc. (1978). If they do not know a particular graphic-motor schemata for the object of depiction, they often find it easier to copy another drawing by a more skillful drawer rather than to keep correcting their shortcomings in depiction of a real-life object (Wilson & Ligtvoet 1992). The point-by-point reproduction of visible contours is based on the same approach as the emmelic singing. The emmelic singer also needs to know the mode in which the target tune proceeds (if this is a “cover song”) or is supposed to proceed according to the rules of a related musical genre (if this is an improvisation). In the latter case, the singer renders a reference model in a point-by-point manner by fitting the desired melodic contour in the pitch “slots” of a particular pitch set, or, if he is not well familiar with the mode and the genre, he is likely to copy the singing of a singer who does know the right mode – again, point-by-point. This is amazingly similar to an incompetent drawer for whom it is easier to reproduce a drawing of a competent drawer than a real-life prototype of that competent drawer’s drawing (Wilson & Ligtvoet 1992). And the reason for this is that the intervallic structure of the pictorial contour of a drawing is clearer than the visual contour of a 3D object. So, at the end, drawing from nature is likely to be present in those cultures that utilize emmelic singing, since both are based on point-by-point rendition of contours. And the opposite of this is also true: a culture, where ekmelic singing serves as the principal form of music-making, is likely to cultivate strictly ornamental and/or schematic form of pictorial art – exactly what we observe in case of the Nenets traditional art. Ekmelic organization requires monophonic texture and is too technically difficult for instrumental production, thereby excluding the possibility for a musician to visualize the intervallic distances revealed by the frets of a string instrument or the distance between the holes of a woodwind instrument. Not surprising, ekmelic artist would find it difficult to represent the depth dimension in his drawings and to observe “intervallic” proportionality between the dimensions of pictorial images.14 Traditional Chukchi art manifests compositional features indicative of the presence of emmelic organization from very early times. Even the ornamental design in the applied art exhibits “intervallic” rendition, which often symbolically represents objects of the perceptual reality, conjoined in an ensemble: thus, Chukchi embroidery often includes ornamental representation of the sun, sunrays, stars, birds, or the moon (Bogoras 1991, 162). The roots of Chukchi graphic art can be traced back to 1,000 14 Of course, this generalization would hold true only for the traditional art within a decidedly ekmelic culture that is relatively free from external cultural influences of Western industrial societies – and not for the drawings of those indigenous children who were taught to draw at school, as in the study by Istomin, Panáková, and Heady. Formal schooling is known to reorient the methods of spatial orientation in non-Western societies (Cox 1998). 31 BC – the famous Pegtymel petroglyphs were discovered by Samorukov in 1967 and first described by Nikolai Dikov (Dikov, 1971). They demonstrate the advanced technology of manufacturing and quite sophisticated spatial organization. Pictorial compositions often include scenes, where individual images are integrated into ensembles: e.g., the figure of a frontal animal masks the animals “behind” it – which is even more impressive, if to take into consideration that all images are carved by quartz and metal tools (Devlet and Girya, 2011). The technical challenges undertaken by an artist here confirm his deliberate compositional choice of spatial integration. Image 6. The reindeers, Pegtymel, Chukotka. In this rock carving we see the presence of spatial composition, where two reindeers in the front are bigger in size than the smaller reindeers in the back, and the left reindeer overlaps the right one. Image 7. A boat with a crew, Pegtymel. Here we have a clear case of an ensemble of six human figures in a boat with oars. The entire scene is rendered as a single entity. 32 The masking device indicates the ability to conceive vertical harmonic intervals, since the presence of two simultaneously sounding parts, separated by an interval of a fixed size, is perceptually equivalent of one image being blocked by another image (Nikolsky 2016a). The grouping of multiple pictorial objects into a single entity indicates the ability to perceive the pitchoriented emmelic musical mode. The Pegtymel petroglyphs reveal similarity in style with the modern Chukchi bone carving art (IvanovaUnarova 2005, 139). Chukchi metal, wood, and bone artifacts of the 18-19th centuries found their place in numerous Russian museums of fine art, especially realistic animal figurines cut from bones, decorated with ornaments which carried magical meaning for Chukchi (Krushanov 1987, 241). Etchings on sealion tusks often represent animal and human figures, and even scenes of hunting or recreational activities (ibid., p.141). The depiction of a hunting scene on the beams of a Chukchi dugout was reproduced on paper by the Russian traveler, Voronin, in the 18th century (Vdovin 1965, 41). Drawing of animals on wooden plates and on oars is still a common custom amongst modern-day Chukchi hunters. All of this complements the widespread use of emmelic modes by present-day Chukchi population. 7) The geographic factor in tonal organization of indigenous music traditions The manner of spatial representation in a drawing is likely to be determined by the manner of connecting musical tones in a native music, which in turn is likely to originate in the manner of spatial orientation in the native environment. And all of them can be associated with a denotation to a certain affective state by means of public convention. For the indigenous cultures, the most common affective states, evoked by observation of one’s native landscape, are pleasure and/or love. Most likely, they constitute the primordial musical emotions. People are known to form mental images of those places which demonstrate high communality (Gould & White 1986, 27–32). Of all highly communal locations, the greatest rate of sharing for a given social group belongs to the place of its permanent residence. Absolute majority of those who were born and raised in a single specific location, tend to develop the feeling of attachment to that location, widely known as a sense of “homesickness”. A feeling of longing for one's home during a period of absence forms the basis for a more general experience known under the name of “nostalgia” - a feeling of sentimental longing for the “good old” past, the memory of which a person usually carries through the entire life. An important part of the experience of “homesickness” is the “landscape aesthetics”: the custom of appreciating the typical scenic view with such constituents as water, sky, vegetation, animals, and people – all set to exemplify an ideal habitat (Davies 2012, 87). The power of this idealization, apparently, is so great that the ascription of positive values to the sight of a countryside maintains its grip even amongst those people who have moved to urban areas. The tendency to idealize and appreciate the countryside scenery that is typical to one’s country of origin manifests itself even amongst those who were born and raised in a city. It would not be an exaggeration to state that majority of world’s population appreciate some kind of “landscape aesthetics”. Those people who reside in big cities and do not appreciate a countryside aesthetics usually appreciate the cityscape aesthetics. It seems that the attitude of “loving one’s motherland” constitutes a general trait of human social organization, present even in those societies that live in extremely harsh conditions. A striking example of this is the Chukchi traditional culture, known for its tradition of the ritual suicide of the elderly, motivated primarily by one’s inability to handle the pressures of survival in a hostile environment (Willsersle 2009). This does not prevent Chukchi from loving their land (Krushanov 1987). 33 The obvious aesthetic nature of the experience of “loving” a particular landscape testifies to the commonality of our predisposition to learn and remember as a reference-frame those landscape environments that are native to us and are associated with success and abundance of life resources. This is how the overwhelming majority of people form their attachment to specific locations. Memories of positive affective states of the past, related to such experiences as being taken care by parents early in one’s life, the sense of love and protection, observation of happiness of one’s compatriots, and early experience of orderly organization of a native lifestyle – all these things contribute to the priming of the look of a certain landscape to the experience of pleasure and love. Most likely, this emotional denotation establishes the foundation for the ontogenetic development of one’s aesthetic values, and for this reason, constitutes the earliest phylogenetic form of aesthetic appreciation. Hence, geographic environment receives an edge in our acquisition of the ability to appreciate things in early childhood and in directing our appreciation towards specific things. This early experience determines our aesthetic preferences later in life, providing a channel for the environmental topology to affect our preferable mode of orientation – which can be abstracted into the scheme of orientation in tonal organization of music. It seems plausible to accept as a working hypothesis that the more diverse are the visual forms of the natural habitat, the more detailed the primordial tonal organization in cultures native to that region is likely to be.15 Well-established congruency between the perception of visual contour and the perception of melodic contour (Terhardt 1995) supports this hypothesis. The rigorous and systematic nature of tonal organization in music is a product of pressures imposed by natural selection on a human being to adequately collect information about what kinds of objects exist in one’s surroundings, what is the typical behavior and features of the environmental objects, and how these objects can possibly be manipulated (Terhardt 1995). Through a complex process of converting the frequency data into the pitch information, human brain exercises an organizational scheme that is archetypical for majority of music-users in a given community. Nature provides humans with a “template” of sensory categories and supplies their default values (e.g., the frequency range of a typical speaking voice, or the prevalent metric pattern that characterizes a manner of locomotion most effective in a given terrain). Once established, this natural “sensory template” is continuously modified throughout one’s life to form a “document” that would best serve a particular need that is common for a given lifestyle. Such “document” seems to work like a script for our senses, optimizing all of them to operate according to the same set of principles (Walker 2004). The economy of neurophysiological processing is known as one of the primary factors for the preference of one cognitive scheme over another and for its further optimization. There is evidence that auditory imagery is capable to evoke visual and/or kinesthetic experiences, which in turn, influence auditory imagery, generating a feedback loop (Hubbard 2013). Crystallization and conservation of cognitive schemes pertinent for the most common forms of spatial orientation and music arrangement within a given culture might constitute a part of the lifetime operational “document” created from a natural “template”. Following the paradigm of correspondence between the diversity of visual experience of one’s native “landscape aesthetics” and the diversity of auditory experience of using one’s native music system, we can draw the antithesis between the Nenets culture characterized by scarce reference points and indefinite manner of orientation, on the one hand, and the Tongan culture characterized by numerous reference points and definite manner of orientation. The archipelago of Tonga in Polynesia remained relatively free from external cultural influences until late 19th century. Traditional Tongan chant is famous for its 15 Of course, this is an ideal scenario bound to the condition that no significant cultural influences from foreign cultures have had power to revert such natural association of visual diversity with auditory diversity. 34 unique sophistication - it routinely employs up to 6 parts typology of music textures of functional polyphony (Kaeppler 1990, 195). Tongan traditional art is also characterized by complexity of pictorial composition. Tongan bark-cloth is assembled from multiple materials, contrasting in texture and ornamentation (Lythberg 2013). The projective and representational skills of Tongans are also relatively high: Tongans can draw accurate hierarchically organized maps – representing the diverse topology of landmarks present in their island’s landscape (Bennardo 2002). Image 8. Ngatu, Tongan barkcloth, British Museum, article 2013,2015.1. One of the most popular in Tonga forms of art is ngatu that involves imprinting, painting, and gluing together multiple natural materials applied onto the bark of the mulberry. It presents a complex combination of multiple schematic and pictorial images designed to express a conventional metaphor (Kaeppler 2008, 102–4). 6. Audio: Lakalaka, Navutoka village celebrating coronation, Tonga. Traditional Tongan chant has survived in Royal ceremonies. It uses polyphonic and homophonic multipart a capella singing that requires high coordination and subordination skills from the entire village population. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GLtiLbi8J_8 It is important to underline that representational models cultivated by spatial and tonal organizations are not mere conventions randomly adopted within a community of users – they constitute characteristic forms of adaptation of human perceptual system to such reflection of reality that is accurate enough for achieving success in socially important cultural goals (Kubovy, 1988, 109). The cross-modal connection between frequency of sound and visual dimension of height appears to be inborn (Walker 2004). There is experimental evidence that congenitally blind people engage in aural-totactile transfer exactly in the same manner as sighted people do in aural-to-visual transfer (Walker 1985). Segregation of auditory information into distinct auditory streams is shown to operate by the same principles as the segregation of spatial information (Schadwinkel & Gutschalk 2010). Throughout childhood, one constructs specific schemes of categorization of pitch as well as methods of its spatial representation – prompted by his living environment. Thus, Granot and Eitan (2011) discovered the cross-modal correspondence between such attributes of musical sounds as the low register, the falling pitch contour, the acceleration of tempo, and harmonic tension in their experimental study, which they explained by ecological influences, according to an ecological model formulated by Clarke (Clarke 2005). This model holds that the tension and relaxation effects that distinguish perception of music from 35 perception of other auditory stimuli are experienced by listeners as a result of their association of auditory variables with psychophysiological arousal and repose triggered by “natural” causes in their cultural environment. The reason why Nenets neither fix intervals in their music nor fix intervals in their drawings is not because they happened to like to express themselves in this way, but because their natural capacities to hear spectral organization of sounds and interpret visual depth cues were optimized to satisfy their daily needs in the tundra habitat. As long as they stayed in this environment, their mind adhered to the "ekmelic" model of representation of the perceptual reality, organizing their sensory experience and overriding personal variations in seeing and hearing. Such ekmelic model is only partially a social convention – much of its modus operandi relies on such inborn mechanisms as audio segregation, discrimination between step and leap, and categorizing sounds as consonant or dissonant. It is because of these biological roots of the frequency analysis that the ekmelic model cannot be arbitrarily reformed by an individual composer or a performer. It has to remain effective in promoting that which people need on an everyday basis. It can change only when the entire population, or a sizeable chunk of it, would need an update in their interaction with the environment, which is likely to occur due to some drastic climatic changes or/and mass migration to a new territory. Until then, Nenets children who have been raised in their natural environment are going to keep learning the ekmelic standard from the adults in their community – and the ekmelic method of organization will make perfect sense to these children. But once the family moves to a city, the needs of its members will radically change – the concomitant of which would be the abandonment of traditional Nenets music in favor of Western tonality (Abramovich-Gomon 1999), because tonality is the “status quo” of tonal organization that corresponds to the urban way of life in a technologically driven consumer society (Nikolsky 2016b). Thus, children raised in Western countries are shown to perceive pitch and rhythm in “mathematical” terms (“how much,” “how many,” and “what ratio”) by the age of 11 years (Bamberger & DiSessa 2003). Such incremental approach could very well be the result of learning the hierarchical organization in urban environment that requires classification and comparative analysis, thereby generating the propensity for quantification. Similar “ecological” grounds can be deduced for other characteristic traits of Western tonality, such as the practice of distinguishing tones in their relative stability and instability and the harmonic aspect of integrating a number of simultaneously sounding tones into a chord - which usually are mastered by a child around the age of 12, based on the acquisition of the ability to hear the diatonic frame of a tonal key at the age of 6-7 (Hargreaves, 1986, 92). The stability/instability antithesis can be traced to the categorization of physical objects in two general classes: the ones that can easily tip over or collapse and the ones that stand stable, which is exceedingly common and useful for life in urban interiors and exteriors, but is relatively unusual and not really useful for life in tundra environment. And the second keynote of Western tonality - the harmonic integration of tones and groups of tones - finds its prototype in the “heap paradox” that urban children experience left and right in their immediate surroundings: discrete physical objects add up until at some point they are perceived as a single heap. This is quite similar to discrete auditory objects that form chords under certain conditions (Huron 2001). In contrast, indigenous tundra herders simply lack the abundance of discrete small-size objects in their surroundings and therefore miss on the opportunity to frequently witness the “heap effect”. The ways children are taught and the ways they learn music determine the developmental path and a specific structure of their mental representations (Gruhn 2004). The use of tonality requires the mastery of the following hearing skills (arranged in a progressive order): 1. Discrimination between the pitch classes that are used in a music work; 2. Subordination between the class categories of a pitch set (chromatic pitch classes subordinated to diatonic, unstable diatonic pitch classes subordinated to tonic triadic pitch classes, and tonic triadic classes subordinated to the tonic); 36 3. Coordination between the members of the same class category (chromatic, diatonic unstable, and diatonic stable); 4. Recognition of a semitone as an incremental standard; 5. Discrimination between the melodic interval classes that are formed between the pitch classes; 6. Discrimination between the harmonic interval classes that are formed between the pitch classes; 7. Octave equivalence of all pitch classes across all registers of the available ambitus; 8. Perception of intervallic inversions (i.e., hearing that all interval classes adhere to the same model as the octave: 3rd and 6th, 2nd and 7th, and 4th and 5th form the same categorical classes of tonal equivalence as octave and unison); 9. Perception of chords as a sum of harmonic interval classes; 10. Perception of a pitch set as a single melodic entity (ability to hear a foreign tone in a melodic progression); 11. Perception of a pitch set as a single harmonic entity (ability to hear a foreign tone in a chord and in a harmonic progression); 12. Integration of melodic and harmonic aspects of a composite structural unit of music (motif, phrase, section) 13. Conservation of pitch and interval classes in a composite structural unit of music, so that its transposition by specific interval is possible without distortion of the constituent pitch and interval classes; 14. Perception of chromatic alterations and modulations; 15. Discrimination between different pitch sets; 16. Ability to identify a thematic material and track it in a music texture (in vertical and horizontal coordinates – i.e., in which part of a texture and in which section of a music form the theme is). The length of this list gives an idea of how advanced and complex is the tonal organization in Western tonality. And this is just the basic level of competence, intuitively acquired by lay users of Western music. Those who receive formal music education develop additional skills (e.g., hearing the number of parts in a music texture, the functional relation of these parts, hearing the tonal plan of a music composition, etc.). The above-listed set of features, on the whole, distinguishes tonality from modality (see Nikolsky 2015) as well as their cross-modal referents. Both, modality (characteristic for folk music) and tonality (characteristic for music cultures that possess notation and formal music theory) are cross-modal, and therefore support navigation schemes that differ depending on the specification of a musical mode or a tonal key. A completely different case constitutes atonality. The attribute of spatial organization is evident only in music composed during the so-called common practice period - “spatial articulation” notoriously declines in the perception of so-called “experimental music” composed after 1945 (McDermott 1972). This fact should be taken as an indication that modernistic and post-modernistic forms of tonal organization, invented by composers seeking fame and financial success and avoiding competition with famous composers of the past, is fundamentally different from “natural” music systems by lacking an intuitive and effective method of interpersonal communication, and therefore being incapable of sustaining a stable cultural tradition – quite on par with the distinction between “natural” and “artificial” languages. 37 “Natural” music provides a layperson with a unique medium for emulation of the typical characteristics of physical objects in the immediate environment, subsequent abstraction of cognitive schemes of handling the equivalent auditory objects in a virtual space of a music texture, and thereafter the application of the abstracted schemes back onto the phenomena of the physical world. Different music traditions cultivate different schemes of spatial organization and representation. English musicians represent pitch/time as vertical/horizontal axes; Japanese musicians raised on Western music share the same representation, while Japanese musicians raised on Japanese traditional music encode pitch/time in reverse, as horizontal/vertical axes (according to their script system); and Papua musicians are not receptive to any of these axes at all - instead, they categorize melody in terms of hue and loudness (Athanasopoulos & Moran 2013). Similar discrepancy in the strategy of visualization of pitches was found between the Cairo citizens that received formal education versus the uneducated inhabitants of a Bedouin village in Egypt (Sadek 1987). Yet another confirmation comes from the comparative analysis of pitch perception amongst urban Canadian, Indian, and Intuit children: Western industrial lifestyle promotes estimation of tones in pitch (as opposed to other auditory properties) and the representation of pitch in terms of vertical height (Walker 1987). Unschooled children that grow in urban environment seem to hear the changes in frequency, but are not capable of mapping them incrementally along the vertical axis, although they favor it as a visual analog to frequency. Similar distinction between incremental and non-incremental representation of space takes place in pictorial strategies and schemata found in Australian Aboriginal children after their exposure to Western cultural influences (Cox 1998). Ethnographers report that the “mediascape” – virtual space constructed by means of computerized modern technology and distributed in the form of films, images and videogames – is the prime offender of the traditional culture of spatial representation. The configuration of “virtually real” visual electronically generated objects throws off the indigenous viewers, coming in conflict with their knowledge about spatial organization of visual reality (Bicheool 2012). The history of colonization of minor ethnicities by big nations has set a stage for cultural expansion of regionally dominant states and created a real threat of complete absorption and thereby destruction of traditional indigenous cultures (Khakimulina, 2009). Today, this tendency is evident in Samoyedic cultures of Taimyr: as a result of on-going Westernization throughout the 20th century, many ethnicities have lost their nomadic lifestyle, were handed Cyrillic scripting system, and became subjected to the obligatory schooling in Russian. They acquired social stratification (untypical for their indigenous societies) due to the introduction of new professions (e.g., technician, worker) that are distinguished by the system of ranking. Hierarchically organized occupations supplanted traditional crafts, especially pronounced amongst female population: the most common “female” occupations in health care and education as a rule involve working in an institution with hierarchic organization. Across Northeastern Eurasia, such changes resulted in the mass tendency of abandonment of traditional reindeer herding that used to determine traditional lifestyle up until the mid-20th century (Bicheool 2013a). Introduction of hierarchic organization in social life and living at a permanent residence are likely to reduce the need in ekmelic musical organization and promote the adoption of Western tonality. Not surprisingly, younger generations of Samoyedic people become confused about their traditional forms of art and music, mistaking traits of spatial and tonal organization of other neighboring ethnicities for their own – and explaining their lack of competence by their disinterest in their cultural heritage (Bicheool 2009). Western tonality, along with linear perspective in pictorial organization, cultivates completely different set of skills that are preferable in modern urban environment, where an individual is constantly under pressure to compete with other individuals in the effectiveness of execution of rather complex tasks that involve categorization, classification, discrimination, conservation, and conversion skills (Nikolsky 38 2016b)16. Everyday life in a cityscape creates perceptual environment of the “carpentered world” – a space characterized by the prevalence and the salience of straight parallel lines and right angles that often simply do not exist in traditional habitat (Segall et al., 1966). Living in such an environment predisposes one to develop a “perspectival” worldview by establishing a tendency to perceive converging lines as parallel. The experience of the “carpentered world” is known to make the discrimination of right angles and non-right angles more precise (Deregowski 1989). Rasterizing the surroundings in terms of right angles and parallel lines puts in place the system of standardized uniform hierarchic incremental representation of physical space. Its social equivalent is life in a highly structured complex society, where every member’s activity is mediated by a number of neighboring members, all ranked in their functionality through the social hierarchy of subordination and coordination. The musical equivalent of such organization is a musical key of Western music – a dominant method of tonal organization of the most popular forms of classical music, nearly all styles of Western popular music, film music and modern folk music cultivated in most Western countries. At the end, all forms of space - physical, musical, and “virtual” computer-generated – turns out to be incremented, scaled and ordered in a multi-factorial manner. The deep-seated cross-modal ties to spatial organization must be the driving force behind the steady trend of Westernization of world's music, so commonly blamed by ethnomusicologists for pushing indigenous forms of music into extinction. Seen by many as manifestation of post-colonialism on part of the most economically developed industrial nations, Westernization here merely reflects the ongoing process of voluntary adoption of Western lifestyle by societies that previously adhered to their own preindustrial lifestyles. Western tonality comes as an organic part of the “Western package” of banking system, insurance, electricity, plumbing, sewage, housing, etc.. The steady trend of adoption of perspectival organization as a standard of pictorial representation by non-Western cultures is the part of the same package. It is plausible to conclude that the starting and ending points in evolution of music are shared between many known world’s cultures: at their dawn, archaic traditional music cultures started by abstracting and encoding the orientation schemes that were optimal for their native environment, and at present, these cultures end up by either importing the Western tonality, or hybridizing it with the traditional local forms of tonal organization. Music has been the unique medium of extracting important principles of spatial organization from the physical domain, conserving them in a scheme of tonal organization, and promoting the cognitive development of the growing generations that would be most effective in handling critical tasks in their environment, keeping things up-to-date. This is what music used to do, and this is what it keeps doing. And to understand this function of music better we need to implement a new discipline of geomusicology, proposed by George Carney (Nash & Carney 1996) to build the etic analytic frame for the systematic musicology, while supporting it with the emic extension of ethnogeomusicology, as proposed by Izaly Zemtsovsky (Zemtsovsky 2005). I hope that this paper will attract attention of scholars interested in understanding what music is, how it came to be and where it is heading, and initiate a new line of investigation of cross-modal connections of music across its synchronic and diachronic varieties. REFERENCES: Abramovich-Gomon, Alla. 1999. The Nenets’ Song: A Microcosm of a Vanishing Culture. Farnham, UK: Ashgate. 16 In Western industrial urban societies, even a pizza delivery boy has to know how to drive a car, operate a cellular phone, look for addresses, know basic math, have reading and writing skills. 39 Adeli, Mohammad, Jean Rouat, and Stéphane Molotchnikoff. 2014. “Audiovisual Correspondence between Musical Timbre and Visual Shapes.” Frontiers in Human Neuroscience 8. https://doi.org/10.3389/FNHUM.2014.00352. Aizenshtadt, A. M. 1982. “With kets and selkups [У кетов и селькупов],” in Music of Siberia and Far East [Музыка Сибири и Дальнего Востока], ed I. Romashuk (Moscow: Sovetskii Kompozitor [Советский композитор]), 175–204. Alekseyev, Eduard Ye. 1976. Problems in the Genesis of Musical Mode (on the Example of Yakut Folksong): Analysis [Проблемы Формирования Лада (На Материале Якутской Народной Песни): Исследование]. Moscow: Muzyka. ———. 1986. Musical Intonation in the Earliest Forms of Folklore. The Aspect of Pitch [Раннефольклорное Интонирование: Звуковысотный Аспект]. Moscow: Soviet Composer. http://eduard.alekseyev.org/rfi/index.html. Alekseyev, Eduard Ye., and Nadezhda Nikolayeva. 1981. Models of Yakut Vocal Folklore [Образцы Якутского Песенного Фольклора]. Yakutsk: Academy of Sciences of the USSR. Alekseyev, Nikolai A. 1992. Traditional Religious Beliefs of Turkic-Speaking Peoples of Siberia [Традиционные Религиозные Верования Тюркоязычных Народов Сибири]. Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka. Altenmüller, Eckart, Sabine Schmidt, and Elke Zimmermann. 2013. “A Cross-Taxa Concept of Emotion in Acoustic Communication: An Ethological Perspective.” In Evolution of Emotional Communication, 339– 56. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583560.003.0020. Aporta, Claudio. 2004. “Routes, Trails and Tracks: Trail Breaking Among the Inuit of Igloolik.” Études Inuit Studies 28 (2): 9. doi:10.7202/013194ar. Athanasopoulos, George, and Nikki Moran. 2013. “Cross-Cultural Representations of Musical Shape.” Empirical Musicology Review 8 (3): 185–99. August, P. V., and J. G. T. Anderson. 1987. “Mammal Sounds and Motivation-Structural Rules: A Test of the Hypothesis.” Journal of Mammalogy 68, no. 1: 1–9. https://doi.org/10.2307/1381039. Austin, M. H. 1930. The American Rhythm: Studies and Reexpressions of Amerindian Songs. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Bagashev, Anatolii N., and Olga Ye. Poshekhonova. 2008. “Anthropological Makeup and Problems of the Origin of the Medieval Taiga People of Middle Ob’ Region [Антропологический состав и проблемы происхождения средневекового таежного населения Среднего Приобья].” The Courier of Archeology, Anthropology and Ethnography 8: 87–97. Bamberger, Jeanne Shapiro, and Andrea DiSessa. 2003. “Music as Embodied Mathematics: A Study of a Mutually Informing Affinity.” International Journal of Computers for Mathematical Learning 8 (2): 123– 60. doi:10.1023/B:IJCO.0000003872.84260.96. Banshchikov, Gennadii. 1997. The rules of functional instrumentation [Законы функциональной инструментовки]. Sankt-Petersburg: Kompozitor. Beaman, C. P., and T. I. Williams. 2014. “Earworms (‘Stuck Song Syndrome’): Towards a Natural History of Intrusive Thoughts.” British Journal of Psychology 101, no. 4: 637–53. https://doi.org/10.1348/000712609X479636. Bendixen, Alexandra, Gábor P. Háden, Renáta Németh, Dávid Farkas, Miklós Török, and István Winkler. 2015. “Newborn Infants Detect Cues of Concurrent Sound Segregation.” Developmental Neuroscience 37 (2): 172–81. doi:10.1159/000370237. Bennardo, G. 2002. “Map Drawing in Tonga, Polynesia: Accessing Mental Representations of Space.” Field Methods 14 (4): 390–417. doi:10.1177/152582202237727. Berry, Wallace. 1987. Structural Functions in Music. New York, USA: Dover Publications. Bicheool, Vladimir. 2009. “Modern State of Nganasan Culture [Современное состояние культуры нганасан].” The Courier of the Cheliabinsk State Academy of Culture and Arts 4 (20): 49–54. ———. 2012. “Consequences of Cultural Expansion of the Russian-Speaking Population to Taimyr [Последствия культурной экспансии русскоязычного населения на Таймыре].” The World of Science, 40 Culture and Education 5 (36): 17–19. ———. 2013a. “Material Culture of Taimyr Nomads (on the Example of Samodiysky peoples)[Материальная культура кочевников Таймыра (на примере самодийских народов) ].” The Courier of the Cheliabinsk State Academy of Culture and Arts 1 (33): 170–75. ———. 2013b. “Colonization in Taimyr: The Socio-Cultural Impacts [Колонизация на Таймыре: социальнокультурные последствия].” Knowledge, Understanding, Skill (ZPU) 1: 104–8. Bidelman, Gavin M., and Jeremy Grall. 2014. “Functional Organization for Musical Consonance and Tonal Pitch Hierarchy in Human Auditory Cortex.” NeuroImage 101 (November). Elsevier Inc.: 204–14. doi:10.1016/j.neuroimage.2014.07.005. Bismarck, G. von. 1974. “Timbre of Steady Sounds: A Factorial Investigation of Its Verbal Attributes.” Acustica 30, no. 3: 146–59. Bogdanov, I.A. 1982. “Khanty and Mansi Music.” Encyclopedia of Music [Музыкальная энциклопедия]. Soviet Encyclopedia [Советская энциклопедия]. Bogoraz, Waldemar. 1991. Материальная культура чукчей. Translated by Е. А. Михайлова and И. С. Вдовин. Moscow: Nauka. Both, Arnd Adje. 2009. “Music Archaeology: Some Methodological and Theoretical Considerations.” Edited by Don Niles and Arnd Adje Both. Yearbook for Traditional Music 41. Ljubljana, Slovenia: International Council for Traditional Music: 1–11. www.jstor.org/stable/25735475. Bregman, Albert S. 1994. Auditory Scene Analysis: The Perceptual Organization of Sound. Cambridge MA: MIT Press. Briefer, E. F. 2012. “Vocal Expression of Emotions in Mammals: Mechanisms of Production and Evidence.” Journal of Zoology 288, no. 1: 1–20. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7998.2012.00920.x. Brodsky, I. A. 1976. “On Study of Music of People of North of Russia [Бродский].” In Traditional and Contemporary Folk Music Art. Collection of Essays. [Традиционное и современное народное музыкальное искусство. Сборник трудов], edited by B.B. Yefimenkova, 29:244–59. Moscow: Gnessin Russian Academy of Music [Российская академия музыки имени Гнесиных]. Bulgakova, T. D. 2000. “Traditional views of the Nanai on music [Традиционные представления нанайцев о музыке],” in Musical Ethnography of Tungus-Manchu Peoples. International Conference at Yakutsk [Музыкальная этнография тунгусо-маньчжурских народов] (Yakutsk: The Institute of Problems of Exploration of North), 36–37 Burgoyne, John Ashley, Jan Van Balen, Dimitrios Bountouridis, and Henkjan Honing. 2013. “Hooked: A Game for Discovering What Makes Music Catchy.” In Proceedings of the International Society for Music Information Retrieval, edited by D. F. Tovey, 245–50. Curitiba, Brazil,: Ismir. Byron, Timothy P., and Lucinda C. Fowles. 2015. “Repetition and Recency Increases Involuntary Musical Imagery of Previously Unfamiliar Songs.” Psychology of Music 43, no. 3: 375–89. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735613511506. Caivano, José Luis. 1994. “Color and Sound: Physical and Psychophysical Relations.” Color Research & Application 19, no. 2: 126–33. https://doi.org/10.1111/J.1520-6378.1994.TB00072.X. Chistalev, Prometei. 1976. “Russian-Komi Folk Musical Ties [Русско-Коми фольклорные музыкальные связи].” In Ethnography and Folklore of the Komi [Этнография и фольклор Коми], 16–31. Syktyvkar, Russia: Academy of Science of USSR [Изд-во Академии наук СССР]. ———. 1977. “Komi Folk Music [Коми народная музыка].” In Musical Heritage of the Finnish-Ugoric Peoples [Музыкальное наследие финно-уторских народов], edited by I. Ruutel, 451–73. Tallin: Eesti Raamat. ———. 1984. Komi Folk Musical Instruments [Коми народные музыкальные инструменты]. Syktyvkar, Russia: Komi Publishing House [Коми книжное изд-во]. Clack, Timothy. 2011. “Syncretism and Religious Fusion.” In The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of Ritual and Religion, edited by Timothy Insoll, 226–42. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Clarke, Eric F. 2001. “Meaning and the Specification of Motion in Music.” Musicae Scientiae 5 (2): 213–34. doi:10.1177/102986490100500205. 41 ———. 2005. Ways of Listening: An Ecological Approach to the Perception of Musical Meaning. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. Cox, Maureen V. 1998. “Drawings of People by Australian Aboriginal Children: The Inter-Mixing of Cultural Styles.” Journal of Art & Design Education 17 (1): 71–79. doi:10.1111/1468-5949.00107. Dalla Bella, Simone, Anita Białuńska, and Jakub Sowiński. 2013. “Why Movement Is Captured by Music, but Less by Speech: Role of Temporal Regularity.” PLoS ONE 8 (8): e71945. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0071945. Davies, Stephen. 2012. The Artful Species: Aesthetics, Art, and Evolution. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Demuth, Norman. 1953. Musical forms and textures: A reference guide. London: Barrie and Rockliff. Deregowski, Jan B. 1989. “Real Space and Represented Space: Cross-Cultural Perspectives.” Behavioral and Brain Sciences 12 (01): 51. doi:10.1017/S0140525X00024286. Devlet, Yekaterina G., and Yevgenii Yu. Girya. 2011. “An ‘Art Layer’ in the Rock Art and Research of the Technique of Execution of the North Eurasian Petroglyphs [«Изобразительный пласт» в наскальном искусстве и исследование техники выполнения петроглифов Северной Евразии].” In Ancient Art in the Mirror of Archeology [Древнее искусство в зеркале археологии], edited by V. Bobrov, O. Sovetova, and Miklashevich E., 7:186–20. Kemerovo, Russia: Kuzbassvuzizdat. Dikov, Nikolai N. 1971. Rock enigmas of the Ancient Chukotka: Petroglyphs of Pegtymelia [Наскальные загадки Древней Чукотки: Петроглифы. Пегтымелия]. Moscow: Nauka. Dmitriyev, Anatoly N. 1962. Polyphony as the Factor of Form Creation: Theoretic Exploration Based on the Data of Russian Classical and Soviet Music [Полифония Как Фактор Формообразования: Теоретическое Исследование На Материале Русской Классической и Советской Музыки]. Edited by Muzgiz [Музгиз]. Leningrad. Dobzhanskaya, Oksana. 2011. “Ritual Musical Folklore of Samoyedic Peoples as an Object of Study: Main Results and Research Perspectives [Обрядовый музыкальный фольклор самодийских народов как объект изучения: основные результаты и перспективы исследования].” In From Congress to Congress: Materials of the Second All-Russian Congress of Folklore Study [От конгресса к конгрессу. Материалы Второго Всероссийского конгресса фольклористов], edited by A.S. Kargin, 3:300–311. Moscow: State Republican Center of Russian Folklore. ———. 2013. “Nganasan Ritual Songs Performed by the Shaman’s Heirs (on Imitation of Shamanic Ritual) [Нганасанские обрядовые песни в исполнении наследников шамана (к проблеме имитации шаманского ритуала)].” In Epic Heritage and Spiritual Practice in Past and Present [Эпическое наследие и духовные практики в прошлом и настоящем], edited by V.I. Kharitonova, 53–64. Moscow: IEA RAN. ———. 2016. “The Living Has Sound; The Dead Is Silent.” Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia 55, no. 1: 7–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/10611959.2016.1263485. ———. 2017. “Personal Songs of the Tundra Nenets [Личные Песни Тундровых Ненцев Таймыра].” Culture and Civilization [Культура и Цивилизация] 7, no. 2B (2017): 565–75. ———. 2019. “Auditory Images of the Sacred Landscapes in Shamanic Journeys [Звуковые Образы Сакральных Ландшафтов в Шаманских Путешествиях].” In Sounding Landscapes of the Arctic [Звучащие Ландшафты Арктики], edited by Oksana E. Dobzhanskaya and Tatyana I. Ignatyeva, 85–98. Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka. Dolscheid, S., S. Hunnius, D. Casasanto, and A. Majid. 2014. “Prelinguistic Infants Are Sensitive to Space-Pitch Associations Found Across Cultures.” Psychological Science 25 (6): 1256–61. doi:10.1177/0956797614528521. Dwyer, Mark J., and Kirill V. Istomin. 2009. “Komi Reindeer Herding: The Effects of Socialist and PostSocialist Change on Mobility and Land Use.” Polar Research 28 (2): 282–97. doi:10.1111/j.17518369.2009.00108.x. Elfenbein, Hillary, and Nalini Ambady. 2002. “On the Universality and Cultural Specificity of Emotion Recognition: A Meta-Analysis.” Psychological Bulletin 128 (2): 205–35. Fales, Cornelia. 2002. “The Paradox of Timbre.” Ethnomusicology 46, no. 1: 56–95. 42 https://doi.org/10.2307/852808. Fortescue, Michael. 2011. Orientation Systems of the North Pacific Rim. Kopenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press. Frayonov, Viktor P. 1981. Texture [фактура]. Encyclopedia of Music [Музыкальная энциклопедия] 5, 754– 761. Available at: http://www.music-dic.ru/html-music-enc/f/7832.html. Frolov, Boris A. 1992. Primitive Graphics of Europe [Первобытная графика Европы]. Moscow: Nauka. Gabrielsson, Alf, and Patrik N. Juslin. 2003. “Emotional Expression in Music.” In Handbook of Affective Sciences, edited by R. J. Davidson, K. R. Scherer, and H. H. Goldsmith, 503–34. Series in Affective Science. New York, NY, US: Oxford University Press. Galdanova, Galina R. Pre-Lamaistic Beliefs of Byriats [Доламаистские Верования Бурят]. Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka, 1987. Gelbart, Matthew. 2013. “Once More to Mendelssohn’s Scotland: The Laws of Music, the Double Tonic, and the Sublimation of Modality.” 19th-Century Music 37, no. 1: 3–36. https://doi.org/DOI: 10.1525/ncm.2013.37.1.3. Gemuyev, I. N., and Sagalayev, A. M. 1986. Religion of Mansi People. Cult Locations of the 19th-early 20th Centuries [Религия народа манси. Культовые места XIX — начала XX в]. Novosibirsk: Nauka. Golovnev, Andrei V. 1995. Talking Cultures: Samoyed and Ugric Traditions. [Говорящие Культуры Традиции Самодийцев и Угров]. Yekaterinburg: Russian Academy of Science. Goltsova, T. V., Osipova, L. P., Zhadanov, S. I., and Villems, R. 2005. The effect of marriage migration on the genetic structure of the Taimyr Nganasan population: genealogical analysis inferred from MtDNA markers. Russ. J. Genet. 41, 779–788. doi: 10.1007/s11177-005-0160-3 Goncharov, Oleg. 2007. Perception and Representation of the Third Dimension [Восприятие и изображение третьего измерения]. Syktyvkar, Russia: Syktyvkar University. Goncharov, Oleg, and Yuri Tiapovkin. 2012. “Cultural and Environmental Factors in the Perception of Perspective Among Indigenous Tundra Inhabitants.” Journal of Russian and East European Psychology 50 (5): 65–86. doi:10.2753/RPO1061-0405500504. Gould, Peter, and Rodney White. 1986. Mental Maps. London: Routledge. Granot, Roni Y., and Zohar Eitan. 2011. “Musical Tension and the Interaction of Dynamic Auditory Parameters.” Music Perception 28 (3): 219–45. doi:10.1525/mp.2011.28.3.219. Gratchyova, Galina N. 1983. Traditional Worldview of the Taimyr Hunters (on the Materials of Nganasan of the XIX-XX Centuries [Традиционное мировоззрение охотников Таймыра (на материалах нганасан XIX – XX века)]. Leningrad: Nauka. Gruhn, Wilfried. 2004. “Are Different Types of Mental Representation Reflected by Brain Activation Patterns?” In Music Perception and Cognition; ICMPC8, edited by Scott Lipscomb, Richard Ashley, Robert Gjerdingen, and Peter Webster, 124–27. Adelaide, Australia: Causal Productions. Grauer, Victor A. 2007. “New Perspectives on the Kalahari Debate: A Tale of Two ‘Genomes.’” Before Farming: The Archaeology and Anthropology of Hunter-Gatherers 2: article 4:1-14. https://doi.org/http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bfarm.2007.2.4. Habeck, Joachim Otto. 2006. “Experience, Movement and Mobility: Komi Reindeer Herders’ Perception of the Environment.” Nomadic Peoples 10, no. 2: 123–41. https://doi.org/10.3167/np.2006.100208. Halpern, Ida. 1974. “Nootka Indian Music of the Pacific North West Coast.” New York: Smithsonian Folkways Recordings. FW04524 / FE 4524. Halpern, Andrea R., and James C. Bartlett. 2011. “The Persistence of Musical Memories: A Descriptive Study of Earworms.” Music Perception: An Interdisciplinary Journal 28, no. 4 (April 2011): 425–32. https://doi.org/10.1525/mp.2011.28.4.425. Hargreaves, David J. 1986. The Developmental Psychology of Music. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Helimsky, Eugene A. 1990. The external connections and early contacts of the Uralic languages. Problems of Uralistics, 1, 19–43. Horden, Peregrine. 2000. Music as Medicine: The History of Music Therapy Since Antiquity. Aldershot, 43 Hampshire: Ashgate. Hornbostel, Erich M. von, and Curt Sachs. 1914. “Systematik Der Musikinstrumente, Ein Versuch.” Zeitschrift Für Ethnologie, Organ Der Berliner Gesellschaft Für Anthropologie, Ethnologie Und Urgeschichte 46, no. 4/5: 553–90. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107415324.004. Hubbard, Timothy L. 2013. “Auditory Imagery Contains More Than Audition.” In Multisensory Imagery, edited by Simon Lacey and Rebecca Lawson, 221–47. Heidelberg: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-46145879-1_12. Huron, David. 1989. Characterizing Musical Textures. in Proceedings: 1989 International Computer Music Conference, November 2-5 (Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan Publishing, University of Michigan Library), 131– 134. Available at: http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.bbp2372.1989.033 [Accessed January 29, 2017]. ———. 2001. “Tone and Voice: A Derivation of the Rules of Voice-Leading from Perceptual Principles.” Music Perception 19 (1): 1–64. doi:10.1525/mp.2001.19.1.1. ———. 2016. Voice leading: The science behind a musical art. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Hyman, Ira E., Naomi K. Burland, Hollyann M. Duskin, Megan C. Cook, Christina M. Roy, Jessie C. Mcgrath, and Rebecca F. Roundhill. 2013. “Going Gaga: Investigating, Creating, and Manipulating the Song Stuck in My Head.” Applied Cognitive Psychology 27, no. 2: 204–15. https://doi.org/10.1002/acp.2897. Ingold, Tim. 2000. The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling and Skill. Psychology Press. https://books.google.com/books?id=S3GakE5OT-kC. Istomin, Kirill V., and Mark J. Dwyer. 2009. “Finding the Way.” Current Anthropology 50 (1): 29–49. doi:10.1086/595624. Istomin, Kirill V., Jaroslava; Panáková, and Patrick Heady. 2014. “Culture, Perception, and Artistic Visualization: A Comparative Study of Children’s Drawings in Three Siberian Cultural Groups.” Cognitive Science 38 (1): 76–100. doi:10.1111/cogs.12051. Ivanchenko, Galina V. 2001. Psychology of Music Perception: Approaches, Problems and Prospects [Психология Восприятия Музыки: Подходы, Проблемы, Перспективы]. Moscow: Smysl. Ivanov, Sergei V. 1954. Materials on Fine Art of Ethnicities of Siberia of 19-Early 20th Centuries: Genre Drawing and Other Types of Depiction on Plane Surface [Материалы по изобразительному искусству народов Сибири XIX-начала XX в: сюжетный рисунок и другие виды изображений на. Edited by L.P. Potapov. Leningrad: Academy of Science of USSR [Изд-во Академии наук СССР]. Ivanova-Unarova, Zinaida. 2005. Traditional Art of Ethnicities of North-East Siberia (Evenki, Even, Yukagir, Dolgan, Chukcha, Koryak) [Традиционное искусство народов Северо-Востока Сибири (эвенки, эвены, юкагиры, долганы, чукчи, коряки)]. Yakutsk: Yakutsk University. Jones-Bamman, Richard. 2009. “Khynum—The Prayer: Songs of the Nenets.” Yearbook for Traditional Music. Janhunen, Juha. 2009. “Proto-Uralic: What, Where, and When?” In The Quasquicentennial of the Finno-Ugrian Society, edited by J. Ylikoski, 79–94. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura. https://researchportal.helsinki.fi/en/publications/proto-uralic-what-where-and-when. Jakubowski, Kelly, Sebastian Finkel, Lauren Stewart, and Daniel Müllensiefen. 2016. “Dissecting an Earworm: Melodic Features and Song Popularity Predict Involuntary Musical Imagery.” Psychology of Aesthetics, Creativity, and the Arts 10, no. 4: 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1037/aca0000090. Juslin, Patrik N. 2005. “From Mimesis to Catharsis: Expression, Perception, and Induction of Emotion in Music.” In Musical Communication, edited by Dorothy Miell, Raymond MacDonald, and David J. Hargreaves, 85–116. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Juslin, Patrik N., and Petri Laukka. 2003 “Communication of Emotions in Vocal Expression and Music Performance: Different Channels, Same Code?” Psychological Bulletin 129, no. 5: 770–814. https://doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.129.5.770. Kaeppler, Adrienne. 1990. “The Production and Reproduction of Social and Cultural Values in the Compositions of Queen Salote of Tonga.” In Music, Gender, and Culture, edited by Marcia Herndon and Susanne Ziegler, 191–219. Wilhelmshaven: Florian Noetzel Verlag. ———. 2008. The Pacific Arts of Polynesia and Micronesia. Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press. Karafet, Tatiana M., Ludmila P. Osipova, Olga V. Savina, Brian Hallmark, and Michael F. Hammer. 2018. 44 “Siberian Genetic Diversity Reveals Complex Origins of the Samoyedic-Speaking Populations.” American Journal of Human Biology 30, no. 6: e23194. https://doi.org/10.1002/AJHB.23194. Khakimulina, Olga. 2009. History and Culture of Indigenuous People of Taimyr [История и культура коренных народов Таймыра]. Sankt-Petersburg: Prosvesheniye. Khlobystin, Leonid. 1998. Ancient History of Taimyr and the Formation of North Eurasian Cultures [Древняя история Таймырского Заполярья и вопросы формирования культур севера Евразии]. SanktPetersburg: Dmitri Bulanin. Khlobystin, Leonid Pavlovich. 2005. Taymyr: The Archaeology of Northernmost Eurasia. Washington DC: Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution. Kholopova, Valentina. 1979. Texture: An Essay [Фактура: Очерк]. Moscow: Muzyka [Музыка]. ———. 2002. Theory of Music: Melos, Rhythm, Texture, Thematicism [Теория Музыки: Мелодика, Ритмика, Фактура, Тематизм]. Saint Petersburg: Lan. Koelsch, Stefan, and Thomas Fritz. 2013. “Acoustically Mediated Emotional Contagion as an across-Species Homology Underlying Music Processing.” In Evolution of Emotional Communication: From Sounds in Nonhuman Mammals to Speech and Music in Man, edited by Eckart Altenmüller, Sabine Schmidt, and Elke Zimmermann, 300–312. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Krushanov, Andrei I. 1987. History and culture of Chukchi: historic-ethnographic sketches [История и культура чукчей: историко-этнографические очерки]. Leningrad: Nauka. Kubovy, Michael. 1988. The Psychology of Perspective and Renaissance Art. New York: Cambridge University Press. Labanauskas, Kazimir. 1992. Folklore of the Taimyr Peoples [Фольклор народов Таймыра]. Vol. 2. Dudinka: Taimyr Regional Center of Folk Art. Lar, Leonid A. 1998. Shamans and Gods [Шаманы и боги]. Tiumen: Institute of the Problems of Exploration of North. ———. 2008. “Traditional Religious Rites in Life of the Nenets [Традиционная религиозно-обрядовая жизнь ненцев].” Bulletin of the Russian State Pedagogical University of A.Herzen 62: 98–108. Lazar, Katalin. 1997. “Folk Songs of the Eastern Ostyaks.” In Studies on Surgut Ostyak Culture, edited by Márta Csepregi and Ágnes Kerezsi, 42:109–46. Budapest: Néprajzi Múzeum. Lehtisalo, Toivo. 1998. The Mythology of Yurako-Samoyed (Nenets) [Мифология юрако-самоедов]. Translated by Nadezhda V. Lukina. Tomsk: The Tomsk University Press. Leman, Marc. 2008. Embodied Music Cognition and Mediation Technology. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Levin, Theodore Craig. 1999. “Tuva, Among the Spirits: Sound, Music, and Nature in Sakha and Tuva.” New York: Smithsonian Folkways Recordings. SFW 40452. Levy, Janet M. 1982. “Texture as a Sign in Classic and Early Romantic Music.” Journal of the American Musicological Society 35 (3): 482–531. doi:10.1525/jams.1982.35.3.03a00040. Lewis, David H., and Mimi George. 1991. “Hunters and Herders: Chukchi and Siberian Eskimo Navigation Across Snow and Frozen Sea.” Journal of Navigation 44 (1): 1. doi:10.1017/S037346330000967X. List, George. 1987. “Stability and Variation.” Ethnomusicology 31, no. 1: 18–34. https://doi.org/10.2307/852289. Livesey, Peter J. 1986. Learning and Emotion: A Biological Synthesis. Vol.1. Evolutionary processes. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Lukina, Nadezhda F. 1985. Formation of the Material Culture of Khanty [Формирование материальной культуры хантов]. Tomsk: University of Tomsk. Lythberg, B. J. 2013. “Polyvocal Tongan Barkcloths: Contemporary Ngatu and Nomenclature at the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa.” Tuhinga: Te Papa’s Research Journal 24: 85–104. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/27612. Marks, Lawrence E. 1978. The Unity of the Senses: Interrelations among the Modalities. New York: Academic Press. Martynova, Yelena P. 1998. Sketches on history and culture of Khanty people [Очерки истории и культуры Хантов]. Moscow: Russian Academy of Science [Ин-т этнологии и антропологии РАН]. 45 McDermott, Josh H., Michael V. Keebler, Christophe Micheyl, and Andrew J. Oxenham. 2010. “Musical Intervals and Relative Pitch: Frequency Resolution, Not Interval Resolution, Is Special.” Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 128 (4/1): 1943–51. doi:10.1121/1.3478785. McDermott, Vincent. 1972. “A Conceptual Musical Space.” Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 30: 489–94. Merriam, Allan P. 1964. The Anthropology of Music. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press Mitlianskaya, T.B. 1983. On Folk Art Crafts of Siberia and Far East for Village Teacher [Сельскому учителю о народных художественных ремеслах Сибири и Дальнего Востока]. Moscow: Prosvesheniye. Mohn, C., H. Argstatter, and F.-W. Wilker. 2010. “Perception of Six Basic Emotions in Music.” Psychology of Music 39 (4): 503–17. doi:10.1177/0305735610378183. Maurer, Daphne, and Catherine J. Mondloch. 2005. “Neonatal Synesthesia: A Reevaluation.” In Synesthesia: Perspectives from Cognitive Neuroscience, edited by Lynn C. Robertson and Noam Sagiv, 193–213. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. Monelle, Raymond. 2006. The Musical Topic: Hunt, Military and Pastoral. Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press. Morton, Eugene S. 1977. “On the Occurrence and Significance of Motivation-Structural Rules in Some Bird and Mammal Sounds.” The American Naturalist 111, no. 981: 855–69. https://doi.org/10.1086/283219. Morton, Bruce, and Sandra E. Trehub. 2007. “Children’s Judgements of Emotion in Song.” Psychology of Music 35, no. 4: 629–39. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735607076445. Napolskikh, Vladimir V. 1995. Uralic original home: History of studies. Vol. 1. Izhevsk: Udmurt Institute for history, language and literature. Nash, Peter H., and George O. Carney. 1996. “The Seven Themes of Music Geography.” The Canadian Geographer/Le Géographe Canadien 40, no. 1 (March 1996): 69–74. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.15410064.1996.tb00433.x. Nazaikinsky, Yevgenij V. 1972. On Psychology of Human Musical Perception [О Психологии Музыкального Восприятия]. Moscow: Muzyka. ———. 1973. “On Constants in Perception of Music [О Константности в Восприятии Музыки].” In Musical Art and Science [Музыкальное Искусство и Наука], edited by Yevgenij V Nazaikinsky, 2:59–98. Moscow: Muzyka. ———. 1982. Logic of Musical Composition [Логика Музыкальной Композиции]. Moskva: Muzyka. ———. 1988. The sonic world of music [Звуковой мир музыки]. Moscow: Muzyka. ———. 2013. Style and genre in music [Стиль и жанр в музыке]. Tbilisi, Georgia: Tbilisi State Conservatoire. Nazaikinsky, Yevgenij V., and Yurii N. Rags. 1964 “Perception of Musical Timbres and the Significance of the Individual Harmonics in a Sound [Восприятие Музыкальных Тембров и Значение Отдельных Гармоник Звука].” In Application of the Acoustic Methods in Musicology [Применение Акустических Методов в Музыкознании], edited by Sergei S Skrebkov, 79–100. Moscow: Muzyka. Neville, Helen. 1995. “Developmental Specificity in Neurocognitive Development in Humans.” In Conversations in the Cognitive Neurosciences, edited by Michael S. Gazzaniga, 219–31. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Niemi, Jarkko. 1999. “The Genres of the Nenets Songs.” Asian Music 30 (1): 77–132. doi:10.2307/834981. ———. 2002. “‘You Are of the Kind of Kin, Are You?’ Reflections of the Animistic World View in the Oral Folklore of the Modern Day Kanin Nenetses.” In Mental Spaces and Ritual Traditions. An International Festschrift to Commemorate the 60th Birthday of Dr. Mihály Hoppál, edited by Elek Bartha and Veikko Anttonen, 401–16. Debrecen: University of Debrecen. ———. 2009. “Evaluating Parameters of Structural Analysis in Indigenous Siberian Singing.” In Perspectives on the Song of the Indigenous Peoples of Northern Eurasia: Performance, Genres, Musical Syntax, Sound, edited by Jarkko Niemi, 88–121. Tampere, Finland: Tampere University Press. Niemi, J., Lapsui, A., and Lapsui, M. M. 2004. Network of Songs: Individual Songs of the Ob'Gulf Nenets: Music and Local History as Sung by Maria Maksimovna Lapsui. Mémoires d. Helsinki: Societe FinnoOugrienne. 46 Nikolsky, Aleksey. 2015a. “Evolution of Tonal Organization in Music Mirrors Symbolic Representation of Perceptual Reality. Part-1: Prehistoric.” Frontiers in Psychology 6 (1405). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2015.01405. ———. 2015b. “¿Cómo Funciona La Emoción Musical? [How Emotion Can Be the Meaning of a Music Work].” In Música y Cuerpo: Estudios Musicológicos, edited by Teresa. Cascudo, 241–62. Baleares, Spain: Calanda Ediciones Musicales, 2015. https://doi.org/10.13140/RG.2.1.2737.0008. ———. 2015c. “Tonal Organization in Tuning of Paleolithic and Neolithic Pipes.” https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.13636313. ———. 2016a. "The Correspondence Between Composition in Fine Arts and Music throughout History." doi: 10.6084/m9.figshare.15081477 ———. 2016b. “Evolution of Tonal Organization in Music Optimizes Neural Mechanisms in Symbolic Encoding of Perceptual Reality. Part-2: Ancient to Seventeenth Century.” Frontiers in Psychology, 2016. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00211. ———. 2018. Commentary: The ‘Musilanguage’ Model of Language Evolution. Frontiers in Psychology 9, 75. doi:10.3389/fpsyg.2018.00075. ———. 2020a. “The Pastoral Origin of Semiotically Functional Tonal Organization of Music.” Frontiers in Psychology 11, no. June: 1358. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.01358. ———. 2020b. “Emergence of the Distinction between ‘Verbal’ and ‘Musical’ in Early Childhood Development.” In The Origins of Language Revisited: Differentiation from Music and the Emergence of Neurodiversity and Autism, edited by Nobuo Masataka, 139–216. Singapore: Springer Nature. Nikolsky, A., Alekseyev, E. Y., Alekseev, I. Y., and Dyakonova, V. E. 2020a. Spectral Texture and the Influence Different Materials Have on it on the Example of Jaw Harp. doi:10.6084/m9.figshare.14852928. ———. 2020b. “The Overlooked Tradition of ‘Personal Music’ and Its Place in the Evolution of Music.” Frontiers in Psychology 10, no. Feb.: 3051. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.03051. Novik, Yelena S. 1998. “‘Thing-Sign’ and ‘Thing-Gesture’: On Semiotic Interpretation of Fetishism ["ВещьЗнак" и ‘Вещь-Жест’: К Семиотической Интерпретации Фетишей].” The Bulletin of the Russian State University for the Humanities 3, no. 2 (1998): 79–97. ———. 2003. “Mythological Representations of Voice in Folklore and Beliefs of Siberian Peoples [Мифологические Представления о Голосе в Фольклоре и Верованиях Народов Сибири].” In Eurasian Space: Sound, Word, Image [Евразийское Пространство: Звук, Слово, Образ], edited by Viatcheslav V. Ivanov, 134–56. Moscow: Languages of Slavic Cultures. ———. 2004. Rite and Folklore in Siberian Shamanism: An Experiment in Correlation of Structures [Обряд и фольклор в сибирском шаманизме: Опыт сопоставления структур]. Moscow: Eastern Literature, Russian Academy of Science [Восточная литература РАН]. Nykänen, Arne, Örjan Johansson, Jan Lundberg, and Jan Berg. 2009. “Modelling Perceptual Dimensions of Saxophone Sounds.” Acta Acustica United with Acustica 95, no. 3, 539–49. https://doi.org/10.3813/AAA.918179. Ojamaa, Triinu. 2002. “The Story of Life in Music: Autobiographical Songs of the Nganasans.” Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore. doi:10.7592/FEJF2002.21.songs. Ojamaa, Triinu, and Jaan Ross. 2004. “Relationship between Texts and Tunes in the Siberian Folksongs.” In CIM04: Conference on Interdisciplinary Musicology, edited by R. Parncutt, A. Kessler, and F. Zimmer, 134–35. Graz, Austria: Graz University. ———. 2011. “The Perceived Structure of Forest Nenets Songs: A Cross-Cultural Case Study.” Psychomusicology: Music, Mind & Brain 21 (1/2): 159–75. doi:100.1037/h0094010. Okladnikov, Aleksey P. 1959. Ancient Population of Siberia and Its Cultures. Russian Translation Series of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University. Vol. 1. New York, NY: The Peabody Museum. Pakendorf, Bridgette. 2007. “Contact in the Prehistory of the Sakha (Yakuts): Linguistic and Genetic Perspectives.” Dissertation. Utrecht, Centre for Linguistics, Faculty of Arts at Leiden University. Netherlands Graduate School of Linguistics, (LOT). https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/handle/1887/12492. 47 Perlovsky, Leonid. 2012. “Cognitive Function, Origin, and Evolution of Musical Emotions.” Musicae Scientiae 16 (2): 185–99. doi:10.1177/1029864912448327. ———. 2014. “The Cognitive Function of Music. Part II.” Interdisciplinary Science Reviews 39 (2): 162–86. doi:10.1179/0308018813Z.00000000041. Peters, G. 1984. “On the Structure of Friendly Close Range Vocalizations in Terrestrial Carnivores (Mammalia: Carnivora: Fissipedia).” Zeitschrift Für Säugetierkunde 49: 157–82. Petrova, Anna G. 2014. “Universal Composition Forms in Arctic Peoples’ Ornament [Универсальные композиционные формы в орнаменте народов Арктики].” Gramota 2 (40): 150–53. Petrova, Valentina P., and Galina P. Khariuchi. 1999. The Nenets in History of Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Region [Ненцы в истории Ямало-Ненецкого автономного округа]. Tomsk: The Tomsk University. Pitulko V.V., Tikhonov A.N., Pavlova E.Y., Nikolskiy P.A., Kuper K.E., and Polozov R.N. 2016. “Early Human Presence in the Arctic: Evidence from 45,000-Year-Old Mammoth Remains.” Science (New York, N.Y.) 351, no. 6270: 260–63. https://doi.org/10.1126/SCIENCE.AAD0554. Pridmore, Ralph W. 1992. “Music and Color: Relations in the Psychophysical Perspective.” Color Research & Application 17, no. 1: 57–61. https://doi.org/10.1002/COL.5080170110. Pushkaryova, Yelena T. 2001. “The Specification of Genres of Nenets Folklore and Their Performance Tradition [Специфика жанров фольклора ненцев и их исполнительской традиции].” In The Nenets Folkore [Фольклор ненцев: в записях 1911, 1937, 1946, 1953, 1965-1987 годов], edited by Yelena T. Pushkaryova and Liudmila Khomich. Novosibirsk: Nauka. Rafaenko, V. Ya. 1972. “By the Reindeer’s Path: Folk Applied and Fine Art of Nenets [Тропою оленей: народное прикладное и изобразительное искусство ненцев].” In Rainbow on the Snow: Culture, Traditional and Contemporary Art of the Ethnicities of Soviet Extreme North [Радуга на снегу: Культура, традиционное и современное искусство народов советского Крайнего Севера], 97–109. Moscow: Molodaya Gvardiya. Rags, Yurii N. 1999. Aesthetics from the bottom and aesthetics from the top - quantitative ways of approaching [Эстетика снизу и эстетика сверху – квантитативные пути сближения]. Moscow: Nauchnyi mir. Ratner, Leonard G. 1980. Classic Music: Expression, Form, and Style. New York, NY: Schirmer Books. Rosser, R A, S S Ensing, J Mazzeo, and P F Horan. 1985. “Visual Perspective Taking in Children: Further Ramifications of an Information-Processing Model.” The Journal of Genetic Psychology 146 (3): 379–87. doi:10.1080/00221325.1985.9914466. Sacks, Oliver. 2008. Musicophilia: Tales of Music and the Brain. New York: Vintage Books. Sadek, Amal A. M. 1987. “Visualization of Musical Concepts.” Bulletin of the Council for Research in Music Education, no. 91 (April): 149–54. Sagalayev, A. M., and Oktiabr'skaya, I. V. 1990. Traditional Worldview of Turks of Southern Siberia. Sign and ritual. Традиционное мировоззрение тюрков Южнои Сибири. Знак и ритуал]. Novosibirsk: Nauka. Schadwinkel, Stefan, and Alexander Gutschalk. 2010. “Activity Associated with Stream Segregation in Human Auditory Cortex Is Similar for Spatial and Pitch Cues.” Cerebral Cortex 20 (12): 2863–73. doi:10.1093/cercor/bhq037. Scruton, Roger. 1997. The Aesthetics of Music. New York: Clarendon Press. Segall, Marshall H., Donald Thomas Campbell, and Melville Jean Herskovits. 1966. The Influence of Culture on Visual Perception. Bobbs-Merrill Co. https://books.google.com/books?id=2V1AAAAAIAAJ. Sheikin, Yurii I. 1990. Instrumental Music of Yugra [Инструментальная музыка Югры]. Novosibirsk: Novosibirsk State Conservatory named after Glinka. ———. 1996. Musical Culture of Peoples of Northern Asia [Музыкальная Культура Народов Северной Азии]. Yakutsk: Yakutskii scientific center. ———. 2002. History of music culture of Siberia peoples: comparative-historic investigation [История музыкальной культуры народов Сибири: сравнительно-историческое исследование]. Moscow: Eastern Literature, Russian Academy of Science [Восточная литература РАН]. ———. 2008. “Ethnomusicology as the Discipline at Arctic State Institute of Arts and Culture [Этномузыкология как дисциплина в Арктическом государственном институте искусств и 48 культуры].” Vestnik AGIIK [Вестник Арктического государственного института культуры и искусств] 1 (1): 37–48. ———. 2018. Musical Culture of Chukchi [Музыкальная Культура Чукчей]. Edited by Oksana Dobzhanskaya and Tatiana Ignatyeva. Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka. Sheikin, Yurii I., Oksana E. Dobzhanskaya, Tatyana I. Ignatyeva, and Vera S. Nikiforova. 2019. “Sounding Landscapes in the Intonational Acoustic Cultures of Indigenous Peoples of the Arctic: The Formulation of a Problem and Methodological Approaches [Звучащие Ландшафты в Интонационно-Акустической Культуре Коренных Народов Арктики: Постановка Проблем.” In Sounding Landscapes of the Arctic [Звучащие Ландшафты Арктики], edited by Oksana E. Dobzhanskaya and Tatyana I. Ignatyeva, 7–34. Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka. Shirokov, Vladimir N., and Sergei Ye. Tchairkin. 2011. Rock Images of Northern and Middle Ural [Наскальные изображения Северного и Среднего Урала]. Yekaterinburg: Ashur. Siazi, Antonina M. 1995. Decorative Applied Art of Low Ob Khanty [Декоративно - прикладное искусство хантов Нижней Оби]. Tiumen’: Institute of the Problems of Exploration of Northern Siberia. Sievers, Beau, Larry Polansky, Michael Casey, and Thalia Wheatley. 2013. “Music and Movement Share a Dynamic Structure That Supports Universal Expressions of Emotion.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 110 (1): 70–75. doi:10.1073/pnas.1209023110. Simchenko, Yurii. 1968. “Some Data on Ancient Ethnic Substrate in the Composition of Peoples of North Eurasia [Некоторые Данные о Древнем Этническом Субстрате в Составе Народов Северной Евразии].” In Problems of Anthropology and Historical Ethnography of Asia [Проблемы антропологии и исторической этнографии Азии], edited by V.P. Alekseyev and I.S. Gurvich, 194–213. Moscow: Nauka. Skrebkov, Sergei. 1973. Artistic Principles of Musical Styles [Художественные Принципы Музыкальных Стилей]. Moscow: Muzyka [Музыка]. Skrebkova-Filatova, Marina S. 1985. Texture in Music [Фактура в Музыке]. Moscow: Muzyka [Музыка]. Smith, J. David. 1997. “The Place of Musical Novices in Music Science.” Music Perception 14 (3): 227–62. Snowdon, Charles T. 2003. “Expression of Emotion in Nonhuman Animals.” In Handbook of Affective Sciences, edited by Richard J. Davidson, Klaus R. Scherer, and H. Hill Goldsmith, 457–80. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Snowdon, Charles T., Elke Zimmermann, and Eckart Altenmüller. 2015. “Music Evolution and Neuroscience.” Progress in Brain Research 217: 17–34. https://doi.org/10.1016/bs.pbr.2014.11.019. Soldatova, Galina Ye. 2012. “Musical Folklore of Ob Ugrians [Музыкальный фольклор Обских угров].” In People Bathing in Sounds [В звуках купающиеся люди], edited by A.V. Lebedeva and M.A. Lapina, 4– 15. Khanty-Mansiisk, Russia: Print-Class. Starostin, George, N. Ezgi Altınışık, Mikhail Zhivlov, Piya Changmai, Olga Flegontova, Sergey A. Spirin, Andrei Zavgorodnii, Pavel Flegontov, and Alexei S. Kassian. 2021. “Circumpolar Peoples and Their Languages: Lexical and Genomic Data Suggest Ancient Chukotko-Kamchatkan-Nivkh and YukaghirSamoyedic Connections.” BioRxiv, February 28, 2021. https://doi.org/10.1101/2021.02.27.433193. Sukernik, R. I., T. M. Karaphet, L. P. Osipova, and O. L. Posukh. 1985. “Population Structure of Forest Nentsi. V. F-Statistics, Genetic Distances and Average Heterozygosity: A Comparison with the Nganasans.” Genetika 21, no. 4: 646–57. Svantesson, Jan Olof. 2017. “Sound Symbolism: The Role of Word Sound in Meaning.” Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Cognitive Science, March: e01441. https://doi.org/10.1002/wcs.1441. Szabolcsi, Bence. 1935. “The Eastern Relations of Early Hungarian Folk-Music: (The Persistence of an Archaic Middle-Asian Music-Style in Middle-Europe).” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, no. 3: 483–98. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25201171. ———. 1965. History of Melody. Budapest: Barrie & Rockliff. Tagg, Philip. 2012. Music’s Meaning: A Modern Musicology for non-musos. Larchmont, N.Y.: Mass Media’s Scholar’s Press. Tchernetsov, Valerii N. 1971. Rock Images of Ural [Наскальные изображения Урала]. Moscow: Nauka. 49 Terhardt, Ernst. 1995. “Music Perception in the Auditory Hierarchy.” In Music and the Mind Machine: The Psychophysiology and Psychopathology of the Sense of Music, 81–87. Berlin: Springer. Tovey, Donald Francis. 1941. Musical Textures. Alsop Lectures, University of Liverpool, 1938. Oxford UK: Oxford University Press. Trainor, Laurel J. 2007. “Do Preferred Beat Rate and Entrainment to the Beat Have a Common Origin in Movement?” Empirical Musicology Review 2: 17–20. http://hdl.handle.net/1811/24480. Trainor, Laurel J., Xiaoqing Gao, Jing-jiang Lei, Karen Lehtovaara, and L.R. Harris. 2009. “The Primal Role of the Vestibular System in Determining Musical Rhythm.” Cortex 45 (1): 35–43. doi:10.1016/j.cortex.2007.10.014. Tuck, Anthony Stephen. 2006. “Singing the Rug: Patterned Textiles and the Origins of Indo-European Metrical Poetry.” American Journal of Archaeology 110, no. 4: 539–50. Vasilenko, O.V. 2019. “Music of the Bear Festival of the Khazym Khanty as a Sounding Landscape of the Sacral Space of the Arctic [Музыка Медвежьего Праздника Казымских Хантов Как Звучащий Ландшафт Сакрального Пространства Арктики].” In Sounding Landscapes of the Arctic [Звучащие Ландшафты Арктики], edited by Oksana E. Dobzhanskaya and Tatyana I. Ignatyeva, 99–120. Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka. Uspensky, Boris. 1976. “The Language of Ancient Painting.” Dispositio 1 (3): 219–46. Vasilyev, V. I. “Main Problems of Ethnic History of Samoyedic Peoples (Nentsi, Entsi, Nganasans, Selkups) [Основные Проблемы Формирования и Развития Самодийских Этносов (Ненцы, Энцы, Нганасаны, Селькупы)].” In The Problems of Ethnic History of Samoyedic Peoples [Проблемы Этногенеза и Этническая История Самодийских Народов. Тезисы Докладов Областной Научной Конференции По Этнографии.], 3–7. Omsk: Nauka, 1983. Vdovin, Innokentii. 1965. The sketches of history and ethnography of the Chukchi [Очерки истории и этнографии чукчей]. Leningrad: Nauka. Veres, Peter. 2014. “The Etiological Myth of Obugrians on the Origins of Phratrial Organization, and Their World model.[Этиологический миф обских угров: происхождение фратриальной организации и модель мира].” Transactions of the Karelian Research Centre of Russian Academy of Science 3: 43–52. Voldina, T. V. 2017. “Song as a curative remedy in traditional culture of Yugric people of Ob' [Песня как целительное средство в традиционнои культуре обских угров],” in Medical Ethnography: Contemporary Approaches and Conceptions [Медицинская этнография: современные подходы и концепции], ed V. I. Kharitonova (Moscow: Institute of Ethnography & Anthropology of Russian Academy of Science, OOO Publicity), 141–151. Volodin, Andrei A. 1972. “Psychological Aspects of Perception of Music [Психологические Аспекты Восприятия Музыки].” The Institute of Evolutionary Physiology and Biochemistry named after Sechenov. Wagner, Katie, and Karen R. Dobkins. 2011. “Synaesthetic Associations Decrease During Infancy.” Psychological Science 22, no. 8: 1067–72. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797611416250. Walker, Peter, J. Gavin Bremner, Uschi Mason, Jo Spring, Karen Mattock, Alan Slater, and Scott P. Johnson. 2010. “Preverbal Infants’ Sensitivity to Synaesthetic Cross-Modality Correspondences.” Psychological Science 21, no. 1: 21–25. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797609354734. Walker, Robert. 1985. “Mental Imagery and Musical Concepts: Some Evidence from the Congenitally Blind.” Bulletin of the Council for Research in Music Education, no. 85 (October): 229–37. ———. 1987. “Some Differences between Pitch Perception and Basic Auditory Discrimination in Children of Different Cultural and Musical Backgrounds.” Bulletin of the Council for Research in Music Education, no. 91 (April): 166–68. ———. 2004. “Cultural Memes, Innate Proclivities and Musical Behaviour: A Case Study of the Western Traditions.” Psychology of Music 32 (2): 153–90. doi:10.1177/0305735604041493. Welch, Graham F. 1994. “The Assessment of Singing.” Psychology of Music 22, no. 1: 3–19. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305735694221001. Will, Udo. 2004. “Oral Memory in Australian Aboriginal Song Performance and the Parry-Kirk Debate: A 50 Cognitive Ethnomusicological Perspective.” In Music-Archaeological Sources: Finds, Oral Transmission, Written Evidence, edited by E. Hickmann and R. Eichmann, 15:161–79. Rahden, Westfalia: International Study Group on Music Archaeology. Willsersle, Rane. 2009. “The Optimal Sacrifice: A Study of Voluntary Death among the Siberian Chukchi.” American Ethnologist 36, no. 4 (November 1, 2009): 693–704. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.15481425.2009.01204.x. Wilson, Brent, and Johan Litgvoet. 1994. “Across Time and Cultures: Stylistic Changes in the Drawings of Dutch Children.” In Drawing Research and Development, edited by D. Thistlewood, 75–88. London: Longman. Winner, Ellen. 2007. “Development in the Arts: Drawing and Music.” In Handbook of Child Psychology, edited by William Damon and Richard M. Lerner, 859–904. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. doi:10.1002/9780470147658.chpsy0220. Yesipova, M. V. 2008. “Phono-Instruments (Etnophones).” In Musical Instruments [Музыкальные Инструменты], edited by M. V. Yesipova, 633. Moscow, Russia: Deka-VS. Zacharakis, Asterios, Konstantinos Pastiadis, and Joshua D. Reiss. 2014. “An Interlanguage Study of Musical Timbre Semantic Dimensions and Their Acoustic Correlates.” Music Perception: An Interdisciplinary Journal 31, no. 4: 339–58. https://doi.org/10.1525/mp.2014.31.4.339. Zemtsovsky, Izaly. 1983. “Song as a Historic Phenomenon [Песня как исторический феномен].” In Popular Song: Problems of Study [Народная песня. Проблемы изучения], edited by V. Gusev, 6:22–35. Leningrad: Saint Petersburg State Theatre Arts Academy [ЛГИТМИК]. ———. 2005. “Neither East nor West; in between but Not a Bridge: A Riddle for a New Discipline, the Ethnogeomusicology.” Muzikologija: Časopis Muzikološkog Instituta Srpske Akademije Nauka i Umetnosti 5 (2005): 195–203. https://doi.org/10.2298/MUZ0505195Z. Zentner, Marcel. 2012. “A Language for Musical Qualia.” Empirical Musicology Review 7 (1/2): 80–83. Zimmermann, Elke, Lisette Leliveld, and Simone Schehka. 2013. “Toward the Evolutionary Roots of Affective Prosody in Human Acoustic Communication: A Comparative Approach to Mammalian Voices.” In Evolution of Emotional Communication, 116–32. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199583560.003.0008. 51