Adam Chmielewski
Adam J. Chmielewski is professor in the Institute of Philosophy, University of Wrocław, Poland. He is also a social activist and political columnist. He studied philosophy and social sciences at the universities in Wrocław, Oxford, New York and Edinburgh. He authored several books, among them "Popper's Philosophy. A Critical Analysis" (1995) "Incommensurability, Untranslatability, Conflict" (1997), "Open Society or Community?" (2001), "Two Conceptions of Unity" (2006) and "Psychopathologies of Political Life" (2009). He translated from English into Polish a number of books, among them works by Bertrand Russell, Karl Popper, Alasdair MacIntyre, Richard Shusterman, Slavoj Žižek, as well as some works of fiction. He is the Editor-in-Chief of the Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia, and a member of editorial boards of several Polish and international journals. In 2011, as a director of the institution of culture Wroclaw 2016, he played crucial role in securing the designation of the European Capital of Culture 2916 for the city of Wroclaw, by authoring the successful bid of the city for this title.
He publishes blogs: Interventions: Philosophical and Political: https://adamjchmielewski.blogspot.com/
Contra-Dictions: https://kontradykcjefilozoficzne.blogspot.com/
Meetings Downtown: https://esk2016.blogspot.com/
Supervisors: Jan Woleński (Uniwersytet Jagielloński) and L. Jonathan Cohen (The Queen's College, Oxon)
Address: Instytut Filozofii
Uniwersytet Wrocławski
51-149 Wrocław
Poland
He publishes blogs: Interventions: Philosophical and Political: https://adamjchmielewski.blogspot.com/
Contra-Dictions: https://kontradykcjefilozoficzne.blogspot.com/
Meetings Downtown: https://esk2016.blogspot.com/
Supervisors: Jan Woleński (Uniwersytet Jagielloński) and L. Jonathan Cohen (The Queen's College, Oxon)
Address: Instytut Filozofii
Uniwersytet Wrocławski
51-149 Wrocław
Poland
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Konwersacja z profesorem Sławomirem Czapnikiem dotyczyła racjonalności, polityki współczesnej Polski, problemów współczesnych form życia miejskiego oraz zmian klimatycznych. Zakwestionowaliśmy przeciwstawienie emocji rozumowi: ludzka emocjonalność jest energią napędzającą ludzką racjonalność, zaś racjonalność jest przewodnikiem emocjonalności. Uznaliśmy, że życie w mieście wybiera coraz więcej ludzi, ponieważ, choć naraża nas ono obcość, anonimowość i niechęć ze strony innych, daje zarazem nadzieję na bliskość z innymi oraz korzyści z tego płynące. Bogato ilustrowane wątki polityczne skłoniły nas do wskazania na korzyści wynikające z retoryki ekskluzywności: negatywne odnoszenie się do takiej grupy pozwala osiągnąć trzy efekty: pozwala tym łatwiej budować własną tożsamość, daje poczucie odgrodzenia własnej grupy od tego, co złe, oraz umożliwia zbudowanie poczucia własnej lepszości.
continues to agitate the public at large. The gravity of the issue
may be realized by a re-rereading of Hannah Arendt’s essay on lies in
politics, occasioned in 1971 by the publication of The Pentagon Papers,
from a contemporary perspective. In this paper, I explain the origin of
Arendt’s influential paper through reference to the infamous Tonkin
Gulf incidents and Robert McNamara’s decision to document the
history of American intervention in Vietnam, an event which deeply
affected not only American politics, society, and culture, but also the
international politics as a whole. An analysis of subsequent developments
suggests that despite the concerted efforts of the media and
intellectuals, the painstakingly documented and publicized history
did not bring the expected result of preventing America’s politics
from committing similar mistakes. The re-reading of Arendt’s paper
from a contemporary perspective suggests also that democratic systems
increasingly gravitate away from the ideal of knowledge-based
and common-good-seeking governments, and gradually relapse into
the political-aesthetic regimes of crowd management by means of
images and emotions.
Zygmunt Bauman was unquestionably one of the most popular contemporary thinkers. His writings provoked not only worldwide acclaim but also severe criticism, while the complexities of his personal life gave rise to international controversies. On the basis of three recently published biographies of Bauman, as well as a personal acquaintance and scholarly cooperation, in this paper I attempt to explain the sources of his astounding popularity, but also try to dispel mysteries and controversies surrounding his difficult carrier, especially those pertaining to the critical assessments of the scholarly quality of his work. I argue that having been released from academic duties, gradually and ever more boldly he abandoned the regime of scientific explanatory poetics in favour of an interpretative narrative of the social world, helping himself to the results of science, but also to idiosyncratically read works of poetry and fiction. Flouting academic orthodoxies, Bauman developed a unique art of transforming scientific knowledge into wisdom, and transformed himself from a scientist into a sage.
Konwersacja z profesorem Sławomirem Czapnikiem dotyczyła racjonalności, polityki współczesnej Polski, problemów współczesnych form życia miejskiego oraz zmian klimatycznych. Zakwestionowaliśmy przeciwstawienie emocji rozumowi: ludzka emocjonalność jest energią napędzającą ludzką racjonalność, zaś racjonalność jest przewodnikiem emocjonalności. Uznaliśmy, że życie w mieście wybiera coraz więcej ludzi, ponieważ, choć naraża nas ono obcość, anonimowość i niechęć ze strony innych, daje zarazem nadzieję na bliskość z innymi oraz korzyści z tego płynące. Bogato ilustrowane wątki polityczne skłoniły nas do wskazania na korzyści wynikające z retoryki ekskluzywności: negatywne odnoszenie się do takiej grupy pozwala osiągnąć trzy efekty: pozwala tym łatwiej budować własną tożsamość, daje poczucie odgrodzenia własnej grupy od tego, co złe, oraz umożliwia zbudowanie poczucia własnej lepszości.
continues to agitate the public at large. The gravity of the issue
may be realized by a re-rereading of Hannah Arendt’s essay on lies in
politics, occasioned in 1971 by the publication of The Pentagon Papers,
from a contemporary perspective. In this paper, I explain the origin of
Arendt’s influential paper through reference to the infamous Tonkin
Gulf incidents and Robert McNamara’s decision to document the
history of American intervention in Vietnam, an event which deeply
affected not only American politics, society, and culture, but also the
international politics as a whole. An analysis of subsequent developments
suggests that despite the concerted efforts of the media and
intellectuals, the painstakingly documented and publicized history
did not bring the expected result of preventing America’s politics
from committing similar mistakes. The re-reading of Arendt’s paper
from a contemporary perspective suggests also that democratic systems
increasingly gravitate away from the ideal of knowledge-based
and common-good-seeking governments, and gradually relapse into
the political-aesthetic regimes of crowd management by means of
images and emotions.
Zygmunt Bauman was unquestionably one of the most popular contemporary thinkers. His writings provoked not only worldwide acclaim but also severe criticism, while the complexities of his personal life gave rise to international controversies. On the basis of three recently published biographies of Bauman, as well as a personal acquaintance and scholarly cooperation, in this paper I attempt to explain the sources of his astounding popularity, but also try to dispel mysteries and controversies surrounding his difficult carrier, especially those pertaining to the critical assessments of the scholarly quality of his work. I argue that having been released from academic duties, gradually and ever more boldly he abandoned the regime of scientific explanatory poetics in favour of an interpretative narrative of the social world, helping himself to the results of science, but also to idiosyncratically read works of poetry and fiction. Flouting academic orthodoxies, Bauman developed a unique art of transforming scientific knowledge into wisdom, and transformed himself from a scientist into a sage.
das sociedades democráticas liberais, sabemos
a verdade, mas não nos importamos com ela o
suficiente. O que ele não levou em consideração
é que a política não vive e não pode viver apenas
da verdade. Ao ignorar o fato de que, ainda mais
importante na e para a política, é o senso de
agenciamento entre os cidadãos, ele comete
a falácia “cognitocrática” frequentemente
cometida por alguns filósofos da política. O
problema das democracias liberais não é o
fato de que seus cidadãos sejam indiferentes à
verdade. O problema é que eles se percebem,
cada vez mais, desamparados e incapazes de
exercer seu agenciamento de acordo com seu
livre-arbítrio. A crise das democracias liberais
contemporâneas não é epistemológica. É moral.
aesthetics based on the notion of order as an aesthetic
category pertaining to human perception. Engaging
with the thought of a range of figures, including
Veblen, Honneth, Foucault, Popper, and MacIntyre, it
explores the nature of political aesthetics as an enquiry
into the ways in which politics and our perceptions
shape one another and our moral choices. Moving
beyond the consideration of politics as a matter of
perception, the author employs the concept of
recognition to shed fresh light on the normative
dimensions of politics, before presenting a series of
case studies designed to show the utility of this
conception of political aesthetics for explaining
contemporary urban social phenomena and political
conflicts.
For a limited time this bok is now available with a substantial discount.
Książka ta jest dostępna w formie elektronicznej PDF: http://ebooki.wuwr.pl/category/618.
2013
W warunkach ustroju demokratycznego informacja jest niezbędna dla właściwego funkcjonowania każdego obywatela. Z tej racji należy uznać ją za dobro publiczne. Idąc krok dalej, można również argumentować, iż dostęp do informacji jest niezbywalnym prawem każdego obywatela, a także, że skoro państwo przyjmuje na siebie obowiązek zapewnienia różnego rodzaju dóbr i przyjmuje rolę gwaranta różnych praw publicznych i obywatelskich, to powinno także przyjąć na siebie obowiązek zapewnienia wszystkim obywatelom informacji niezbędnych do pełni obywatelskiego funkcjonowania. (por.https://adamjchmielewski.blogspot.com/2017/01/opatamedialna-jako-powszechny-podatek.html?view=flipcard). Książka Sławomira Czapnika traktuje o tym, jak bardzo rzeczywistość komunikacyjna w każdym kraju odbiega od tego polityczno-filozoficznego ideału.