- International Relations Theory, Peacekeeping, International Organizations (International Studies), Peace & Conflict Studies, European Union, Regional Integration, and 8 moreInternational Security, EU Foreign Policy, Interplay International Organisations, African Union, The African Union Peace and Security Architecture, Regime Complexes, Organizational overlap, and EU-Africaedit
- I'm holding a professorship in International Relations at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. My ... moreI'm holding a professorship in International Relations at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg.
My research interests focus on organisational overlap between international organisations (IO) in peacekeeping and norm promotion in Europe and Africa.edit
This special section explores how nine key countries from the Global South have responded to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. As the Western attempt to build a global anti-Russia coalition has largely failed, the focus on countries from the... more
This special section explores how nine key countries from the Global South have responded to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. As the Western attempt to build a global anti-Russia coalition has largely failed, the focus on countries from the Global South becomes more important but remains under-researched in the discipline. This introductory article offers the conceptual framework for the following empirical contributions. Based on the rational and constructivist school of thinking, we develop four guiding assumptions. Accordingly, we assume that foreign policy positioning to the war relates to the varied consequences of the conflict, can be related to strategic opportunism, displays pragmatic indifference or is value-driven. Contributions to this special section offer a detailed empirical analysis according to these four conceptual categories.
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As ad hoc coalitions (AHCs) proliferate, particularly on the African continent, two questions crystallize. First, what consequences do they bring about for the existing institutional security landscape? And second, how can the trend of... more
As ad hoc coalitions (AHCs) proliferate, particularly on the African continent, two questions crystallize. First, what consequences do they bring about for the existing institutional security landscape? And second, how can the trend of AHCs operating alongside instead of inside international organizations be captured and explored conceptually? To answer these questions, we closely examine the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) fighting Boko Haram and its changing relationship to the African Union. Through the case-study and a review of policy and academic literatures, the article launches the concept of deinstitutionalization and how it can be characterized. We identify three features of deinstitutionalization: AHCs can bypass standard procedures for decision-making processes, whittle down established institutional scripts and shift resource allocations. We detail how the AHCs contribute to changing practices of financing international peace and security operations, with an examination of European Union and United Nations policies and practices. In sum, the article unwraps processes of deinstitutionalization and identifies three forms of rationales for this process: lack of problem-solving capacity, limited adaptability and path dependency.
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This contribution explores South Africa's position in the war in Ukraine. As a major African player, member of BRICS, the G20, and frequent UN Security Council member, the country is a globally engaged and regionally leading actor.
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The literature on regional powers and the UN Security Council (UNSC) has focused mainly on Council reform. Little research has been conducted on exploring the influence of regional powers at the Council. Have regional powers been able to... more
The literature on regional powers and the UN Security Council (UNSC) has focused mainly on Council reform. Little research has been conducted on exploring the influence of regional powers at the Council. Have regional powers been able to extend their influence in ‘upstream’ processes like resolution drafting and narrowing the gap to the P5? Or do they operate like any other elected member? By applying a comprehensive taxonomy to measure influence we compare regional powers with permanent and elected members. A mixed picture emerges. While regional powers are identifiable as a distinct group of actors, their impact on Council operations is limited. We find that membership has an equalising effect, locking countries into existing institutional practices. The consequence of this is that they cannot easily convert their position as regional powers into institutional influence.
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The international response to armed conflict in Africa often takes the form of a regime complex characterized by institutional proliferation, overlap, unclear hierarchies, and multiple interconnections. At the same time, the course of... more
The international response to armed conflict in Africa often takes the form of a regime complex characterized by institutional proliferation, overlap, unclear hierarchies, and multiple interconnections. At the same time, the course of conflict is hardly predictable. In such an environment, how can component units (institutional fora) of a regime complex effectively govern through complexity? We explore this question by focusing on the EU as an important actor within regime complexes. Building on the regime complexity literature and complexity theory, we identify four conditions. We argue that actors who operate as resource hubs, create complementarity, support system self-organization, and practice adaptive forms of peacebuilding are best placed to manage regime complexity. Empirically we probe these assumptions in the context of the Sahelian security regime complex and the role the EU is playing in it.
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The emergence of military ad hoc coalitions (AHCs) in Africa as a tool for conflict management outside established institutional frameworks brings about a number of questions: are they undermining existing security structures such as the... more
The emergence of military ad hoc coalitions (AHCs) in Africa as a tool for conflict management outside established institutional frameworks brings about a number of questions: are they undermining existing security structures such as the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) or are they contributing to further regime complexity? In order to answer these questions, the article applies the logic of functional differentiation as it is used in the literature on regime complexity and inter-organisational studies. Scope conditions are developed exploring when and how functional differentiation operates and what consequences it brings about for interacting institutions. Empirically the example of military ad hoc coalitions in the Lake Chad Basin and Sahel is at the centre of analysis. It will be argued that ad hoc coalitions are part of a functionally differentiated system response within the African Security Regime Complex and not in direct competition to the APSA.
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Increasingly, member states of large intergovernmental organisations (IGO) are setting up ad hoc coalitions (AHC) outside of multilateral organisations at regional and global levels. What is motivating countries to circumvent traditional... more
Increasingly, member states of large intergovernmental organisations (IGO) are setting up ad hoc coalitions (AHC) outside of multilateral organisations at regional and global levels. What is motivating countries to circumvent traditional IGOs? Are AHCs undermining global governance institutions? AHCs are attractive short-term instruments for crisis response among like-minded states. They often appear in the security and health sectors, though they are not limited to those areas. AHCs are an expression of institutional adaption to the crisis of major IGOs, which are increasingly unable to create unity on pivotal global order questions.
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African positions in multilateral organisations have become more pronounced in recent years. An emerging body of literature on African agency indicates a visible increase in coordinating African interests at international level. This... more
African positions in multilateral organisations have become more pronounced in recent years. An emerging body of literature on African agency indicates a visible increase in coordinating African interests at international level. This article interrogates to which degree African agency has materialised at the UN Security Council (UNSC) and whether this has led to greater influence in the highest decision-making body of the UN? For this undertaking, we explore UNSC resolution voting patterns over a period of 22 years (2000-2021). This is the first time an extensive analysis of A3 voting at the UNSC has been conducted. We find that although there are qualitative signs of improved coordination, this has only partially resulted in a measurable increase in direct influence. The article connotes an agency influence gap. African countries do not effectively transfer their new found agency into greater influence. The last section of the article presents four explanatory reasons for this deficiency.
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The Libyan case is constitutive for BRICS as a foreign policy grouping. The Western-led intervention to remove Gaddafi was commonly seen as unacceptable, favoring geostrategic calculations and a regime change approach but not in the first... more
The Libyan case is constitutive for BRICS as a foreign policy grouping. The Western-led intervention to remove Gaddafi was commonly seen as unacceptable, favoring geostrategic calculations and a regime change approach but not in the first place humanitarian motivations. To the crisis BRICS responded passive cooperatively voicing their concern but not having any significant influence on the course of civil war. While all BRICS countries were serving on the UN Security Council in 2011, there was no visible coordination or group engagement toward the crisis. However, the anger over the intervention was essential for BRICS in confirming their belief in the need to counter Western hegemony and insisting on the strict adherence to state sovereignty.
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Since the Africa–EU Summit in 2007, the African Union (AU) and European Union (EU) have crafted a dense, interregional network expressing the hope to solve pertinent security challenges both continents face. However, despite the emergence... more
Since the Africa–EU Summit in 2007, the African Union (AU) and European Union (EU) have crafted a dense, interregional network expressing the hope to solve pertinent security challenges both continents face. However, despite the emergence of an elaborate institutional framework in the form of the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES), both organizations remain without much political clout if put to a hard security test, such as the popular uprising in Libya in 2011. Instead, African–European interregionalism constitutes a state of organized inaction. This article aims at exploring why the AU and EU have been disenfranchised from this conflict, despite Libya touching upon vital security interests of their member states. It will be argued that a lack of problem-solving competence and significantly deviating political perspectives on military interventions for the protection of civilians are key to understand inaction between institutions.
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This collection of essays brings together scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, based on three continents, with different theoretical and methodological interests but all active on the topic of complex systems as applied to... more
This collection of essays brings together scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds, based on three continents, with different theoretical and methodological interests but all active on the topic of complex systems as applied to international relations. They investigate how complex systems have been and can be applied in practice and what differences it makes for the study of international affairs. Two important threads link all the contributions: (i) To which extent is this approach promising to understand global governance dynamics? (ii) How can this be implemented in practice?
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This contribution argues that BRICS is designed to manage inner-group tensions indirectly by endorsing a number of pragmatic operating principles. However, these principles seem to work best at smaller scale conflicts but not larger armed... more
This contribution argues that BRICS is designed to manage inner-group tensions indirectly by endorsing a number of pragmatic operating principles. However, these principles seem to work best at smaller scale conflicts but not larger armed confrontation. The article breifly discusses the internal operating procedures of the BRICS group followed by a discussion of their relative value visa -vis inner group conflict. The article finishes by exploring the role of smaller group members such as South Africa and their ability to dissipate political tensions.
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Just after a decade of its existence, the BRICS group and the rising powers narrative have lost some of their appeal. The economic growth story has stalled, and domestic political challenges curb the group's foreign policy potency. In the... more
Just after a decade of its existence, the BRICS group and the rising powers narrative have lost some of their appeal. The economic growth story has stalled, and domestic political challenges curb the group's foreign policy potency. In the context of the presumed decline of relevance, the article asks what foreign policy value is BRICS providing for its members? An inner-group perspective is applied. The article argues that BRICS is offering a number of benefits. Namely: indirectly supporting domestic regime stability, protection from unwanted external interferences, flexible alignment in foreign policies and boosting of regional authority. The article goes through the rhetorical codification of BRICS summit documents, traces the uncodified principles of cooperation among its members and illustrates its argument with selected empirical examples. Far from being in decline, BRICS delivers important value added for the group which often goes missing in the literature on regional powers.
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This contribution brings the application of complexity approaches closer to mainstream IR scholarship. While most of IR research does indeed explore complex phenomena, complexity approaches remain grossly underused or are referred to as a... more
This contribution brings the application of complexity approaches closer to mainstream IR scholarship. While most of IR research does indeed explore complex phenomena, complexity approaches remain grossly underused or are referred to as a metaphor only. The main reason is very likely the perceived deep division between the postmodern orientation of complexity approaches and the still scientific and positivist orientation of much IR research (see above). However, these divisions are less substantial than one might assume. A middle ground can be found in further operationalizing the notion of restricted complexity, which combines elements from the classical scientific approach as well as postmodern ones. It will be illustrated using the example of the African security regime complex. The argument for a middle ground position is built on the observation that, in many cases, the empirical phenomena of interest are neither fully on the side of the postmodern complexity approach, with its emphasis on nonlinearity and emergence , nor fully on the side of clearly identifiable causal relationships in the original scientific understanding. The questions of what brings peace, democracy, or development are good examples of the in-between location research is often placed in. While we know many causally relevant conditions that bring peace, development, or democracy, research has largely failed to produce an applicable parsimonious universal formula for it. Although the instruments for peacebuilding are widely discussed and tested, the same instrument applied to different conflicts does not necessarily wield to the same outcome (de Coning 2018). This poses a challenge for both the nonlinear framework favored by postmodern complexity approaches and the positivist research of mainstream IR. Neither will the search for single causes of a complex phenomenon deliver better theories, nor can the fundamental neglect of existing causal relations provide a comprehensive understanding of a research puzzle. Mainstream IR scholarship continues the search for causal relations in order to contribute to theory building, but this takes place in an environment that is rightly perceived to be of increasing complexity. On the one hand, we can hardly reduce social relations to a single or a few parsimonious variables and place them in a deterministic cause-effect relationship in order to build robust theories from these observations. On the other hand, conceptualizing IR as principally consisting of nonlinear relationships in which actorness is only to be found in the system which is self-organizing and in which no prediction over causal relations can be made does not fully match the empirical world. IR can barely be assumed to be completely free from strategic behavior and hierarchical authority, for example, which rests on the assumption that actors as such have ontological bearing and that certain interests and properties they encompass have causal consequences (see, for example, the literature on rising powers). If linear thinking and complexity are placed in the two opposing camps of positivist and postpositivist orientations, they are easily identified as simply incom-mensurate approaches with essentially different epistemological foundations: separating explanation from understanding. However, such a separation is rather artificial. Elements of the linear model can be found in complexity approaches. Even complexity theorists who are fundamentally postmodern in orientation, such as Byrne and Callaghan (2014, 19), do not argue in favor of abandoning "law-focused
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Since its emergence the African Union has continued to develop its normative framework, overcoming a culture of impunity and nonintervention and promoting innovative concepts such as the responsibility to protect (R2P). However, there... more
Since its emergence the African Union has continued to develop its
normative framework, overcoming a culture of impunity and nonintervention
and promoting innovative concepts such as the
responsibility to protect (R2P). However, there appears to be a
division between the legal and verbal commitment to R2P and
the practical use of the concept. This article argues that the nonapplication
of R2P can best be understood as a case of organised
hypocrisy. As an analytical approach, organised hypocrisy explains
the gap between commitment and action through the existence
of a conflictual political environment. While the AU has made a
normative commitment to R2P, it must also recognise member
states’ interests as well as the international politics of intervention.
In this context this article argues that organised hypocrisy is an
important contributing condition to norm contestation.
normative framework, overcoming a culture of impunity and nonintervention
and promoting innovative concepts such as the
responsibility to protect (R2P). However, there appears to be a
division between the legal and verbal commitment to R2P and
the practical use of the concept. This article argues that the nonapplication
of R2P can best be understood as a case of organised
hypocrisy. As an analytical approach, organised hypocrisy explains
the gap between commitment and action through the existence
of a conflictual political environment. While the AU has made a
normative commitment to R2P, it must also recognise member
states’ interests as well as the international politics of intervention.
In this context this article argues that organised hypocrisy is an
important contributing condition to norm contestation.
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China’s engagement in South Sudan has been branded a crucial test case for the country’s foreign and security policy in Africa. Investment in the oil sector is significant, and Chinese political engagement in conflict mediation and... more
China’s engagement in South Sudan has been branded a crucial test case for the country’s foreign and security policy in Africa. Investment in the oil sector is significant, and Chinese political engagement in conflict mediation and peacekeeping are unparalleled. Will the experiences gathered provide China with reasons to extend its engagement, is South Sudan a model or exceptional case? In this context three sectors will be explored: the economic, political and security sphere. This article finds that there are few reasons to assume that South Sudan is a role model. Access to oil was never critically important, and oil revenue is fuelling the conflict. The Chinese model of developmental peace and conflict mediation preferring non-punitive diplomacy are problematic. The peacekeeping mission could not stop the fighting but succeeded in setting up civilian protection sites. In sum, the South Sudan engagement has not produced favorable outcomes and is unlikely to be replicated.
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This article discusses the potential emergence of a theory on interorganisational relations (IOR). Although no dominant set of causal statements about IOR exists, which is traditionally associated with a theory, the literature has made... more
This article discusses the potential emergence of a theory on interorganisational
relations (IOR). Although no dominant set of causal
statements about IOR exists, which is traditionally associated with
a theory, the literature has made substantial advancements in the
last decade. The main aim of this contribution is to review the
respective literature, portraying its merits and shortcomings. The
article shows that a rich analytical repertoire of instruments for
research exists but that scholarship struggles to make use of these
advancements. The article argues that an IOR theory is on the
horizon but the field needs to accept and better conceptualise
phenomena which lay outside the traditional understanding of
theory building.
relations (IOR). Although no dominant set of causal
statements about IOR exists, which is traditionally associated with
a theory, the literature has made substantial advancements in the
last decade. The main aim of this contribution is to review the
respective literature, portraying its merits and shortcomings. The
article shows that a rich analytical repertoire of instruments for
research exists but that scholarship struggles to make use of these
advancements. The article argues that an IOR theory is on the
horizon but the field needs to accept and better conceptualise
phenomena which lay outside the traditional understanding of
theory building.
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2018 marked 10 years since the BRIC(S) came into being, while initially the emergence of BRICS was much hyped in academia and policy circles its expected influence was most likely exaggerated. Now over a decade later enough time has... more
2018 marked 10 years since the BRIC(S) came into being, while initially the emergence of BRICS was much hyped in academia and policy circles its expected influence was most likely exaggerated. Now over a decade later enough time has passed to soberly analyse the grouping. Recently domestic political issues and slower than anticipated economic growth have questioned the rising powers paradigm.1 Despite this BRICS countries remain pivotal states and have acquired considerable political weight in global politics which they are unlikely to lose any time soon.2 This contribution takes a short analytical look at the BRICS grouping exploring how issues of peace and security are conceptualised mostly at the level of summit meetings with a special emphasis on peacekeeping.
Research Interests: International Security, Brazil, China, Peacekeeping, Russia, and 3 moreIndia, South Africa, and BRICS
Quantitative research evaluating the effect of peacekeeping operations usually links conflict abatement to the number of casualties in order to measure mission success. Such an approach is incomplete as security concerns extend far beyond... more
Quantitative research evaluating the effect of peacekeeping operations usually links conflict abatement to the number of casualties in order to measure mission success. Such an approach is incomplete as security concerns extend far beyond the number of conflict related deaths. This narrow understanding of mission success leaves a significant assessment gap. Therefore this study is the first which presents comprehensive data using a wider understanding of violence and peace. We apply 11 indicators measuring security comprehensively. These range from the number of battle death, to violence against civilians, domestic unrest as well as domestic governance and political stability. In contrast to the mainstream quantitative literature our analysis shows that conflict often persists even with the deployment of peacekeepers. The absence of war (decline of battle death) does not automatically equate for non-violence and peace. In order to explain variation between cases we are also exploring the significance of different peacekeeping types, the size of developmental aid, rents from natural resources and the role of governance on conflict.
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Security Sector Reform has become a central element in assisting post-conflict countries on their way out of conflict to lasting peace. Burgeoning literature explores many aspects of this transformation process. A strong emphasis has been... more
Security Sector Reform has become a central element in assisting
post-conflict countries on their way out of conflict to lasting
peace. Burgeoning literature explores many aspects of this transformation
process. A strong emphasis has been placed on questions
of programdesign and local ownership. In addition to these
studies we add another dimension: the impact of human development.
As Sector security reform is often applied to developing
countries, the impact of human development conditions should
be self-evident but has been given insufficient attention. For this
reason this study explores the effect of human development in
the form of education, welfare, and health on the performance of
security forces in two long-term peacekeeping missions in Africa:
Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. We will show that
the structural impact of human development conditions is significant
and warrants more attention than currently received.
post-conflict countries on their way out of conflict to lasting
peace. Burgeoning literature explores many aspects of this transformation
process. A strong emphasis has been placed on questions
of programdesign and local ownership. In addition to these
studies we add another dimension: the impact of human development.
As Sector security reform is often applied to developing
countries, the impact of human development conditions should
be self-evident but has been given insufficient attention. For this
reason this study explores the effect of human development in
the form of education, welfare, and health on the performance of
security forces in two long-term peacekeeping missions in Africa:
Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. We will show that
the structural impact of human development conditions is significant
and warrants more attention than currently received.
Research Interests:
Peacekeeping today has become ever more complex reaching deep into conflict affected societies aiming to facilitate social, economic and political transformative processes in order to establish sustainable peace. However, most... more
Peacekeeping today has become ever more complex reaching
deep into conflict affected societies aiming to facilitate social,
economic and political transformative processes in order to establish
sustainable peace. However, most quantitative studies evaluate
mission effectiveness only in terms of conflict abatement. This leaves
a substantial assessment gap. Therefore this study explores the
effects of multi-dimensional peacekeeping by using 12 governance
indicators. The article finds that its ambitious goals have largely not
been fulfilled. Although there are measureable effects on national
security and political participation, in other areas such as personal
safety, human development or public management the impact is
minimal or non-existent. In order to explain variation across cases
and indicators we are testing four intervening variables: the type of
peacekeeping mission, the amount of resources allocated, the relative
size of civilian and police units per missions and the relationship
between personal safety and governance indicators.
deep into conflict affected societies aiming to facilitate social,
economic and political transformative processes in order to establish
sustainable peace. However, most quantitative studies evaluate
mission effectiveness only in terms of conflict abatement. This leaves
a substantial assessment gap. Therefore this study explores the
effects of multi-dimensional peacekeeping by using 12 governance
indicators. The article finds that its ambitious goals have largely not
been fulfilled. Although there are measureable effects on national
security and political participation, in other areas such as personal
safety, human development or public management the impact is
minimal or non-existent. In order to explain variation across cases
and indicators we are testing four intervening variables: the type of
peacekeeping mission, the amount of resources allocated, the relative
size of civilian and police units per missions and the relationship
between personal safety and governance indicators.
Research Interests:
International peacekeeping in Africa has developed dynamically in the last decade. The majority of global missions are deployed to the continent, the largest regional contingent of troops comes from Africa, and the African Peace and... more
International peacekeeping in Africa has developed dynamically in the last decade. The majority of global missions are deployed to the continent, the largest regional contingent of troops comes from Africa, and the African Peace and Security Architecture has made significant progress. Peacekeeping is Africanized today more than at any time before. However, mainstream research has insufficiently paid attention to African agency in this context. This article sheds light on the often neglected influence of African politics on international peacekeeping missions. The focus is set on the consequences of neo-patrimonial political systems, which can use international peacekeeping
missions as an opportunity to generate rents. It will be shown that such a rent-seeking approach is highly problematic for the troop-contributing as well as mission-hosting countries. Instead of curbing conflict, rentier peacekeeping is prolonging and exporting it. The empirical examples used are the Burundian and Kenyan involvement in peacekeeping in Somalia.
missions as an opportunity to generate rents. It will be shown that such a rent-seeking approach is highly problematic for the troop-contributing as well as mission-hosting countries. Instead of curbing conflict, rentier peacekeeping is prolonging and exporting it. The empirical examples used are the Burundian and Kenyan involvement in peacekeeping in Somalia.
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Esta publicação faz um levantamento da atual discussão sobre a “Responsabilidade de Proteger” (R2P) e a “Responsabilidade ao Proteger” (RwP). É um conjunto de 12 artigos escritos por autores com diferentes formações e experiências, como... more
Esta publicação faz um levantamento da atual discussão sobre a “Responsabilidade de Proteger” (R2P) e a “Responsabilidade ao Proteger” (RwP). É um conjunto de 12 artigos escritos por autores com diferentes formações e experiências, como militares, pesquisadores e especialistas humanitários do Brasil e do exterior. Embora se concentre principalmente na perspectiva brasileira, também são abordadas outras questões que estão no cerne da paz e da segurança internacional, como a soberania estatal, a intervenção humanitária, a proteção de civis e as operações de manutenção da paz. De maneira geral, os conceitos de R2P e RwP estão intrinsecamente associados à reflexão do século XXI sobre a própria natureza do sistema internacional e sobre questões de governança global.
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This publication considers the evolving discussion on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the Responsibility While Protecting (RwP). It features 12 papers by a diverse collection of military personnel, scholars and humanitarian... more
This publication considers the evolving discussion on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the Responsibility While Protecting (RwP). It features 12 papers by a diverse collection of military personnel, scholars and humanitarian experts from Brazil and abroad. Although focused primarily on the Brazilian perspective, it touches on issues striking the heart of international peace and security, such as state sovereignty, humanitarian intervention, the protection of civilians and peace-keeping operations. Indeed, the concepts of R2P and RwP are connected to twenty first century thinking on the very nature of the international state system and issues of global governance.
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Research on international norms has been thriving for decades, most prominently exploring processes of norm creation and compliance. Yet the mainstream literature has paid scant attention to the issue of continuous norm evolution beyond a... more
Research on international norms has been thriving for decades, most prominently exploring processes of norm creation and compliance. Yet the mainstream literature has paid scant attention to the issue of continuous norm evolution beyond a norm’s emergence. In this article we aim at framing the wider context in which norm evolution is taking place. We identify two antipodes: conformity and contestedness between which norms continue to evolve. We will exemplify this by analysing the norm of the responsibility to protect (R2P) through general usage and South Africa’s response. The article finds that norm evolution is mostly influenced by conformity with some measure of contestedness as a motor for change.
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L’application de sanctions est une pratique largement développée dans les relations internationales. Elles sont souvent perçues comme des mesures économiques et politiques coercitives mais non violentes, usant de leviers d’influence... more
L’application de sanctions est une pratique largement développée dans les relations internationales. Elles sont souvent perçues comme des mesures économiques et politiques coercitives mais non violentes, usant de leviers d’influence externes et infligeant des coûts dans le but
de corriger le comportement d’un État jugé déviant. Aujourd’hui, la plupart des régimes de sanctions se veulent adaptés et ciblés, pour éviter les effets secondaires indésirables et augmenter leur efficacité afin de mieux maîtriser leur impact. Au lieu de sanctionner un pays ou une économie dans son ensemble, les mesures sont personnalisées ou spécifiques à un secteur, comme cela fut le cas du gel des avoirs du clan Kadhafi ou des sanctions prises par l’Union européenne (UE) contre le secteur de l’énergie russe à la suite de l’annexion de la Crimée.
de corriger le comportement d’un État jugé déviant. Aujourd’hui, la plupart des régimes de sanctions se veulent adaptés et ciblés, pour éviter les effets secondaires indésirables et augmenter leur efficacité afin de mieux maîtriser leur impact. Au lieu de sanctionner un pays ou une économie dans son ensemble, les mesures sont personnalisées ou spécifiques à un secteur, comme cela fut le cas du gel des avoirs du clan Kadhafi ou des sanctions prises par l’Union européenne (UE) contre le secteur de l’énergie russe à la suite de l’annexion de la Crimée.
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This article presents survey data on the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It focuses explicitly on two aspects: the internal constitution and achievements of the APSA; and coordination and cooperation with external actors,... more
This article presents survey data on the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It focuses explicitly on two aspects: the internal constitution and achievements of the APSA; and coordination and cooperation with external actors, such
as Regional Economic Communities, the United Nations and the European Union. The survey, conducted between October 2011 and December 2012, targeted 198 security experts in international organisations, think tanks, academia and
non-governmental organisations. It reveals the APSA’s current stage of development, achievements and challenges.
as Regional Economic Communities, the United Nations and the European Union. The survey, conducted between October 2011 and December 2012, targeted 198 security experts in international organisations, think tanks, academia and
non-governmental organisations. It reveals the APSA’s current stage of development, achievements and challenges.
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Analyses of overlapping international organizations (IOs) in security governance has gradually reached mainstream research. However, theory building is still in its infancy. Thus, this article aims to substantiate theory building by... more
Analyses of overlapping international organizations (IOs) in security governance has gradually reached mainstream research. However, theory building is still in its infancy. Thus, this article aims to substantiate theory building by applying exchange theory to
IO interplay. Empirically, the article focuses on the African peace and security regime, which constitutes an interlocking system of global and regional governance, integrating both African and non-African IOs. The article argues that inter-institutional cooperation is primarily driven by a functional logic of resource complementarity, compelled by resource scarcity. However, in practice, IOs do not easily complement each other. The article finds that divergence of security concepts; the absence of institutional match and the strife for institutional autonomy can hamper cooperation significantly.
IO interplay. Empirically, the article focuses on the African peace and security regime, which constitutes an interlocking system of global and regional governance, integrating both African and non-African IOs. The article argues that inter-institutional cooperation is primarily driven by a functional logic of resource complementarity, compelled by resource scarcity. However, in practice, IOs do not easily complement each other. The article finds that divergence of security concepts; the absence of institutional match and the strife for institutional autonomy can hamper cooperation significantly.
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This article formulates the conceptual framework for a special issue on Africa’s evolving security architecture. It argues that security governance in Africa can be understood as an emerging regime complex that is characterized by... more
This article formulates the conceptual framework for a special issue on Africa’s evolving security architecture. It argues that security governance in Africa can be understood as an emerging regime complex that is characterized by partially converging
actors such as the United Nations, European Union, African Union, African Regional Economic Communities, and single lead nations. Center stage is the analysis of converging security policies. We distinguish between five convergence types that vary in terms of depth and efficacy. Theoretically the special issue makes a contribution to theory building on regime complexes and international organizations interplay by developing a theoretical typology. This introductory article primarily serves to introduce
concepts and categories.
actors such as the United Nations, European Union, African Union, African Regional Economic Communities, and single lead nations. Center stage is the analysis of converging security policies. We distinguish between five convergence types that vary in terms of depth and efficacy. Theoretically the special issue makes a contribution to theory building on regime complexes and international organizations interplay by developing a theoretical typology. This introductory article primarily serves to introduce
concepts and categories.
Research Interests:
This article provides a cumulative overview of all cases presented in this special issue. In particular, we aim at exploring different convergence types and their depth as well as their consequences for regime efficacy. A cross-case... more
This article provides a cumulative overview of all cases presented in this special issue. In particular, we aim at exploring different convergence types and their depth as well as their consequences for regime efficacy. A cross-case analysis reveals reoccurring patterns: On average convergence is more often conceptual, technical, and formal than political or behavioral. It is also more often cosmetic or partial than extensive or full and in most cases impacts on efficacy only moderately. These mediocre results might best be explained by a combination of rational and social purpose prediction as proposed in the introductory chapter. While actors are aiming to extend their cooperation among one another, they at the same time aim at retaining their institutional autonomy, leading to processes of mediocre convergence.
Research Interests:
Since the Africa–EU Summit in 2007, the African Union (AU) and European Union (EU) have crafted a dense, interregional network expressing the hope to solve pertinent security challenges both continents face. However, despite the emergence... more
Since the Africa–EU Summit in 2007, the African Union (AU) and European Union (EU) have crafted a dense, interregional network expressing the hope to solve pertinent security challenges both continents face. However, despite the emergence of an elaborate institutional framework in the form of the Joint Africa–EU Strategy (JAES), both organizations remain without much political clout if put to a hard security test, such as the popular uprising in Libya in 2011. Instead, African–European interregionalism constitutes a state of organized inaction. This article aims at exploring why the AU and EU have been disenfranchised from this conflict, despite Libya touching upon vital security interests of their member states. It will be argued that a lack of problem-solving competence and significantly deviating political perspectives on military interventions for the protection of civilians are key to understand inaction between institutions.
Research Interests:
This article aims at critically reviewing the European compliance literature. As this literature is dominated by a rational and positivist understanding of norm adherence primarily emphasizing domestic implementation costs, administrative... more
This article aims at critically reviewing the European compliance literature. As this literature is dominated by a rational and positivist understanding of norm adherence primarily emphasizing domestic implementation costs, administrative capacities or external incentives during EU enlargement, this paper reinvigorates a constructivist epistemology of norm compliance in contrast to the analytical limitations of the rational approach.
Research Interests:
Today, minority rights promotion in Europe is no longer largely a question of transposition of international norms into domestic law. Even formerly contested norms such as minority rights, which do not fully enjoy the seemingly undisputed... more
Today, minority rights promotion in Europe is no longer largely a question of transposition of international norms into domestic law. Even formerly contested norms such as minority rights, which do not fully enjoy the seemingly undisputed status and legitimacy of fundamental human rights as formulated in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), now find formally wide-spread approval. In Europe, only Turkey, Monaco, Andorra and France have not consented to sign the Framework Convention on the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM). The years after the entry into force of the FCNM in 1998 have seen a continuous proliferation of minority rights across Europe with the FCNM almost achieving pan-European influence. EU enlargement and membership conditionality has accelerated the process of norm adoption in Eastern Europe1 and it is fair to say
that ethnic minorities in Europe enjoy the highest formal protection of their rights around the world. This is an unparalleled achievement of the Council of Europe (CoE) and its monitoring mechanism. At the same time, however, the living conditions of the most disenfranchised minority groups did not follow suit and
appear to be in a staggering mismatch when compared with the formal protection granted. Thus, the real challenge is the implementation of minority rights norms which aim to provide redress from substantial inequalities in the economic, social
and political sector. For this reason, this chapter focuses on existing challenges in the implementation process of minority rights. It examines the relationship between the soft law quality of the FCNM and the process of norm implementation understood as behavioural compliance with the objective and purpose of the
FCNM.2 Although non-implementation is always connected to domestic actors and has a regional and local dimension because the CoE does not implement any of its conventions directly, this study does not inquire into specific country-based conditions of noncompliance, which may vary across cases, but starts its analysis with minority norms themselves.
that ethnic minorities in Europe enjoy the highest formal protection of their rights around the world. This is an unparalleled achievement of the Council of Europe (CoE) and its monitoring mechanism. At the same time, however, the living conditions of the most disenfranchised minority groups did not follow suit and
appear to be in a staggering mismatch when compared with the formal protection granted. Thus, the real challenge is the implementation of minority rights norms which aim to provide redress from substantial inequalities in the economic, social
and political sector. For this reason, this chapter focuses on existing challenges in the implementation process of minority rights. It examines the relationship between the soft law quality of the FCNM and the process of norm implementation understood as behavioural compliance with the objective and purpose of the
FCNM.2 Although non-implementation is always connected to domestic actors and has a regional and local dimension because the CoE does not implement any of its conventions directly, this study does not inquire into specific country-based conditions of noncompliance, which may vary across cases, but starts its analysis with minority norms themselves.
Research Interests:
"The unity of Africa has long been the dominant ideological underpinning for the creation of international organisations (IOs) in Africa. But how successful have IOs been in providing the continent with a coherent and coordinated... more
"The unity of Africa has long been the dominant ideological underpinning for the creation of international organisations (IOs) in Africa. But how successful have IOs been in providing the continent with a coherent and coordinated political, economic
and social agenda addressing Africa’s most urgent needs, and the mechanisms to effect that agenda? Without question, the African continent has produced one of the world’s most dense system of regional governance, its leaders setting up more than a dozen regional economic communities (RECs) over the past several years, as well as the African Union (AU). Many of these RECs, however, overlap in membership and policy aims; consequently, a system of shared and competing competencies has emerged. In addition, as African IOs are generally not self-sustainable and depend upon external (mostly non-African) donors, they are integrated into and need to interact with global organisations and other regional organisations. The United
Nations (UN), the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the European Union (EU) are some prominent examples. What are the implications of this network of IO’s for Africa and her peoples? And for theory building in the field of IO interplay?"
and social agenda addressing Africa’s most urgent needs, and the mechanisms to effect that agenda? Without question, the African continent has produced one of the world’s most dense system of regional governance, its leaders setting up more than a dozen regional economic communities (RECs) over the past several years, as well as the African Union (AU). Many of these RECs, however, overlap in membership and policy aims; consequently, a system of shared and competing competencies has emerged. In addition, as African IOs are generally not self-sustainable and depend upon external (mostly non-African) donors, they are integrated into and need to interact with global organisations and other regional organisations. The United
Nations (UN), the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the European Union (EU) are some prominent examples. What are the implications of this network of IO’s for Africa and her peoples? And for theory building in the field of IO interplay?"
Research Interests:
This article aims to make a contribution to existing building blocks for a theory on the organisational interplay of international organisations. Thereby, the article first provides for a review of existing approaches on regime... more
This article aims to make a contribution to existing building blocks for a theory on the organisational interplay of international organisations. Thereby, the article first provides for a review of existing approaches on regime interaction which have contributed much to our understanding of organisational interplay by promoting concepts such as overlap and nestedness. Second, the article advances the idea of rational interplay based on resource dependencies. It is argued that interplay presupposes mutual resource dependencies to emerge and that resource exchange is governed by the principle of equitable exchange. Third, the consequences of organisational interplay are examined and an explanation is sought for the tendency of IOs to either develop niche capabilities or imitate other institutions. In this context the importance of institutional variance is highlighted.
Research Interests:
This article examines the interplay of international institutions in Kosovo and aims at disentangling and explaining the emergence and persistence of this international ‘interim’ regime. In 1999, the UN mission to Kosovo (UNMIK) and the... more
This article examines the interplay of international institutions in Kosovo and aims at disentangling and explaining the emergence and persistence of this international ‘interim’ regime. In 1999, the UN mission to Kosovo (UNMIK) and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) were the leading institutions in the civilian area following NATO's deployment of Kosovo Force (KFOR). Following the failed status talks on Kosovo, the EU's rule of law mission (EULEX) and the establishment of an International Civilian Office (ICO) have been set up in addition for increasing institutional complexity. The article analyses how institutional complexity is emerging and what strategies international institutions are applying when confronted with policy overlap. The paper finds that the emergence of institutional complexity in Kosovo is largely a result of historical lock-in effects. International institutions have developed two dominant strategies to cope with dense institutional spaces. First, they show signs of a functional convergence and a coordinated pooling of resources. Second, institutions have developed niche competences to avoid competition.
Research Interests:
"This article focuses on emerging patterns of inter-organizational cooperation in peacekeeping missions in Africa – between the United Nations, the African Union and the European Union. The overwhelming majority of current operations... more
"This article focuses on emerging patterns of inter-organizational cooperation in peacekeeping missions in Africa – between the United Nations, the African Union and the European Union. The overwhelming majority of current operations build on some kind of interorganizational arrangements. At least three forms of cooperation have emerged on the continent, of which sequential, parallel and integrated deployment of troops are the dominant
forms. Based on rational and sociological institutionalist approaches, the article explains the selection of cooperation types by international organizations, by exploring the conditions
that trigger the selection of a certain form of cooperation."
forms. Based on rational and sociological institutionalist approaches, the article explains the selection of cooperation types by international organizations, by exploring the conditions
that trigger the selection of a certain form of cooperation."
Research Interests:
"This article focuses on the role the European Union (EU) is playing in peacekeeping and conflict prevention in Africa. In this article, it is argued that the EU’s peacekeeping approach is not only shaped by the interests of European... more
"This article focuses on the role the European Union (EU) is playing in peacekeeping and conflict prevention in Africa. In this article, it is argued that the EU’s peacekeeping approach is not only shaped by the interests of European Member States or EU
institutions to deploy and maintain peacekeepers but is responsive to an emerging African peace and security regime. The majority of peacekeeping operations on the continent build
upon some kind of inter-organizational arrangements between the United Nations (UN), the EU, and the African Union (AU) or in some cases other regional African organizations. This article will show how the existing forms of inter-organizational interaction between international organizations (IOs) in Africa impact on the EU’s engagement in peace operations in the continent. This article demonstrates the EU’s role in the multi-actor game of peacekeeping in Africa and how the EU’s involvement in these emerging international cooperation structures influences its peacekeeping strategy for Africa."
institutions to deploy and maintain peacekeepers but is responsive to an emerging African peace and security regime. The majority of peacekeeping operations on the continent build
upon some kind of inter-organizational arrangements between the United Nations (UN), the EU, and the African Union (AU) or in some cases other regional African organizations. This article will show how the existing forms of inter-organizational interaction between international organizations (IOs) in Africa impact on the EU’s engagement in peace operations in the continent. This article demonstrates the EU’s role in the multi-actor game of peacekeeping in Africa and how the EU’s involvement in these emerging international cooperation structures influences its peacekeeping strategy for Africa."
Research Interests:
The article examines problems of implementation of minority rights in Central Eastern Europe and explores the reasons for the implementation deficit in Estonia and Slovakia. Full implementation of minority rights norms is hampered by a... more
The article examines problems of implementation of minority rights in Central Eastern Europe and explores the reasons for the implementation deficit in Estonia and Slovakia. Full implementation of minority rights norms is hampered by a combination of several factors. First, European Union conditionality was primarily focused only on the formal adoption of minority rights standards but not their proper application. Second, minority rights norms do not resonate successfully with domestically held norms. Third, minority rights norms are vaguely formulated and allow for arbitrary interpretations which complicate the application of these norms. A fourth factor examined, limitations in administrative capacities, did not play a significant role in Estonia or Slovakia.
Research Interests:
This book is primarily about marginal actors in global order. Too often global order analysis is biased towards large powerful actors and equating their relations with global order. Such an approach is dated and analytically incomplete.... more
This book is primarily about marginal actors in global order. Too often global order analysis is biased towards large powerful actors and equating their relations with global order. Such an approach is dated and analytically incomplete. It is because of the increasingly decentred nature of global order, that marginal actors and their relations, tactics and strategies matter. The book starts by providing an analytical framework exploring different policy options for African agency which are located along a nexus of choices ranging from accommodation, engagement to system transformation. The selection of a particular interaction type is argued to be dependent on external opportunity structures in the form of different global orders reaching from competitive polarity to dispersed forms of authority or even non-polarity. Additionally to the ability to generate meaningful African agency facilitates a greater role in global order. Empirically the book covers four policy fields: peace and security, international criminal justice, economics and Covid-19.
Research Interests:
This book explores how BRICS countries respond to, and get involved in, large scale armed conflict. It argues that through responding to armed conflict and deviating from the preferred Western foreign policy, BRICS countries are actively... more
This book explores how BRICS countries respond to, and get involved in, large scale armed conflict. It argues that through responding to armed conflict and deviating from the preferred Western foreign policy, BRICS countries are actively involved in building a multi-polar and post-western world order. The author develops a concise typology of response types portraying a nuanced picture of the BRICS grouping. Responses reach from non-coercive and cooperative multilateral behaviour reaching to neoimperial unilateralism and military intervention. The book explains the selection of response types with reference to six variables which refer to the proximity to war, availability of power resources, the type of conflict, economic interests, the BRICS normative agenda and global humanitarian norms. Four armed conflicts in Libya, Syria, South Sudan and the Ukraine are chosen to illustrate the BRICS engagement with large scale armed conflicts.
Research Interests:
This book examines peacekeeping in Africa, exploring how the various actors are forming an African security regime complex. The changing dynamics of peacekeeping in today’s world have encouraged a more cooperative approach between... more
This book examines peacekeeping in Africa, exploring how the various actors are forming an African security regime complex.
The changing dynamics of peacekeeping in today’s world have encouraged a more cooperative approach between international and regional actors. At the centre of this book is the analysis of how an African security regime complex could emerge in the area of cooperative peacekeeping. The African regime complex on peacekeeping includes a number of organizations at the regional and sub-regional African level, as well as global institutions such as the UN, interregional partners like the EU and individual lead nations. This book is the first in providing a systematic overview of peacekeeping doctrines, capacities and deployments of these key actors and single lead states. Theoretically, the book links up with regime complexity scholarship but connects it with dependency theory. Here inter-institutional relations are conceptualised as acts of resource exchange. The book explores how primarily international organizations are partnering by exchanging resources. Empirically, the study analyses the phenomenon of regime complexity in three prominent African crises covering Eastern Africa (Somalia), Central African (Central African Republic) and Western Africa (Mali).
The changing dynamics of peacekeeping in today’s world have encouraged a more cooperative approach between international and regional actors. At the centre of this book is the analysis of how an African security regime complex could emerge in the area of cooperative peacekeeping. The African regime complex on peacekeeping includes a number of organizations at the regional and sub-regional African level, as well as global institutions such as the UN, interregional partners like the EU and individual lead nations. This book is the first in providing a systematic overview of peacekeeping doctrines, capacities and deployments of these key actors and single lead states. Theoretically, the book links up with regime complexity scholarship but connects it with dependency theory. Here inter-institutional relations are conceptualised as acts of resource exchange. The book explores how primarily international organizations are partnering by exchanging resources. Empirically, the study analyses the phenomenon of regime complexity in three prominent African crises covering Eastern Africa (Somalia), Central African (Central African Republic) and Western Africa (Mali).
Research Interests:
This volume discusses the perspectives of Germany, India, Brazil and South Africa (GIBSA) on the evolving norm of the responsibility to protect. Special consideration is given to the most recent cases of Cote d'Ivoire, Libya and Syria.... more
This volume discusses the perspectives of Germany, India, Brazil and South Africa (GIBSA) on the evolving norm of the responsibility to protect. Special consideration is given to the most recent cases of Cote d'Ivoire, Libya and Syria. The volume is based on a one day workshop held at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, June 2012.
Research Interests:
The book presents an insight into current human rights developments in Europe and gives an overview of the complex, juridical and political dimensions. The contemporary development and institutionalisation of European human rights norms... more
The book presents an insight into current human rights developments in Europe and gives an overview of the complex, juridical and political dimensions. The contemporary development and institutionalisation of European human rights norms takes place within the structures of the European Union, OSCE, Council of Europe and a multilayered court system. Chapter II «European Organisations and Human Rights» delivers an up to date introduction into the organisation's different approaches to human rights. Geographically the volume has a strong focus on human rights developments in Central Eastern and South Eastern Europe. Russia and Turkey are challenging cases for European human rights organisations and are dealt with in separate articles. The issue of minority rights protection forms another challenge for many Central and Eastern European Countries. The protection of Roma people is only one pressing example. Finally the book devotes a whole chapter to the EU's external relations and human rights. The volume closes with a chapter written by David Chandler who reminds us of the limits of the human rights conception.
Research Interests: Human Rights and Europe
The return of great power rivalry might be one of the defining elements of our time. During the many contemporary crises such as Covid-19, the war against Ukraine or climate change, there is little common ground among great powers on how... more
The return of great power rivalry might be one of the defining
elements of our time. During the many contemporary crises
such as Covid-19, the war against Ukraine or climate change,
there is little common ground among great powers on how
to solve them. Instead, antagonism and polarisation are
increasing, which puts multilateralism and the liberal order
under stress.1 While we are far away from a radical system
change or breakdown, it is noticeable that a loosening of
traditional forms of global governance is underway.2 In these
times of confrontation, how are African countries positioning
themselves in the UN Security Council and General Assembly?
Have their voting patterns shifted, reflecting great power rivalry,
or have they been stable despite significant global shocks and
crises?
elements of our time. During the many contemporary crises
such as Covid-19, the war against Ukraine or climate change,
there is little common ground among great powers on how
to solve them. Instead, antagonism and polarisation are
increasing, which puts multilateralism and the liberal order
under stress.1 While we are far away from a radical system
change or breakdown, it is noticeable that a loosening of
traditional forms of global governance is underway.2 In these
times of confrontation, how are African countries positioning
themselves in the UN Security Council and General Assembly?
Have their voting patterns shifted, reflecting great power rivalry,
or have they been stable despite significant global shocks and
crises?
Research Interests:
This comprehensive mapping study explores the influence of externalities on regional governance institutions on the example of organisational overlap of African trade regimes. It highlights the key importance and influence of significant... more
This comprehensive mapping study explores the influence of externalities on regional governance institutions on the example of organisational overlap of African trade regimes. It highlights the key importance and influence of significant externalities, which provide incentives to maintain a status quo of largely ineffective overlapping regional institutions. The chapter argues on the example of trade relations that it is mostly the EU that consolidates the existing situation of overlapping institutions in Africa with its policy of negotiating and concluding trade agreements with sub-regional groupings and countries instead of the existing eight Regional Economic Communities.
Research Interests:
Spätestens seit der ersten Entsendung einer europäischen Militärmission außerhalb des europäischen Kontinents in die Demokratische Republik Kongo im Jahr 2003, der Etablierung eines Hohen Vertreters für die Gemeinsame Außen- und... more
Spätestens seit der ersten Entsendung einer europäischen Militärmission
außerhalb des europäischen Kontinents in die Demokratische
Republik Kongo im Jahr 2003, der Etablierung eines
Hohen Vertreters für die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik
sowie der Schaffung eines Europäischen Auswärtigen
Dienstes hat die Europäische Union deutlich an außenpolitischen
Konturen gewonnen. Seitdem hat die Union über 30 zivile
und militärische Missionen weltweit entsandt. Der Schwerpunkt
ist der afrikanische Kontinent, auf dem über die Hälfte
der Missionen stattfanden. Die EU ist damit zu einem beachtenswerten
Sicherheitsakteur des südlichen Nachbarkontinents
geworden. Dieser sicherheitspolitische Fußabdruck ergänzt die
entwicklungspolitischen Instrumente der EU-Kommission und
folgt dem Anspruch, eine ganzheitliche Außenpolitik zu betreiben.
Geografisch liegen die Schwerpunkte der EU-Außen- und
Sicherheitspolitik in Afrika vor allem in der Sahel-Zone und am
Horn von Afrika. Für beide Regionen wurden strategische Rahmenpläne
entworfen, die sowohl sicherheitspolitisch als auch
entwicklungsorientiert sind.
außerhalb des europäischen Kontinents in die Demokratische
Republik Kongo im Jahr 2003, der Etablierung eines
Hohen Vertreters für die Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik
sowie der Schaffung eines Europäischen Auswärtigen
Dienstes hat die Europäische Union deutlich an außenpolitischen
Konturen gewonnen. Seitdem hat die Union über 30 zivile
und militärische Missionen weltweit entsandt. Der Schwerpunkt
ist der afrikanische Kontinent, auf dem über die Hälfte
der Missionen stattfanden. Die EU ist damit zu einem beachtenswerten
Sicherheitsakteur des südlichen Nachbarkontinents
geworden. Dieser sicherheitspolitische Fußabdruck ergänzt die
entwicklungspolitischen Instrumente der EU-Kommission und
folgt dem Anspruch, eine ganzheitliche Außenpolitik zu betreiben.
Geografisch liegen die Schwerpunkte der EU-Außen- und
Sicherheitspolitik in Afrika vor allem in der Sahel-Zone und am
Horn von Afrika. Für beide Regionen wurden strategische Rahmenpläne
entworfen, die sowohl sicherheitspolitisch als auch
entwicklungsorientiert sind.
Research Interests:
Since African nations became independent sovereignty and non-interference achieved a status as near sacrosanct concepts and this despite mass atrocities, war crimes and even genocides occurring. However in the post-Cold War era especially... more
Since African nations became independent sovereignty and non-interference achieved a status as near sacrosanct concepts and this despite mass atrocities, war crimes and even genocides occurring. However in the post-Cold War era especially after the debacle in Rwanda and Srebrenica the need to make states more accountable for internal matters became compelling. One instrument of stopping gross human rights abuse like war crimes or genocide has been to set up rapid intervention tools within international organisations. Indeed traditional peacekeeping has often been slow and insufficient in halting these crimes as deployment times are long (around six months for the UN). A number of efforts to institutionalise rapid intervention have been put in place like the EU battlegroups, the UN Standby High Readiness Brigade (SHIRBRIG), the AU’s African Standby Force (ASF) and most recently African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crisis (ACIRC). All of these instruments have been problematic to some extent. A range of issues like internal discord, operational and mandate problems, and self-interests of state actors have blighted these efforts and most initiatives have had a stillbirth. , This article reviews some of the challenges rapid response is encountering with a special but not exclusive emphasis on the ACIRC.
Research Interests:
As the theoretical landscape in the study of international organization (IO) interplay has brought about a number of approaches, this contribution aims at applying two prominent concepts: regime complexity and resource dependency theory.... more
As the theoretical landscape in the study of international organization (IO) interplay has brought about a number of approaches, this contribution aims at applying two prominent concepts: regime complexity and resource dependency theory. It is argued that these two concepts can complement each other because they refer to two levels of theorising. While the former constitutes a meta-approach the latter is better suited at the mid-range level. This chapter finds that a regime complex exists in the field of international peacekeeping in Africa. In order to explore specific IO interaction within this regime complex resource dependency theory is used. Empirically the study explores two cases Somalia and the Central African Republic (CAR). Conceptually it is argued that five conditions are essential for resource exchange which are: actor autonomy, complementarity of resources, equitable (at least reciprocal) resource exchange, size of demand and supply of resources, and congruence of peacekeeping norms and interests.
Research Interests:
There is no doubt most conflicts these days are engaged by the international community collectively. Thereby, even powerful single states have accepted that multilateral action is becoming the norm, while unilateral interventions are... more
There is no doubt most conflicts these days are engaged by the international community collectively. Thereby, even powerful single states have accepted that multilateral action is becoming the norm, while unilateral interventions
are often seen as problematic. The widespread acceptance of multilateral response to crisis comes with new challenges. Who is leading or coordinating the international community in a world which is quickly moving from unipolar
post-Cold War world of US hegemony into the age of non or multi-polarity? Within the last 25 years regional organizations increasingly became involved in security policies and are now key partners for the UN. There is hardly a conflict or crisis in which international organizations are not involved.
What is new is the degree to which these actors intersect, crossing the lines between purely regional, inter-regional and global reactions to conflict. So far we have only few conceptual instruments to properly examine
this phenomenon. Therefore, I aim at introducing the notion of a security regime complex for the study of conflicts and the international reaction to them. The notion borrows equally from the literature on security complexes
as advanced by Barry Buzan and research on regime complexity. While the former has explicitly focused on regional security as a policy field, the later still refers predominately to trade and environmental regimes. In this article, I will argue that the notion of a security regime complex is a helpful analytical category for a number of reasons which have not been adequately reflected
in the mainstream literature today.
are often seen as problematic. The widespread acceptance of multilateral response to crisis comes with new challenges. Who is leading or coordinating the international community in a world which is quickly moving from unipolar
post-Cold War world of US hegemony into the age of non or multi-polarity? Within the last 25 years regional organizations increasingly became involved in security policies and are now key partners for the UN. There is hardly a conflict or crisis in which international organizations are not involved.
What is new is the degree to which these actors intersect, crossing the lines between purely regional, inter-regional and global reactions to conflict. So far we have only few conceptual instruments to properly examine
this phenomenon. Therefore, I aim at introducing the notion of a security regime complex for the study of conflicts and the international reaction to them. The notion borrows equally from the literature on security complexes
as advanced by Barry Buzan and research on regime complexity. While the former has explicitly focused on regional security as a policy field, the later still refers predominately to trade and environmental regimes. In this article, I will argue that the notion of a security regime complex is a helpful analytical category for a number of reasons which have not been adequately reflected
in the mainstream literature today.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In a growing number of policy areas international organizations can no longer work in complete isolation from each other. Increasingly, institutions rely on coordinated interaction with other organizations active in the same policy field,... more
In a growing number of policy areas international organizations can no longer work in complete isolation from each other. Increasingly, institutions rely on coordinated interaction with other organizations active in the same policy field, not only to prevent the negative effects of ‘forum shopping’ by member states, but also for pooling competencies and resources, and as a consequence of institutional and policy overlap. However, little is known about the conditions that bear responsibility for emerging interaction modes between international organizations. Therefore, this chapter analyses emerging forms of cooperation, division of labour and competition between international organizations. It inquires about the causal conditions for these three interaction modes. Starting with the dependent variable interaction mode, the article develops backward-looking conjectures for each interaction mode, defining the conditions for each of them (Scharpf 2006: 57–8). As there is no specific theory that would allow us the testing of well-established variables, the chapter seeks inspiration primarily from New Institutionalism for formulating conjecture on interaction modes, and likewise, for exploring conditions for interaction in the empirical analysis. For examining cooperation between two international organizations the article looks at the promotion of human rights and democracy by the EU and the Council of Europe; for analysing the division of labour, the relationship between the OSCE and the Council of Europe in the area of minority rights will be examined; and for competition the article examines the EU’s and the OSCE’s policing strategies in field missions.
Research Interests:
The book presents a timely examination on a range of issues present in the discussions on the integration of ethnic minorities in Central Eastern Europe: norm setting, equality promotion, multiculturalism, nation-building, social... more
The book presents a timely examination on a range of issues present in the discussions on the integration of ethnic minorities in Central Eastern Europe: norm setting, equality promotion, multiculturalism, nation-building, social cohesion, and ethnic diversity. It insightfully illustrates these debates by assessing them diachronically rather than cross-nationally from the legal, political and anthropological perspective. The contributors unpack concepts related to minority integration, discuss progress in policy-implementation and scrutinize the outcomes of minority integration in seven countries from the region. The volume is divided into three sections taking a multi-variant perspective on minority integration and equality. The volume starts with an analysis of international organizations setting standards and promoting minority rights norms on ethnic diversity and equal treatment. The second and third sections address state policies that provide fora for minority groups to participate in policy-making as well as the role of society and its various actors their development and enactment of integration concepts. The volume aims to assess the future of ethnic diversity and equality in societies across Central Eastern European states.
Research Interests:
With the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban only a few weeks after the withdrawal of international troops, the mission failed to leave behind stable functioning state structures which would be resilient enough to withstand military... more
With the takeover of Afghanistan by the Taliban only a few weeks after the withdrawal of international troops, the mission failed to leave behind stable functioning state structures which would be resilient enough to withstand military pressure from the Taliban, care for the population and be respected by it.
The failure in Afghanistan casts doubts over the usefulness of military interventions and state-building driven from the outside. However, assuming that not all interventions are doomed to fail, what lessons can be drawn for ongoing counter-terrorism coalitions in the Sahel or Lake Chad region as well as for peacekeeping operations encountering terrorist and militant groups? I propose five reflection points:
The failure in Afghanistan casts doubts over the usefulness of military interventions and state-building driven from the outside. However, assuming that not all interventions are doomed to fail, what lessons can be drawn for ongoing counter-terrorism coalitions in the Sahel or Lake Chad region as well as for peacekeeping operations encountering terrorist and militant groups? I propose five reflection points:
Research Interests:
For the second time since 2011 and 2012, Germany and South Africa served together as elected members of the UN Security Council in 2019 and 2020. In 2020, both countries also held regional leadership positions in the European Union (EU)... more
For the second time since 2011 and 2012, Germany and South Africa served together as elected members of the UN Security Council in 2019 and 2020. In 2020, both countries also held regional leadership positions in the European Union (EU) and the African Union (AU) respectively. With rising geopolitical tensions among the great powers, regional powers are attributed an important but difficult role: facilitating effective multilateralism in a time of increasing tensions and further fragmentation of global governance institutions. As liberal democracies, regionally leading countries and economically dominant powers, they are theoretically predestined to leave a constructive imprint on global politics. However, the role and influence of the elected members (E10) also depends on their ability to seek and craft consent on controversial issues, not only in relation to veto-holding powers but also among themselves. This paper evaluates how Germany and South Africa have managed their term in the Security Council. Have both countries been able to craft a stronger E10 partnership, or have persisting great power rivalries and disparate national interests and values distanced the two countries from one another? What opportunities for enhanced cooperation have emerged and in which areas do fundamental differences remain?
Research Interests:
Despite the operationalisation of the African Standby Force (ASF) within the AU security system, rapid reaction remains a challenging task, as the crisis in Mali has demonstrated. The African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crisis... more
Despite the operationalisation of the African Standby Force (ASF) within the AU security system, rapid reaction remains a challenging task, as the crisis in Mali has demonstrated. The African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crisis (ACIRC) has therefore been proposed following an initiative from South Africa, in order to equip the AU with a rapid deployment instrument. The ACIRC not only fills the capability gap but also aims at providing more African ownership in crisis management and response situations. However, many challenges lie ahead. These range from outright opposition from some member states, funding gaps, troop contribution and logistical worries to mandate issues on generating, deploying and withdrawing troops, as well as the question of how to integrate the ACIRC into the AU’s existing security structures. This briefing reflects both the challenges and potential of the ACIRC and makes specific policy recommendations for its operationalisation.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This short essay discusses the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) ten years after its inauguration in Durban, South Africa. It problematises the principle of African ownership, the doctrine of non-indifference and... more
This short essay discusses the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) ten years after its inauguration in Durban, South Africa. It problematises the principle of African ownership, the doctrine of non-indifference and institutional capacities.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The CAR tragedy should not be used as a pretext to discredit robust peace operations in general. They are sometimes necessary but often we only know in hindsight if the risk was worth taking.
Radio Interview about South Africa's foreign policy prospects under Cyril Ramaphosa.