- Room A203, Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Kampus B Universitas Airlangga, Jl. Dharmawangsa Dalam, Surabaya, 60286, Indonesia
- +6281234544426
- Universitas Airlangga, International Relations, Faculty Memberadd
- Foreign Policy Analysis, Geopolitics, Critical Geopolitics, Identity and Foreign Policy, Securitization, Netwar, and 20 moreGeoeconomics, Geoculture, Information Warfare, Strategic Studies, International Security, Security Studies, Critical Security Studies, China, Russia, International Relations, Political Science, Critical Theory, International Relations Theory, Russian Foreign Policy, Post-Soviet Studies, Russian Politics, Eastern European Studies, Post-Soviet Politics, Soviet, post-Soviet, Russian politics, and Russian Studiesedit
- Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangg... moreLecturer at the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga.
Born in Jakarta, October 10, 1986, he finished his Bachelor of Arts degree in International Relations from Universitas Airlangga on March 2010, with a GPA of 3.66, concentrating on Neo-Eurasianism and its effect on Russia's foreign policy under Vladimir Putin (2000-2008).
Straightly after the graduation, he continued his master degree at the same university, and was graduated on June 2011 with a GPA of 3.93. He graduated with Master of Arts degree in International Relations, specializing in International Peace and Security, with his thesis focusing on cyber-warfare (netwar) between the Indonesian government and the Free Papua Movement abroad.
After graduation, he became the lecturer at his former university, teaching courses such as Foreign Policy Analysis, Geopolitics and Geostrategy, Research Methods in IR, Comparative Strategic Culture, and Society-Culture-and Politics in Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia.
He then went on and finished his second master (double-degree) with Distinction, in September 2016, at the University of Glasgow, UK, and the University of Tartu, Estonia. In Glasgow, he graduated from the International Masters in Russian, Central, and East European Studies, while in Tartu he finished the Master of Arts in Baltic Sea Region Studies. His master's thesis focused on mapping Russian discursive structure of identity towards China and its subsequent policy focus towards China after the Crimean crisis in 2014.
Currently, since September 2018, he undergoes his PhD in Political Science at Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies, University of Tartu, Estonia. His main research focus is the causality/constitutive aspect of identity and foreign policy, with the empirical focus on Russia's foreign policy and its European/Asian identity discourse(s). He is expected to finish his PhD on November 2022.
Besides being a lecturer, he is still being the researcher at Centre for Strategic and Global Studies (CSGS) and member of the editorial board of Jurnal Global & Strategis. He could be contacted through radityo454@yahoo.com, radityo.dharmaputra@fisip.unair.ac.id, or radityo.dharmaputra@ut.ee.edit
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan secara singkat respons awal pemerintahan Rusia, di bawah pemerintahan Putin, terhadap krisis pandemi Covid-19 sejak awal Januari sampai dengan awal September ketika Rusia meluncurkan vaksin... more
Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan secara singkat respons awal pemerintahan Rusia, di bawah pemerintahan Putin, terhadap krisis pandemi Covid-19 sejak awal Januari sampai dengan awal September ketika Rusia meluncurkan vaksin Sputnik V. Penulis berargumen bahwa respons Rusia memiliki karakteristik khas: dualitas antara pendekatan santai disertai dengan segala bentuk disinformasi serta kontranarasi dalam kerangka muslihat strategis untuk mencapai tujuan. Pola respons yang santai sejak awal telah ditampilkan oleh pemerintahan Rusia, ditandai dengan keengganan menetapkan situasi darurat sejak awal dan upaya menutupi informasi mengenai kasus positif. Pola ini lantas berlanjut dalam bentuk langkah strategis yang diambil yaitu pendelegasian kewenangan kepada pemerintah lokal dan regional. Strategi yang menurunkan resiko bagi pemerintah ini ternyata mendorong turunnya legitimasi dari rezim, sehingga pemerintah melakukan upaya tambahan dengan melakukan muslihat strategis: disinforma...
Research Interests:
This article reassesses Danish efforts of nation-branding towards Muslim-majority countries after the 2005 Prophet Cartoon Crisis. It disputes Rasmussen &Merkelsen’s (2012) findings regarding the shifting Danish policy to a more... more
This article reassesses Danish efforts of nation-branding towards Muslim-majority countries after the 2005 Prophet Cartoon Crisis. It disputes Rasmussen &Merkelsen’s (2012) findings regarding the shifting Danish policy to a more brand-conscious policy. This article differentiates reactive crisis diplomacy and a brand-informed policy and finds that Danish policy towards Muslim-majority countries was closer to the principle of reactive crisis diplomacy, rather than a conscious nation-branding. Result from this research could be used as the basis for future research on the idea that nation branding could complement the use of classic diplomacy. As the Danish case has shown, the lack of coordination between governmental and non-governmental actors and the lack of conscious effort on nation branding could negate the possibility of creating a good brand image.
Research Interests:
There is a growing debate about the emerging powers of China and Russia and the possibility of the two countries to balance the hegemony of United States in the world order. Based on the proposed geo-economical approach, I analyse the... more
There is a growing debate about the emerging powers of China and Russia and the possibility of the two countries to balance the hegemony of United States in the world order. Based on the proposed geo-economical approach, I analyse the growing dynamics of China and Russia and compare the strengths and weaknesses of each countries’ style of economic development. After analysing the strengths and weaknesses of both countries, I elaborate the possibility of conflict and cooperation between them. I argue about the probability of success and failure in the both countries’ aspiration to balance the domination of United States. These dynamics, whether ending in challenging the U.S. hegemony or not, is likely to generate concerns, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. Therefore, I also elaborate the possible complications in the regions regarding the both countries’ quest for power. In the end, I try to argue about the position of China and Russia related to the relative position of the Uni...
Research Interests:
This paper aims to describe the initial responses of the Russian government, under Putin’s administration, to the Covid-19 pandemic from early January to early September 2020 when Russia launched the Sputnik V vaccine. The author argues... more
This paper aims to describe the initial responses of the Russian government, under Putin’s administration, to the Covid-19 pandemic from early January to early September 2020 when Russia launched the Sputnik V vaccine. The author argues that Russia’s responses have distinctive characteristics: a duality between laid-back approaches accompanied by all forms of disinformation and counter-narrative in the framework of strategic deception. The Russian government has displayed a laid-back pattern of responses from the start, marked by a reluctance to establish emergencies and the efforts to cover up information regarding positive cases. This pattern then continues in the form of strategic steps taken, which is the delegation of authority to local and regional governments. This strategy, while lowering the risks for the government, precipitated the decline of the legitimacy of the regime. The government then makes additional efforts by committing strategic deception: disinformation and domestic propaganda as well as efforts to generate counter-narrative at the global level in order to secure the regime’s internal legitimacy and achieve Russia’s position as an alternative leader in the world.
Research Interests:
This chapter examines critical theoretical perspectives on the relationship between Islam and communism, as well as how the Russian revolutions of 1917 affected the discourses on this relationship. As the early leader of the communist... more
This chapter examines critical theoretical perspectives on the relationship between Islam and communism, as well as how the Russian revolutions of 1917 affected the discourses on this relationship. As the early leader of the communist wing of the Islamic party, Semaoen oversaw the initial development of the Indonesian communist movement. According to Bernard Lewis, there are two ways of examining the relationship between Islam and communism: by looking at the accidentals or the essentials. The dynamics of the development of communism and the Communist Party in Indonesia were analogous to a rollercoaster, with its ups and downs and sometimes veering off course. Maxime Rodinson used the term “ideological conciliation” to describe their efforts to reinterpret their religious principles and symbols and connect them with communist thinking. Once the goal of anti-imperial liberation was achieved; this fragile alliance shattered and clashes between Islamic movements and communists ensued, as exemplified by the Basmachi movement in Central Asia.
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This paper aims to reconstruct the “Asian” dimension of Russian national identity discourse by using relations with China as a case study. It analyses the foreign policy debate before and after the 2014 Ukrainian crisis (2010–2016) by... more
This paper aims to reconstruct the “Asian” dimension of Russian national identity discourse by using relations with China as a case study. It analyses the foreign policy debate before and after the 2014 Ukrainian crisis (2010–2016) by focusing on the emerging concept of “pivot to the East.” Based on a discourse analysis of official documents, elites’ speeches, and think-tank views, this paper inductively recovers the identity discourse, structured around linking/differentiation and such themes as the relative perception of China’s threat. This research shows that the identity structure put several limitations in the way of engagement with China. These interlinked structures made it extremely difficult for the more intense economic turn toward China, which eventually occurred only when the relationship with the West (as the significant Other in Russian identity) broke down after the 2014 crisis. By comparing the identity structure and policies before and after the crisis of 2014 and following the poststructuralist notion of mutually constitutive relations between identity and foreign policy, this paper argues that policy changes after 2014 affected the gradual changes in identity narratives. However, there was not enough time and pressure to change the deeper layer of the core identity discourse.
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This article explores the discourse and practices of Indonesian foreign policy under President Yudhoyono (2004-2014) by using the lens of strategic culture. Based on Ole Waever's idea of discursive structure, and by combining these with... more
This article explores the discourse and practices of Indonesian foreign policy under President Yudhoyono (2004-2014) by using the lens of strategic culture. Based on Ole Waever's idea of discursive structure, and by combining these with Neumann and Heikka's idea on strategic culture as the interplay between discourse and practices, this article seeks to comprehend the effort to reconstruct Indonesia identity that was articulated during Yudhoyono regime. Therefore, the conduct of foreign policy during Yudhoyono, especially the doctrine of navigating the turbulent ocean, was used as a tool to further examine the actual discourse and practice of Indonesian strategic culture at the time. Using the Hansenian methods of poststructuralist discourse analysis, we
gathered the speeches made by Yudhoyono and his officials during
the timeline of the research. We then charted the emerging patterns
of Yudhoyono’s policies, compared the actual policies with the
discursive rhetoric and narratives from the official sources, before
finally assessed the appropriateness of the discursive patterns by
looking at the initial and historical ideas (and practices) of
Indonesian strategic culture. Based on our findings, we argue that
the initial discursive structures of Indonesian strategic culture,
formulated during the history of the nation (as argued by Sulaiman
in 2016), limited the choices for foreign policies during
Yudhoyono’s regime. This limitation forced Yudhoyono to cling into
more inward-looking foreign policy rather than his initial aim for
outward-looking options.
gathered the speeches made by Yudhoyono and his officials during
the timeline of the research. We then charted the emerging patterns
of Yudhoyono’s policies, compared the actual policies with the
discursive rhetoric and narratives from the official sources, before
finally assessed the appropriateness of the discursive patterns by
looking at the initial and historical ideas (and practices) of
Indonesian strategic culture. Based on our findings, we argue that
the initial discursive structures of Indonesian strategic culture,
formulated during the history of the nation (as argued by Sulaiman
in 2016), limited the choices for foreign policies during
Yudhoyono’s regime. This limitation forced Yudhoyono to cling into
more inward-looking foreign policy rather than his initial aim for
outward-looking options.
Research Interests:
The organisation of political discourse and the citizen’s imagination around the personality cults of leaders and ascendant majoritarianism in Indonesia raises concerns about the health of democracy.
Research Interests:
There is a growing debate about the emerging powers of China and Russia and the possibility of the two countries to balance the hegemony of United States in the world order. Based on the proposed geo-economical approach, I analyse the... more
There is a growing debate about the emerging powers of China and Russia and the possibility of the two countries to balance the hegemony of United States in the world order. Based on the proposed geo-economical approach, I analyse the growing dynamics of China and Russia and compare the strengths and weaknesses of each countries' style of economic development. After analysing the strengths and weaknesses of both countries, I elaborate the possibility of conflict and cooperation between them. I argue about the probability of success and failure in the both countries' aspiration to balance the domination of United States. These dynamics, whether ending in challenging the U.S. hegemony or not, is likely to generate concerns, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. Therefore, I also elaborate the possible complications in the regions regarding the both countries' quest for power. In the end, I try to argue about the position of China and Russia related to the relative position of the United States, especially in the Asia-Pacific region.
Ada perdebatan yang berkembang tentang munculnya tantangan dari Tiongkok dan Rusia dan kemungkinan kedua negara untuk mengimbangi hegemoni Amerika Serikat dalam tatanan dunia. Berdasarkan pendekatan geo-ekonomi, penulis menganalisis dinamika pertumbuhan Tiongkok dan Rusia serta membandingkan kekuatan dan kelemahan gaya pembangunan ekonomi masing-masing negara. Setelah menganalisis kekuatan dan kelemahan kedua negara, penulis menguraikan kemungkinan konflik dan kerjasama di antara mereka. Penulis mengelaborasi tentang kemungkinan keberhasilan dan kegagalan terkait aspirasi kedua negara untuk menyeimbangkan dominasi Amerika Serikat. Dinamika ini, terlepas apakah akan berakhir dengan tantangan terhadap hegemoni AS atau tidak, kemungkinan akan menimbulkan kekhawatiran terutama di kawasan Asia-Pasifik. Oleh karena itu, penulis juga menguraikan kemungkinan komplikasi di kawasan terkait upaya kedua negara untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan. Pada akhirnya, penulis mencoba melihat posisi Tiongkok dan Rusia terkait dengan posisi relatif Amerika Serikat, khususnya di kawasan Asia-Pasifik.
Ada perdebatan yang berkembang tentang munculnya tantangan dari Tiongkok dan Rusia dan kemungkinan kedua negara untuk mengimbangi hegemoni Amerika Serikat dalam tatanan dunia. Berdasarkan pendekatan geo-ekonomi, penulis menganalisis dinamika pertumbuhan Tiongkok dan Rusia serta membandingkan kekuatan dan kelemahan gaya pembangunan ekonomi masing-masing negara. Setelah menganalisis kekuatan dan kelemahan kedua negara, penulis menguraikan kemungkinan konflik dan kerjasama di antara mereka. Penulis mengelaborasi tentang kemungkinan keberhasilan dan kegagalan terkait aspirasi kedua negara untuk menyeimbangkan dominasi Amerika Serikat. Dinamika ini, terlepas apakah akan berakhir dengan tantangan terhadap hegemoni AS atau tidak, kemungkinan akan menimbulkan kekhawatiran terutama di kawasan Asia-Pasifik. Oleh karena itu, penulis juga menguraikan kemungkinan komplikasi di kawasan terkait upaya kedua negara untuk mendapatkan kekuasaan. Pada akhirnya, penulis mencoba melihat posisi Tiongkok dan Rusia terkait dengan posisi relatif Amerika Serikat, khususnya di kawasan Asia-Pasifik.
Research Interests:
This paper re-evaluates the changing policies of the Soviet Union towards Indonesia during the era of Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev, by applying the contemporary theory of foreign policy change. After discussing the debates... more
This paper re-evaluates the changing policies of the Soviet Union towards Indonesia during the era of Joseph Stalin and Nikita Khrushchev, by applying the contemporary theory of foreign policy change. After discussing the debates revolving around the theory of foreign policy change from Gustavsson and Hermann, this paper contends that if there were any changes, then the causal factors would likely be the interplay between the domestic factors and international factors, as Putnam has argued. This finding enhances the understanding that the domestic de-Stalinisation process undergone during Khrushchev's era was not the only factor that might affect Soviet's foreign policy. By using the case of Indonesia as the representation of the developing countries, the author shows that both sets of factors affected the changing policy. However, author also found that the systemic condition of the Cold War, namely the contestation between the US and USSR, was more influential than the domestic condition. This paper contributes to the deeper understanding of Soviet-Indonesia relations, the effect of domestic de-Stalinisation to foreign policy, and the feasibility of applying current theory of foreign policy change to an historical case.
Research Interests:
This article reassesses Danish efforts of nation-branding towards Muslim-majority countries after the 2005 Prophet Cartoon Crisis. It disputes Rasmussen &Merkelsen's (2012) findings regarding the shifting Danish policy to a more... more
This article reassesses Danish efforts of nation-branding towards Muslim-majority countries after the 2005 Prophet Cartoon Crisis. It disputes Rasmussen &Merkelsen's (2012) findings regarding the shifting Danish policy to a more brand-conscious policy. This article differentiates reactive crisis diplomacy and a brand-informed policy and finds that Danish policy towards Muslim-majority countries was closer to the principle of reactive crisis diplomacy, rather than a conscious nation-branding. Result from this research could be used as the basis for future research on the idea that nation branding could complement the use of classic diplomacy. As the Danish case has shown, the lack of coordination between governmental and non-governmental actors and the lack of conscious effort on nation branding could negate the possibility of creating a good brand image.
Artikel ini menakar kembali upaya Denmark dalam melakukan pencitraan-negara (nation-branding) ke negara-negara mayoritas berpenduduk Muslim sesudah adanya krisis kartun Nabi tahun 2005. Artikel ini mempertanyakan temuan Rasmussen dan Mikkelsen (2012) mengenai pergeseran kebijakan Denmark menjadi kebijakan berbasis kesadaran pencitraan (brand). Dengan mendasarkan penelitian ini pada diskusi mengenai ambiguitas konseptual dari diplomasi public dan "nation-branding", artikel ini berargumen bahwa ada perbedaan antara diplomasi reaktif saat krisis dengan kebijakan sadar-brand. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa kebijakan Denmark lebih dekat dengan prinsip-prinsip diplomasi reaktif, daripada upaya pencitraan-negara. Temuan dari artikel ini bisa dijadikan dasar analisis mengenai kemungkinan pencitraan-negara menjadi pendukung upaya diplomasi klasik. Seperti yang nampak dari kasus Denmark, kurangnya koordinasi antara Negara dengan aktor non-negara dan kurangnya upaya sadar-pencitraan bias menegasikan kemungkinan positif penciptaan citra baik dari sebuah brand negara.
Kata Kunci: Denmark, pencitraan-negara, krisis kartun nabi 2005, diplomasi Publik.
Artikel ini menakar kembali upaya Denmark dalam melakukan pencitraan-negara (nation-branding) ke negara-negara mayoritas berpenduduk Muslim sesudah adanya krisis kartun Nabi tahun 2005. Artikel ini mempertanyakan temuan Rasmussen dan Mikkelsen (2012) mengenai pergeseran kebijakan Denmark menjadi kebijakan berbasis kesadaran pencitraan (brand). Dengan mendasarkan penelitian ini pada diskusi mengenai ambiguitas konseptual dari diplomasi public dan "nation-branding", artikel ini berargumen bahwa ada perbedaan antara diplomasi reaktif saat krisis dengan kebijakan sadar-brand. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa kebijakan Denmark lebih dekat dengan prinsip-prinsip diplomasi reaktif, daripada upaya pencitraan-negara. Temuan dari artikel ini bisa dijadikan dasar analisis mengenai kemungkinan pencitraan-negara menjadi pendukung upaya diplomasi klasik. Seperti yang nampak dari kasus Denmark, kurangnya koordinasi antara Negara dengan aktor non-negara dan kurangnya upaya sadar-pencitraan bias menegasikan kemungkinan positif penciptaan citra baik dari sebuah brand negara.
Kata Kunci: Denmark, pencitraan-negara, krisis kartun nabi 2005, diplomasi Publik.
Research Interests:
This article analyses the water security problems in Central Asia by comparing Kazakhstan’s and Uzbekistan’s policy regarding the Aral Sea. As one of the perpetual problem in Central Asia, the condition of freshwater resources in the Aral... more
This article analyses the water security problems in Central Asia by comparing Kazakhstan’s and Uzbekistan’s policy regarding the Aral Sea. As one of the perpetual problem in Central Asia, the condition of freshwater resources in the Aral Sea has been worsening for the last decades. Efforts by governments were isolated and unorganised. Both the Kazakhstan and the Uzbek government, which had their own share of the problem, had been unable to cooperate on this issue. This article tries to elaborate the problem by using the theory on securitisation process, regional security complex, and the patterns of amity-enmity. This research finds that while the amity-enmity patterns was absent, the differing process of securitisation (in Kazakhstan) and de-securitisation (in Uzbekistan) had forced both states to embark on their own strategies and policies regarding the Aral Sea.
Keywords: water security, securitisation, Aral Sea, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan.
Keywords: water security, securitisation, Aral Sea, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan.
Research Interests:
Kajian mengenai studi Hubungan Internasional (HI) di Indonesia masih dalam tahapan perkembangan, sehingga masih sulit untuk dibandingkan dengan studi serupa di negara-negara Eropa, bahkan bila dibandingkan dengan negara Asia Tenggara... more
Kajian mengenai studi Hubungan Internasional (HI) di Indonesia masih dalam tahapan perkembangan, sehingga masih sulit untuk dibandingkan dengan studi serupa di negara-negara Eropa, bahkan bila dibandingkan dengan negara Asia Tenggara seperti Malaysia dan Singapore. Tulisan ini mencoba menelaah sudah sejauh mana perkembangan studi HI di Indonesia. Diawali dengan melihat silabus dan hasil wawancara dengan beberapa penstudi HI, juga dengan menelaah kembali beberapa tulisan hasil karya orang Indonesia, baik terkait dengan teori-teori HI maupun tentang politik luar negeri Indonesia, tulisan ini menemukan fakta bahwa terdapat kesamaan dalam kajian HI di Indonesia, yaitu belum dipakainya perspektif keindonesiaan dalam analisis HI.
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The relationship between identity and foreign policy is one of the most interesting subjects in the study of foreign policy. This paper tries to highlight the importance in studying those relations by using the case of Indonesia. As a... more
The relationship between identity and foreign policy is one of the most interesting subjects in the study of foreign policy. This paper tries to highlight the importance in studying those relations by using the case of Indonesia. As a heterogeneous country, the national identity of Indonesia are always under the debates, whether it is the nationalistic model of Soekarno, the more liberal view of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, or the power of Islam based on the majority of the people. This paper tries to analyze the current dynamics of Indonesian national identity and its relations to the Indonesia foreign policy towards the Arab Revolution. By using the post-structuralist approach written by Lene Hansen, this paper tries to analyze which one is the dominant discourse.
Keywords: Islam, Indonesia, foreign policy, Arab Spring, identity,
discourses.
Keywords: Islam, Indonesia, foreign policy, Arab Spring, identity,
discourses.
Research Interests:
This paper addresses the question of India’s potential in becoming the world’s great power. Started by evaluating some literatures about India’s rise, this paper focused to the discussion of the relations between energy and India’s... more
This paper addresses the question of India’s potential in becoming the world’s great power. Started by evaluating some literatures about India’s rise, this paper focused to the discussion of the relations between energy and India’s economic rise. This paper argues that although India’s economy is dominated by knowledge-based economy such as information technology, but the energy demands of IT and households created the pathways to energy crisis. This paper explains the potential of conflict between India, China, and Pakistan regarding the search for energy source. As a concluding remarks, this paper concludes that India’s rise to greatness will be dampen by the looming energy crisis and the conflict potential with China and Pakistan
Keywords: India, economic rise, information technology, energy security, conflict.
Artikel ini menjelaskan potensi India untuk menjadi kekuatan besar dunia. Diawali dengan mengevaluasi beberapa literatur utama mengenai kebangkitan India, artikel ini mengetengahkan pembahasan mengenai relasi antara kebutuhan energi dengan kebangkitan ekonomi India. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa kebutuhan energi dari rumah tangga dan industri teknologi informasi telah membuka jalan bagi krisis energi. Krisis ini berpotensi menimbulkan konflik antara India, Cina, dan Pakistan dalam upaya mencari sumber-sumber energi lain. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa proses kebangkitan ekonomi India akan terhambat oleh krisis energi dan konflik regional yang ditimbulkan dari pencarian sumber energi tersebut.
Kata-Kata Kunci: India, kebangkitan ekonomi, teknologi informasi, keamanan energi, konflik.
Keywords: India, economic rise, information technology, energy security, conflict.
Artikel ini menjelaskan potensi India untuk menjadi kekuatan besar dunia. Diawali dengan mengevaluasi beberapa literatur utama mengenai kebangkitan India, artikel ini mengetengahkan pembahasan mengenai relasi antara kebutuhan energi dengan kebangkitan ekonomi India. Tulisan ini berargumen bahwa kebutuhan energi dari rumah tangga dan industri teknologi informasi telah membuka jalan bagi krisis energi. Krisis ini berpotensi menimbulkan konflik antara India, Cina, dan Pakistan dalam upaya mencari sumber-sumber energi lain. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa proses kebangkitan ekonomi India akan terhambat oleh krisis energi dan konflik regional yang ditimbulkan dari pencarian sumber energi tersebut.
Kata-Kata Kunci: India, kebangkitan ekonomi, teknologi informasi, keamanan energi, konflik.
Research Interests:
This paper seeks to analyze the reason behind the Indonesian Government’s policy of ignorance concerning the netwar strategy of the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM). Using John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt’s theory of state response to... more
This paper seeks to analyze the reason behind the Indonesian Government’s policy of ignorance concerning the netwar strategy of the Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM). Using John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt’s theory of state response to netwar strategy and the neo-realist perspectives, I propose the answer, theoretically, that the ignorance policy is driven by cost-benefit calculation, so that the ignorance policy is perceived by the decision-makers to be more beneficial than the opposing or beckoning strategy. Using in-depth interview to the representatives of the government agencies such as the Ministry of Defense, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and some intelligence informants, I try to analyze the comparison of the government abilities to compete with the OPM using the same netwar strategy. I find that even when the defensive abilities of the government may be enough to utilize the counter-netwar strategy, the decision-makers confusion and the debate bertween the non-military advocates and the military advocates against the OPM created avague strategy which led to the ignorance policy. In this instance, the argumeny made by Arquilla-Ronfeldt about the no-threat perception and the neo-realist argument of cost-benefit consideration, can’t convincingly explain Indonesian Government’s policy.
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As co-founders of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Russia and China have come to a separate way in the progress of the organization. Despite China's attempt to bring the SCO closer to an economic integration, Russia always tryies to... more
As co-founders of Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Russia and China have come to a separate way in the progress of the organization. Despite China's attempt to bring the SCO closer to an economic integration, Russia always tryies to impose on political and military cooperation. This disharmony is at peak when Russia decided to invent the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and Eurasian Economic Association and when China decided not to support Russia during the Russo-Georgian War. This article will try to examine the reason in the disharmony, especially during Putin and Hu Jintao reign as president. Based on the assumption that culture, identity, and national values influenced foreign policy, this article explores how the dynamics of cultural and identity discourses shaped the formation of both Russian and Chinese foreign policy towards each other. While Russia endures some identity crisis after the end of Cold War, China has embedded in Confucian values for more than a decade. This article will try to analyze the impact of the identity discourses in both states toward their perception to each other and how that process influenced their foreign policy in the SCO's framework.
Research Interests:
Buku ini ditujukan untuk menelaah pola strategi kontemporer di era siber, utamanya terkait pola konflik antara negara dengan aktor non-negara. Selain itu, buku ini juga bertujuan menelaah lebih lanjut mengenai konflik antara negara dengan... more
Buku ini ditujukan untuk menelaah pola strategi kontemporer di era siber, utamanya terkait pola konflik antara negara dengan aktor non-negara. Selain itu, buku ini juga bertujuan menelaah lebih lanjut mengenai konflik antara negara dengan kelompok separatis di era masyarakat informasi. Dengan menggunakan studi kasus pola konflik siber antara pemerintah Indonesia dengan Organisasi Papua Merdeka, buku ini mencoba menggambarkan kemampuan masing-masing aktor untuk bersaing menggunakan pola strategi netwar, seperti yang diusulkan oleh David Ronfeldt dan John Arquilla. Secara lebih detail, buku ini menjelaskan mengenai respon pemerintah Indonesia terhadap strategi netwar OPM. Buku ini juga diharapkan mampu menelaah respon negara terhadap strategi netwar yang dilakukan kelompok-kelompok separatis dengan kasus Indonesia-OPM, menganalisis faktor utama yang mempengaruhi pilihan respon/kebijakan yang diambil negara dan pertimbangan-pertimbangannya, menelaah relevansi beberapa teori dan pendekatan mengenai keamanan dalam kasus pilihan respon negara dan memberikan opsi baru bagi konstruksi teori yang dianggap mampu menjelaskan fenomena respon negara terhadap strategi netwar kelompok separatis.
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Buku ini berisi kumpulan tulisan tim penulis yang bertujuan untuk memetakan dan memperkenalkan isu-isu terkait revolusi informasi melalui kajian Hubungan Internasional. Tulisan yang ada dalam buku ini diharapkan mampu memberikan pemahaman... more
Buku ini berisi kumpulan tulisan tim penulis yang bertujuan untuk memetakan dan memperkenalkan isu-isu terkait revolusi informasi melalui kajian Hubungan Internasional. Tulisan yang ada dalam buku ini diharapkan mampu memberikan pemahaman dan pengalaman bagi pembaca untuk lebih jauh mengenal revolusi informasi, utamanya melalui kajian HI. Isu revolusi informasi merupakan bagian kecil dari globalisasi yang telah lama kita rasakan namun jarang sekali kita memberikan pemaknaan atasnya. Globalisasi melalui revolusi informasi menghadirkan beberapa potensi peluang dan ancaman baru bagi penikmatnya. Situasi ini berupa keberadaan manusia yang semakin lama semakin terikat pada identitasnya sebagai makhluk sosial yang di era globalisasi berarti bahwa setiap manusia akan memiliki keterkaitan erat identitasnya pada dunia siber. Hal ini dikarenakan pada era globalisasi ruang kehidupan manusia tidak hanya sebatas pada dunia nyata melainkan juga pada media sosial dan jaringan informasi. Mulai dari keterikatan dengan identitas pada surel, Facebook, Twitter dan media social lainnya hingga identitas yang lebih resmi dan representatif dalam akun pembayaran online hingga data kependudukan elektronik yang kesemuanya berada dimensi baru cyberspace.
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Sebuah pengantar bagi upaya menganalisis politik luar negeri suatu negara, dengan didasarkan pada penggunaan eksplanan pada setiap level (mulai individu sampai dengan sistem internasional). Menggunakan banyak kasus untuk setiap level... more
Sebuah pengantar bagi upaya menganalisis politik luar negeri suatu negara, dengan didasarkan pada penggunaan eksplanan pada setiap level (mulai individu sampai dengan sistem internasional). Menggunakan banyak kasus untuk setiap level analisis, buku ini merupakan sebuah kumpulan tulisan hasil riset akhir mahasiswa kelas Perbandingan Politik Luar Negeri di Departemen Hubungan Internasional Universitas Airlangga tahun 2014 silam. Disertai dengan pengantar dan penjelasan awal di setiap level analisis (oleh saya dan editor kedua Dias Pabyantara), setiap subbagian menunjukkan bagaimana memahami dan menggunakan level analisis yang diinginkan.
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Fenomena politik luar negeri merupakan salah satu kajian utama dalam bidang studi Hubungan Internasional (HI). Persoalan mendasar yang kemudian muncul adalah, masih kurangnya buku-buku yang terbit terkait dengan analisis politik luar... more
Fenomena politik luar negeri merupakan salah satu kajian utama dalam bidang studi Hubungan Internasional (HI). Persoalan mendasar yang kemudian muncul adalah, masih kurangnya buku-buku yang terbit terkait dengan analisis politik luar negeri Indonesia, terutama dalam konteks kekinian. Buku-buku rujukan mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia selama ini adalah tulisan-tulisan Mochtar Mas’oed, Leo Suryadinata, ataupun beberapa artikel Michael Leifer, Dewi Fortuna Anwar, maupun Rizal Sukma. Tulisan kontemporer yang juga biasanya dijadikan rujukan adalah tulisan yang disusun oleh Ganewati Wuryandari pada tahun 2008, dengan judul Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia Di Tengah Pusaran Politik Domestik . Persoalannya, buku-buku maupun
artikel-artikel yang membahas mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia biasanya berangkat dari kajian mengenai Orde Lama dan Orde Baru, ataupun ketika membahas Reformasi, belum sampai pada kajian mengenai politik luar negeri era Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, baik mengenai analisis situasional maupun tantangan yang dihadapi ke depan. Tulisan ini lebih merupakan panduan bagi mahasiswa, analis, maupun orang-orang yang tertarik dengan politik luar negeri Indonesia, terutama di era kontemporer kepemimpinan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Oleh karenanya, setiap bagian dalam konteks selalu dibantu dengan memunculkan studi kasus dalam bentuk analisis politik luar negeri Indonesia.
artikel-artikel yang membahas mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia biasanya berangkat dari kajian mengenai Orde Lama dan Orde Baru, ataupun ketika membahas Reformasi, belum sampai pada kajian mengenai politik luar negeri era Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, baik mengenai analisis situasional maupun tantangan yang dihadapi ke depan. Tulisan ini lebih merupakan panduan bagi mahasiswa, analis, maupun orang-orang yang tertarik dengan politik luar negeri Indonesia, terutama di era kontemporer kepemimpinan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Oleh karenanya, setiap bagian dalam konteks selalu dibantu dengan memunculkan studi kasus dalam bentuk analisis politik luar negeri Indonesia.