Ova knjiga po mnogo čemu nije istorija Beograda u klasičnom stilu. Iako je hronološki strukturisa... more Ova knjiga po mnogo čemu nije istorija Beograda u klasičnom stilu. Iako je hronološki strukturisana, ona je neobična jer su praćeni fenomeni jednog grada sa osloncem na pojedinačne 'svetove' dela njegovih građana, uz opštiji plan koji čini analiza celovitog društva ondašnje Srbije. Čitalac će se suočiti sa strukturom u kojoj nema uobičajenih podela na područje politike, privrede i kulture, niti ima standardnog praćenja događaja po njihovom hronološkom sledu, već će to dokučiti izdvojenim primerima tumačenim preciznim istorijskim postupkom. A oni su izabrani da pokažu sam život
In the second half of the nineteenth century, European cities faced a problem well known in posti... more In the second half of the nineteenth century, European cities faced a problem well known in postindependence India: the population escalated due to immigration from the rural areas causing rapid and considerable housing shortage. This forced large parts of the poorer classes into miserable living conditions. Lack of space, money and hygiene facilitated the epidemic spread of diseases such as tuberculosis and diarrhoea. The town authorities were called upon to stop speculation and to launch state financed housing projects. However, in reality the situation was very different depending on the place, political aims and financial possibilities arising out of the particular crisis. This article discusses the issue in two continental European cities of around 100,000 inhabitants. The Swiss town of Basel was a hub of trade in Central Europe, while Belgrade was the capital of the Southeastern European kingdom of Serbia.
Serbia was formally part of the Ottoman Empire until 1878. From the beginning of the 19th century... more Serbia was formally part of the Ottoman Empire until 1878. From the beginning of the 19th century, it enjoyed autonomy. Two hattişerifs in 1830 and 1833 allowed the foundation of the autonomous Principality of Serbia. Until 1867, Serbia witnessed a parallel government. A governor sent by the sultan secured the empire’s northern frontier and looked after the decreasing Muslim population. The Christian prince, Mihailo Obrenović, claimed the right to fully reign his country and tried to gain control over the defense of „his“ part of the empire’s borders. He built up an army which impressed the European community by its sheer number of soldiers, and took advantage of every sign of weakness on the Sultan’s part. During the events preceding the bombing of Belgrade by its castle’s Ottoman garrison in June 1862, the Prince’s administrators did not prevent the atrocities against the Belgrade Muslims committed by a group of extremists. Pretending not to be involved, they used the violence as a means to an end. Discreetly directing the extremist’s actions, they succeeded in driving the Muslims out of town into the fortress. After the bombing due to chaos and uproar among garrison and refu-gees, the Muslim population of Serbia was forced to leave the country forever, either by flight, or on orders from the Sultan. The Prince knew the public opinion on his side, and the European powers gradually increased the pressure on the Sublime Porte to make her retrieve her army from the principality’s territory until 1867. In the following forty-five years, Serbia changed her looks entirely, at least from the outside. The capital’s old town was transformed from an oriental bazaar into a European city center. The prince and his advisors tried to create a homogeneous Serb nation within an Orthodox Christian, European state. To integrate the country’s rapidly increasing population — even more by immigration than by birth rates —, they redefined religion, history, and tradition. Immigrants were put under pressure to change their faith to Orthodoxy and to serbianize their names. Prussian officer Paul Sturm changed his name into Pavle Jurišić-Šturm to make a splendid career as a general and the king’s first adjutant. One of the wealthiest Serb entrepreneurs, Freemason Đorđe Vajfert, of Czech origin, celebrated the Slava and built orthodox churches consecrated to St. George and to St. Anne. Antisemitism served the national aim as much as the purpose to protect the traditional guilds, the esnafi, from unwanted concurrence in their struggle for economic survival. After centuries of mutual tolerance and even close collaboration in order to gain Serb autonomy, Jews were forced to settle in Belgrade only and to restrict their business to this town between the 1840s and 1878.3 In that year, the European powers forced the Serb government to accept the legal equality of the Jewish population as one of the conditions for international recognition as a sovereign state. After independence, many educated Serbs considered europeanization the appropriate means to separate the country from the common history with the Ottoman Empire, even to re-construct bonds with a glorious medieval past. But then, it also threatened old economic and social structures. The new elite, state employees, officers, and a few successful businessmen, had established themselves in Belgrade. Educated at universities throughout Europe, they felt the backwardness of their country of origin keenly and were ashamed of the poverty and ignorance of their own rural population. Living in town, they had lost the sensibility for the villagers’ problems and felt rootless at the same time. Still, they were proud of their country and wanted to be of service: „biti koristan“, as Latinka Perović put it. Their privileged situation strengthened their belief that their’s was a mission to fulfill: They wished to reestablish Serbia as a powerful Christian state, which would revenge the Ottoman victory of Kosovo field and free the other Balkan nations of Muslim rule. Many accounts testify this, as for example the diary of the liberal politician Jevrem Grujić during his student years in Heidelberg and Paris, or the activities of the ladies’ circle „Odbor gospođa Kneginja Ljubica“. But the carrying through of the state’s three powers among the peasants proved precarious, and the army as an instrument to integrate them failed. The countryside was lost in underemployment, poverty, and social disintegration. Another price for independence in 1878 — building the railway section from Vienna to Istanbul which lay on its territory — plunged the country into depts from which it never recovered. Exploiting Serbia economically, Austria-Hungary had no need to occupy it by force. So far, the brutal murder of the Serb royal couple in 1903 by a group of officers was a desperate attempt to change course and get rid of manyfold pressures. The religious belief in a Kosovo mission now served the elite to stubbornly…
For 500 years, the Ottoman Empire ruled over the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor (Anatolia) until... more For 500 years, the Ottoman Empire ruled over the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor (Anatolia) until, at the end of World War I, it ultimately fell apart. Out of its ruins, modern nation states were created, which rejected the Ottoman legacy. This resulted in profound changes in the everyday lives of people, especially of those living in the large cities. Press photographs of the interwar period highlight the changes in four selected cities within two of these nation states: Istanbul and Ankara in Turkey, Belgrade and Sarajevo in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). These four cities experienced the changes in equally profound, but very different ways: Istanbul was the former centre of the fallen Ottoman world; Ankara became the capital of the Turkish Republic. Belgrade, the seat of the Serbian king, was expanded to become the capital of Yugoslavia and, for the first time, the Bosnian city of Sarajevo was administered in its own language. The images presented in this exhibition provide unexpected insights into unknown, yet somehow familiar, life worlds: in the city centres, fashionably dressed pedestrians walk by new buildings and numerous construction sites. Military and sports groups celebrate the young nations in street parades and newly opened sports stadiums. Yet the bazaar, the heart of every Ottoman town, continues to function as a meeting place where people buy and sell while sharing the latest gossip. Here, time seems to stand still. The photographs are grouped accordingly, to cover five topics: 1. The City Centre; 2. Nation and the Body; 3. Dressing the Nation; 4. Leisure and Religion; 5. The Bazaar. They document an urban public that is surprisingly similar in Istanbul, Belgrade, Ankara and Sarajevo. We find many references to the post-Ottoman context, but even more to European urbanity and the zeitgeist of the 1920s and 1930s.The images were mostly taken by photographers working for the leading Turkish and Yugoslav daily newspapers published in Belgrade and Istanbul at that time: for Cumhuriyet, Namik Gorguc and Selahattin Giz, for Politika, Aleksandar Simic and Raka Ruben, and for Vreme, Svetozar Grdijan. These press photographers often worked in pairs and usually shared their work. It is therefore difficult to attribute authorship. Pictures originating from Politika and Cumhuriyet are indicated as the work of Simic/Ruben (Politika) and Gorguc/Giz (Cumhuriyet). Giz' archive is today owned by Yapi Kredi (Yapi Kredi Tarih Arsivi, Istanbul). The pictures attributed to Aca Simic and today held by the Belgrade Museum of Applied Arts (Muzej primenjene umetnosti) were purchased directly from the photographer's widow. In other cases, Simic signed his own negatives. The Vreme archive that holds Svetozar Grdijan's work is in the possession of Borba Fotodokumentacija. Sarajevo photography professor Mehmed A. Ak�amija and Istanbul photo historian and curator of the Museum of Photography, Cengiz Kahraman, have opened their outstanding photography collections for this exhibition. The authorship of these pictures and others provided by the Ankara Municipality (Ankara Buyuksehir Belediyesi), the Ankara National Library (Ankara Milli Kutuphane), the Belgrade Theatre Museum (Muzej Pozori�ne Umetnosti), the Sarajevo City Museum (Muzej Sarajeva), the Sarajevo Historical Archive (Historijski Arhiv Sarajeva), Bilgi University, and VEKAM, is attributed where the author's identity has been researched and is known. In addition, several photographs taken by the exceptional Bosnian photographer Alija M. Ak�amija, then 19 years old, and by Istanbul photographer Jean Weinberg, are on display. This exhibition is the result of the research project SIBA - A Visual Approach to Explore Everyday Life in Turkish and Yugoslav Cities, 1920s and 1930s, which is associated to the Middle Eastern Studies, Social Sciences Department, University of Basel, and financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation. In the exhibition, we use the same identification numbers as in our scientific database. The four figures indicated under the photographic reproductions link the pictures with the captions list in this guide and, with the consent of the copyright holders, with detailed descriptions available on our scientific online portal VASE, the Visual Archive Southeastern Europe (http://gams.uni-graz.at/vase).
Ova knjiga po mnogo čemu nije istorija Beograda u klasičnom stilu. Iako je hronološki strukturisa... more Ova knjiga po mnogo čemu nije istorija Beograda u klasičnom stilu. Iako je hronološki strukturisana, ona je neobična jer su praćeni fenomeni jednog grada sa osloncem na pojedinačne 'svetove' dela njegovih građana, uz opštiji plan koji čini analiza celovitog društva ondašnje Srbije. Čitalac će se suočiti sa strukturom u kojoj nema uobičajenih podela na područje politike, privrede i kulture, niti ima standardnog praćenja događaja po njihovom hronološkom sledu, već će to dokučiti izdvojenim primerima tumačenim preciznim istorijskim postupkom. A oni su izabrani da pokažu sam život
In the second half of the nineteenth century, European cities faced a problem well known in posti... more In the second half of the nineteenth century, European cities faced a problem well known in postindependence India: the population escalated due to immigration from the rural areas causing rapid and considerable housing shortage. This forced large parts of the poorer classes into miserable living conditions. Lack of space, money and hygiene facilitated the epidemic spread of diseases such as tuberculosis and diarrhoea. The town authorities were called upon to stop speculation and to launch state financed housing projects. However, in reality the situation was very different depending on the place, political aims and financial possibilities arising out of the particular crisis. This article discusses the issue in two continental European cities of around 100,000 inhabitants. The Swiss town of Basel was a hub of trade in Central Europe, while Belgrade was the capital of the Southeastern European kingdom of Serbia.
Serbia was formally part of the Ottoman Empire until 1878. From the beginning of the 19th century... more Serbia was formally part of the Ottoman Empire until 1878. From the beginning of the 19th century, it enjoyed autonomy. Two hattişerifs in 1830 and 1833 allowed the foundation of the autonomous Principality of Serbia. Until 1867, Serbia witnessed a parallel government. A governor sent by the sultan secured the empire’s northern frontier and looked after the decreasing Muslim population. The Christian prince, Mihailo Obrenović, claimed the right to fully reign his country and tried to gain control over the defense of „his“ part of the empire’s borders. He built up an army which impressed the European community by its sheer number of soldiers, and took advantage of every sign of weakness on the Sultan’s part. During the events preceding the bombing of Belgrade by its castle’s Ottoman garrison in June 1862, the Prince’s administrators did not prevent the atrocities against the Belgrade Muslims committed by a group of extremists. Pretending not to be involved, they used the violence as a means to an end. Discreetly directing the extremist’s actions, they succeeded in driving the Muslims out of town into the fortress. After the bombing due to chaos and uproar among garrison and refu-gees, the Muslim population of Serbia was forced to leave the country forever, either by flight, or on orders from the Sultan. The Prince knew the public opinion on his side, and the European powers gradually increased the pressure on the Sublime Porte to make her retrieve her army from the principality’s territory until 1867. In the following forty-five years, Serbia changed her looks entirely, at least from the outside. The capital’s old town was transformed from an oriental bazaar into a European city center. The prince and his advisors tried to create a homogeneous Serb nation within an Orthodox Christian, European state. To integrate the country’s rapidly increasing population — even more by immigration than by birth rates —, they redefined religion, history, and tradition. Immigrants were put under pressure to change their faith to Orthodoxy and to serbianize their names. Prussian officer Paul Sturm changed his name into Pavle Jurišić-Šturm to make a splendid career as a general and the king’s first adjutant. One of the wealthiest Serb entrepreneurs, Freemason Đorđe Vajfert, of Czech origin, celebrated the Slava and built orthodox churches consecrated to St. George and to St. Anne. Antisemitism served the national aim as much as the purpose to protect the traditional guilds, the esnafi, from unwanted concurrence in their struggle for economic survival. After centuries of mutual tolerance and even close collaboration in order to gain Serb autonomy, Jews were forced to settle in Belgrade only and to restrict their business to this town between the 1840s and 1878.3 In that year, the European powers forced the Serb government to accept the legal equality of the Jewish population as one of the conditions for international recognition as a sovereign state. After independence, many educated Serbs considered europeanization the appropriate means to separate the country from the common history with the Ottoman Empire, even to re-construct bonds with a glorious medieval past. But then, it also threatened old economic and social structures. The new elite, state employees, officers, and a few successful businessmen, had established themselves in Belgrade. Educated at universities throughout Europe, they felt the backwardness of their country of origin keenly and were ashamed of the poverty and ignorance of their own rural population. Living in town, they had lost the sensibility for the villagers’ problems and felt rootless at the same time. Still, they were proud of their country and wanted to be of service: „biti koristan“, as Latinka Perović put it. Their privileged situation strengthened their belief that their’s was a mission to fulfill: They wished to reestablish Serbia as a powerful Christian state, which would revenge the Ottoman victory of Kosovo field and free the other Balkan nations of Muslim rule. Many accounts testify this, as for example the diary of the liberal politician Jevrem Grujić during his student years in Heidelberg and Paris, or the activities of the ladies’ circle „Odbor gospođa Kneginja Ljubica“. But the carrying through of the state’s three powers among the peasants proved precarious, and the army as an instrument to integrate them failed. The countryside was lost in underemployment, poverty, and social disintegration. Another price for independence in 1878 — building the railway section from Vienna to Istanbul which lay on its territory — plunged the country into depts from which it never recovered. Exploiting Serbia economically, Austria-Hungary had no need to occupy it by force. So far, the brutal murder of the Serb royal couple in 1903 by a group of officers was a desperate attempt to change course and get rid of manyfold pressures. The religious belief in a Kosovo mission now served the elite to stubbornly…
For 500 years, the Ottoman Empire ruled over the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor (Anatolia) until... more For 500 years, the Ottoman Empire ruled over the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor (Anatolia) until, at the end of World War I, it ultimately fell apart. Out of its ruins, modern nation states were created, which rejected the Ottoman legacy. This resulted in profound changes in the everyday lives of people, especially of those living in the large cities. Press photographs of the interwar period highlight the changes in four selected cities within two of these nation states: Istanbul and Ankara in Turkey, Belgrade and Sarajevo in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (Yugoslavia). These four cities experienced the changes in equally profound, but very different ways: Istanbul was the former centre of the fallen Ottoman world; Ankara became the capital of the Turkish Republic. Belgrade, the seat of the Serbian king, was expanded to become the capital of Yugoslavia and, for the first time, the Bosnian city of Sarajevo was administered in its own language. The images presented in this exhibition provide unexpected insights into unknown, yet somehow familiar, life worlds: in the city centres, fashionably dressed pedestrians walk by new buildings and numerous construction sites. Military and sports groups celebrate the young nations in street parades and newly opened sports stadiums. Yet the bazaar, the heart of every Ottoman town, continues to function as a meeting place where people buy and sell while sharing the latest gossip. Here, time seems to stand still. The photographs are grouped accordingly, to cover five topics: 1. The City Centre; 2. Nation and the Body; 3. Dressing the Nation; 4. Leisure and Religion; 5. The Bazaar. They document an urban public that is surprisingly similar in Istanbul, Belgrade, Ankara and Sarajevo. We find many references to the post-Ottoman context, but even more to European urbanity and the zeitgeist of the 1920s and 1930s.The images were mostly taken by photographers working for the leading Turkish and Yugoslav daily newspapers published in Belgrade and Istanbul at that time: for Cumhuriyet, Namik Gorguc and Selahattin Giz, for Politika, Aleksandar Simic and Raka Ruben, and for Vreme, Svetozar Grdijan. These press photographers often worked in pairs and usually shared their work. It is therefore difficult to attribute authorship. Pictures originating from Politika and Cumhuriyet are indicated as the work of Simic/Ruben (Politika) and Gorguc/Giz (Cumhuriyet). Giz' archive is today owned by Yapi Kredi (Yapi Kredi Tarih Arsivi, Istanbul). The pictures attributed to Aca Simic and today held by the Belgrade Museum of Applied Arts (Muzej primenjene umetnosti) were purchased directly from the photographer's widow. In other cases, Simic signed his own negatives. The Vreme archive that holds Svetozar Grdijan's work is in the possession of Borba Fotodokumentacija. Sarajevo photography professor Mehmed A. Ak�amija and Istanbul photo historian and curator of the Museum of Photography, Cengiz Kahraman, have opened their outstanding photography collections for this exhibition. The authorship of these pictures and others provided by the Ankara Municipality (Ankara Buyuksehir Belediyesi), the Ankara National Library (Ankara Milli Kutuphane), the Belgrade Theatre Museum (Muzej Pozori�ne Umetnosti), the Sarajevo City Museum (Muzej Sarajeva), the Sarajevo Historical Archive (Historijski Arhiv Sarajeva), Bilgi University, and VEKAM, is attributed where the author's identity has been researched and is known. In addition, several photographs taken by the exceptional Bosnian photographer Alija M. Ak�amija, then 19 years old, and by Istanbul photographer Jean Weinberg, are on display. This exhibition is the result of the research project SIBA - A Visual Approach to Explore Everyday Life in Turkish and Yugoslav Cities, 1920s and 1930s, which is associated to the Middle Eastern Studies, Social Sciences Department, University of Basel, and financed by the Swiss National Science Foundation. In the exhibition, we use the same identification numbers as in our scientific database. The four figures indicated under the photographic reproductions link the pictures with the captions list in this guide and, with the consent of the copyright holders, with detailed descriptions available on our scientific online portal VASE, the Visual Archive Southeastern Europe (http://gams.uni-graz.at/vase).
VISUAL CULTURE OF THE BALKANS: STATE OF RESEARCH
AND FURTHER DIRECTIONS
In recent decades there h... more VISUAL CULTURE OF THE BALKANS: STATE OF RESEARCH AND FURTHER DIRECTIONS In recent decades there has been a significant change in observing art and culture of the Balkans. One of the current issues is the study of visual culture of the Balkans. While in the Balkan countries the national historiographies still dominate, it is becoming quite obvious that the common social, political, artistic and cultural frameworks influence the creation of all forms of cultural life in entire Balkans. The Ottoman Empire, in which had lived majority of Balkan nations; formation of a Yugoslav state, as well as the similarity of political systems in Southeastern Europe all together have resulted in establishing a common Balkan culture. In these processes, visual culture has had a prominent place because it contributed to the creation of private and collective identity, and represents one of the most powerful communication tools between different ethnic, religious and social communities. Nenad Makuljević Department of Art History Faculty of Philosophy Belgrade University
„...ein exzellentes Manuskript (...), das durch seine Lebendigkeit beeindruckt. Die Autorin besit... more „...ein exzellentes Manuskript (...), das durch seine Lebendigkeit beeindruckt. Die Autorin besitzt die Gabe, trockene empirische Daten in eine spannende Lekture zu kleiden; dazu tragt nicht zuletzt ihr lebensweltlicher Zugang bei. ... Frau Miskovics Buch konnte paradigmatisch fur weitere Forschungen werden.“ Из рецензије Проф. др. Карла Казера, Грац. „…Frau Miskovic hat eine spannend zu lesende und wissenschaftlich erstrangige Studie verfasst, die unser Wissen um die Veranderungen in der serbischen Gesellschaft des 19. Jahrhunderts erheblich erweitert. Der theoretische Ansatz hat sich bewahrt. In Fallstudien und exemplarischen Portrats werden die verschiedenen Lebenswelten in Dorf und Stadt sowie der einzelnen Bevolkerungsgruppen deutlich. Wir gewinnen ganz neue Einblicke in familiare Gewohnheiten, in Geschlechterbeziehungen, in speziell in Serbien verbreitete Auffassungen, etwa von Privatheit und Scham, die eindringlich darauf hinweisen, dass an anderen Gesellschaften entwickelte Kategorien unangemessen sind....“ Из рецензије Проф. др. Хајка Хаумана, Базел.
„Ова књига по много чему није историја Београда у класичном стилу. Иако је хронолошки структуриса... more „Ова књига по много чему није историја Београда у класичном стилу. Иако је хронолошки структурисана, она је необична јер су праћени феномени једног града ослонцем на појединачне ‚светове’ дела његових грађана, уз општији план који чини анализа целовитог друштва ондашње Србије. Читалац ће се суочити са структуром у којој нема уобичајених подела на подручја политике, привреде и културе, нити има стандарног прећења догађаја по њиховом хронолошком следу, већ ће то докучити издвојеним примерима тумаченим прецизним историјским поступком. А они су изабрани да покажу сам живот.” (Из рецензије проф. др. Љубинке Трговчевић, Београд). „Научни рад изузетне читљивости и упечатљивости“ (Оливер Леман, www.woche-des-wissens.at.) „...изванредан рукопис (...), који осваја својом живошћу. Ауторка има таленат да суве емпиријске податке одене у рухо узбудљивог штива; томе прилично доприноси и њена метода „света живота“.... Књига госпође Мишковић могла би да постане парадигма за следећа истраживања.“ (Из рецензије проф. др. Карла Казера, Грац). „... госпођа Мишковић написала је студију узбудљиву за читање, прворазредну у научном погледу, која значајно проширује наша знања о променама у српском друштву 19. века. Њена теоретска поставка показала се успешном. У студијама случаја и портретима личности који су дати као пример, јасно се виде различити светови живота на селу и у граду, као и поједине групе становништва. Стиче се сасвим нови увид у породичне навике, у родне односе, у схватања која су посебно у Србији била раширена„ као што су она о приватности и стиду, која изразито упућују на чињеницу да су овде непримерене категорије развијене у другим друштвима...“ (Из рецензије проф. др. Хајка Хаумана, Базел).
Review of the Serbian edition of my book on 19th century Belgrade (Bazari i bulevari. Svet života... more Review of the Serbian edition of my book on 19th century Belgrade (Bazari i bulevari. Svet života u Beogradu 19. veka, Belgrade 2010) in City Magazine (Serbia), 17 November 2010.
Knjiga The Sleepwalkers (Mesečari) britansko-australijskog istoričara Kristofera Klarka postala j... more Knjiga The Sleepwalkers (Mesečari) britansko-australijskog istoričara Kristofera Klarka postala je bestseler — na štetu Balkana. U švajcarskom časopisu " ETÜ Elfenbeintürmer — HistorikerInnen-Zeitschrift " Odeljenja za istoriju Univerziteta u Cirihu (izdanje jesen 2014), autorka Nataša Mišković osvrće se na rasprave o izbijanju Prvog svetskog rata 1914, i ukazuje na ono što se može dogoditi kada istoričari zanemaruju svoju dužnost pažljivosti prema predmetu istraživanja. Povodom stogodišnjice izbijanja Prvog svetskog rata zainteresovana publika obasuta je čitavom poplavom obeležavanja raznih događaja i publikacija. Najznačajniji među njima bio je predviđen za 28. jun 2014. u Sarajevu, glavnom gradu Bosne i Hercegovine, gde je tačno pre sto godina gimnazijalac Gavrilo Princip, Srbin pravoslavne vere, pucao na naslednika habsburškog prestola, Franca Ferdinanda. Mesec dana kasnije, to je poslužilo Beču kao povod da uputi ultimatum Kraljevini Srbiji. U najboljem slučaju, ovakvi jubileji služe stručnoj javnosti i široj publici ne samo da se podsete na istorijske događaje, već i da ih ponovo vrednuju i procenjuju iz sadašnje perspektive. U najgorem slučaju, oni služe za kreiranje mitova i jačanje predrasuda. U prosvećenoj i dobro informisanoj Švajcarskoj, skloni smo da verujemo da smo otporni na takve mitove — raščistili smo sa " svetim kravama Helvecije " već pre dvadesetak godina. Ipak, stari mitovi i predrasude nas uvek iznova obuzimaju, suptilno i često " na mala vrata ". To se dogodilo sa medijskom bukom oko knjige britansko-australijskog istoričara Kristofera Klarka, The Sleepwalkers (Mesečari), koja je na nemačkom govornom području naišla na snažan odziv. Konačno da neko oslobodi nemačku istoriju krivice, kojom je opterećena od kada se 1961. pojavila velika analiza Frica Fišera o " posezanju za svetskom moći " (Griff nach der Weltmacht) cara Wilhelma. Konačno neko gotovo " ravnomerno " deli odgovornost među zaraćenim stranama. Neko, ko čak i čita srpski, kako je jedan kolega zadivljeno primetio na osnovu popisa literature.
This paper reflects on the founding of Yugoslavia and its turn to non-alignment against the backg... more This paper reflects on the founding of Yugoslavia and its turn to non-alignment against the background of developments in global history, namely the international struggle for self-determination of peoples in a colonial world, the role of race in the making of the post-WWI order, and the impact of the Communist Revolution and Soviet power politics in the interwar period and the Cold War.
This paper explores post-Ottoman nostalgia in interwar Belgrade (1920s and 1930s) through the exa... more This paper explores post-Ottoman nostalgia in interwar Belgrade (1920s and 1930s) through the examples of Ivan Meštrović's victor statue on Kalemegdan, Jovan Cvijić's reflections on Turkish-Eastern influence and Branislav Kojić's and Dragutin Inkiostri Medenjak's efforts to create a Yugoslav-style architecture and interior design.
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AND FURTHER DIRECTIONS
In recent decades there has been a significant change in
observing art and culture of the Balkans. One of the current issues is
the study of visual culture of the Balkans. While in the Balkan
countries the national historiographies still dominate, it is becoming
quite obvious that the common social, political, artistic and cultural
frameworks influence the creation of all forms of cultural life in
entire Balkans. The Ottoman Empire, in which had lived majority of
Balkan nations; formation of a Yugoslav state, as well as the similarity
of political systems in Southeastern Europe all together have resulted
in establishing a common Balkan culture. In these processes, visual
culture has had a prominent place because it contributed to the
creation of private and collective identity, and represents one of the
most powerful communication tools between different ethnic,
religious and social communities.
Nenad Makuljević
Department of Art History
Faculty of Philosophy
Belgrade University
„Научни рад изузетне читљивости и упечатљивости“ (Оливер Леман, www.woche-des-wissens.at.)
„...изванредан рукопис (...), који осваја својом живошћу. Ауторка има таленат да суве емпиријске податке одене у рухо узбудљивог штива; томе прилично доприноси и њена метода „света живота“.... Књига госпође Мишковић могла би да постане парадигма за следећа истраживања.“ (Из рецензије проф. др. Карла Казера, Грац).
„... госпођа Мишковић написала је студију узбудљиву за читање, прворазредну у научном погледу, која значајно проширује наша знања о променама у српском друштву 19. века. Њена теоретска поставка показала се успешном. У студијама случаја и портретима личности који су дати као пример, јасно се виде различити светови живота на селу и у граду, као и поједине групе становништва. Стиче се сасвим нови увид у породичне навике, у родне односе, у схватања која су посебно у Србији била раширена„ као што су она о приватности и стиду, која изразито упућују на чињеницу да су овде непримерене категорије развијене у другим друштвима...“ (Из рецензије проф. др. Хајка Хаумана, Базел).