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The chapter discusses the contribution of this study on policy transfer and policy change at the street-level of the implementation. It highlights practical and local knowledge sharing within the local ‘community of practice’ as an... more
The chapter discusses the contribution of this study on policy transfer and policy change at the street-level of the implementation. It highlights practical and local knowledge sharing within the local ‘community of practice’ as an overlooked element that shapes policy-making on the ground and triggers change in policy practice. The chapter analyzes the birth of a local community of practice by shedding light on the reasons for seeking for colleagues from other national consulates to address problems related to border control and the management of the visa application process. I show that the community of practice is also activated in a domain of national regulations such as the control of ‘fake’ marriages. The chapter continues by addressing the ways in which implementers engage in interactions to learn ‘how the others do’ and the preference toward informal rather than formal settings. The chapter concludes with the discussion of the notion of ‘transnational policy-making from below’ that is intended to describe the nexus between learning of implementers and transfer of policy practice.
Une première distinction qu’on peut avancer dans les mondes des étudiants subsahariens établis au Maroc est celle parmi les étudiants boursiers et les étudiants non boursiers. L’Agence Marocaine de Coopération Internationale (AMCI) et les... more
Une première distinction qu’on peut avancer dans les mondes des étudiants subsahariens établis au Maroc est celle parmi les étudiants boursiers et les étudiants non boursiers. L’Agence Marocaine de Coopération Internationale (AMCI) et les Etats de provenance sont les institutions octroyant des bourses. Un étudiant peut ainsi bénéficier de la bourse de l’Etat dont il est ressortissant ainsi que de celle de l’AMCI ou seulement de la bourse de ce dernière. Ceux qui bénéficient des bourses de l’AMCI doivent forcement s’inscrire dans des établissements publics, ce qui fait que les étudiants du privé ne sont jamais boursiers de l’AMCI. Pour ce qui concerne les bourses des Etats ça dépend de l’Etat. Mes enquêtes montrent que dans le cas d’un pays comme le Gabon, s’inscrire dans un établissement privé n’implique pas la coupure de la bourse de cet Etat. Mes enquêtes montrent aussi qu’il peut arriver que la démarche d’attribution d’une bourse dans les pays de départ ne suive pas forcement la procédure régulière. Connaître le montant des bourses des Etats est assez compliqué alors que celui de la bourse de l’AMCI est facilement repérable vu que les étudiants n’ont pas de problème à en parler : 1500dh tout les deux mois en paiement anticipé pour toutes les nationalités sauf les Palestiniens qui en reçoivent 2500. « C’est pour des raisons humanitaires », commente un responsable de l’AMCI. Le montant des bourses varient énormément : à partir de moins que 1500dh par trimestre pour le Mali jusqu’à 7000dh le trimestre pour le Gabon. Quand ils sont boursiers de leur Etat, le niveau de vie des étudiants varient donc énormément selon le pays de provenance. Ensuite, il y a des étudiants qui sont soutenus par leur famille et d’autres qui ne le sont pas.
This chapter addresses the context in which Schengen States implement EU visa policy. Implementation practices are tailored to context. Although Belgium, France, and Italy implement visa policy in a same country, the context is... more
This chapter addresses the context in which Schengen States implement EU visa policy. Implementation practices are tailored to context. Although Belgium, France, and Italy implement visa policy in a same country, the context is differentiated. Contexts stem from the history of bilateral relations, migratory movements, and visa introduction. The colonial past and old, interdependent migratory movements characterize the case of France. The need of workforce prompts migration to Belgium in the 1960s. Moroccans migrating to Italy in the 1990s replace Italian emigration to Morocco. In the 1980s, Belgium and France introduced visa requirements to control migration. Because visa introduction in ex-colonies is sensitive, France uses the disembarkation card and the certificate of lodging as bureaucratic means to control migration until the political opportunity of requiring visas arises. Italy has never used visa policy as an external mechanism of immigration control and, in the 1990s, introduced visa requirements to several countries to comply with European norms. The characteristics of contemporary visa applicants vary considerably, as a result of history. Building on consular statistics, the chapter shows differences, in terms of volumes, rates of short-stay and long-stay visas, refusal rates, travel purposes, and the challenges in using visa statistics for comparisons.
This chapter analyzes decision-making on Schengen visa applications. The chapter highlights decision-making as an organizational process of categorization with shifting empirical appropriateness and examines the decision-making process... more
This chapter analyzes decision-making on Schengen visa applications. The chapter highlights decision-making as an organizational process of categorization with shifting empirical appropriateness and examines the decision-making process and its outcomes for Belgium, France, and Italy. I show the negative categories and the features that fall in categories country-by-country. State-bound concerns and purposes underline divergences in decision-making. Notions that pre-exist the communitarized legal framework, namely the ‘risk of procedure circumventing’ and the ‘risk of circumventing the purpose of the visa,’ inform Belgian and French organizational actions. Those notions are absent in the Italian case. Although national paths of organizational action, a coinciding operational meaning of the migratory risk is emerging. That is the risk of lawful settlements and its specifications such as the risk of applying for residence permits, the risk of marriage, and the risk for the welfare state. Because the Italian organization adopts understandings and know-how that are out-of-context yet familiar to Belgium and France, the targets of negative decisions become more and more similar. Given that a same legal framework cannot explain similarities in practice, one element remains to be questioned: the process whereby such policy change from below occurs.
This chapter focuses on the legally binding and self-executing text that regulates the procedures and conditions for issuing Schengen visas—the Visa Code—adopted following Community decision-making rules in 2009. EU visa policy is a... more
This chapter focuses on the legally binding and self-executing text that regulates the procedures and conditions for issuing Schengen visas—the Visa Code—adopted following Community decision-making rules in 2009. EU visa policy is a compensatory measure to free movement whose initial characteristics are discretion and, unlike other historical examples of border-free regions, restrictiveness. The Visa Code is not created from scratch. In regard to the objective of consular action—the assessment of the migratory ‘risk’—it shows continuities with the Common Consular Instructions, drafted during the original Schengen process to which Belgium and France have participated. However, the Visa Code is less precise. Several conditions specific to EU legislative policy-making underline the vagueness of law and broadly worded instructions. The EU legal framework emerges as a source of national discretion. The chapter addresses discontinuities with the original Schengen process, most notably tho...
Before one’s arrival in a diplomatic or consular post abroad, not only the high-ranking staff but also low-level employees are interested in learning the national policy in that country, the national interests, and the problems at stake.... more
Before one’s arrival in a diplomatic or consular post abroad, not only the high-ranking staff but also low-level employees are interested in learning the national policy in that country, the national interests, and the problems at stake. That is essential knowledge to work in consular posts. Civil servants share narratives that convey sense to visa policy on the ground, by suggesting the issues at stake in delivering visas and what visa policy should do, and to officers’ work, by suggesting the purposes to which their daily action is bent. Narratives place current action in a series of past events. Thus, history differentiates contexts also from the point of view of the sense attributed to EU visa policy. National understandings persist although EU visa policy. Thus, the understandings of visa policy in Morocco vary considerably. According to Belgium, visa policy is ‘sensitive migration control.’ According to Italy, it is ‘scorned migration control.’ According to France, it is ‘migration control and diplomacy.’ Narratives also portray Moroccan applicants therefore nourishing very different subjective representations of the policy recipients. To Belgium, France, and Italy respectively, Moroccan applicants are ‘networked,’ ‘demanding and clientes,’ and ‘wrong.’
In this chapter, I locate the outsourcing of border control to private actors into larger debates about modern nation-state formation and state sovereignty. I aim at bringing into focus an empirically grounded analysis of the reasons that... more
In this chapter, I locate the outsourcing of border control to private actors into larger debates about modern nation-state formation and state sovereignty. I aim at bringing into focus an empirically grounded analysis of the reasons that have lead to the adoption of private-public cooperation to implement EU visa policy and the effects of that choice. I build on the street-level implementation perspective to shed light on the actual practices of “bordering outside the state” – the filtering work of borders that state/for-profit organizations achieve by putting EU visa policy into practice. The ethnography in original fieldwork settings coupled with the strategy of researching the European, national and local levels of policy-making bring insights into their interconnection and the ways in which those levels exercise mutual influence.
Although outsourcing implies adjustments, Schengen signatory states have fiercely negotiated the legal basis for outsourcing visa services in view of the adoption of the Visa Code. Those states have used the New Public Management frame... more
Although outsourcing implies adjustments, Schengen signatory states have fiercely negotiated the legal basis for outsourcing visa services in view of the adoption of the Visa Code. Those states have used the New Public Management frame because it was acceptable. It has characterized the context of reform of the Visa Code. However, states have used outsourcing for other purposes: diminishing the costs of implementing visa policy according to the requirements dictated by the Visa Code; getting rid of the duty of handling applicants; avoiding blame. Because policy recipients are put at a distance, border control is more manageable. “Governing through the distance,” which reduces the governed to silence, can therefore be characterized as an “art of governing” within the domain of border/migration control.
Imitation of prime movers and learning of advantageous effects underlined the diffusion of outsourcing visa services. This latter modifies visa policy outcomes and outputs in ways that are under the radar of public scrutiny. The visa... more
Imitation of prime movers and learning of advantageous effects underlined the diffusion of outsourcing visa services. This latter modifies visa policy outcomes and outputs in ways that are under the radar of public scrutiny. The visa application process is transformed into an issue of smooth flow management, which produces exclusion, violence, and indifference. Managing tension is the main skill required of frontline workers. Novel work routines deflect the responsibility of the visa application process and of problems caused by private actors’ uses of frontline policy discretion towards visa applicants. Such recipients of non-state control are more disciplined, uncertain, dominated, and more deprived of coping mechanisms. Because it is known at both national and EU levels, private contractors’ bureaucratic policy-making is formal and authorized.
ABSTRACT This contribution focuses on the European border viewed from its margins: from the perspective of the western Mediterranean, specifically Morocco, the furthest western country of the area whose name, al-Maghrib, actually means... more
ABSTRACT This contribution focuses on the European border viewed from its margins: from the perspective of the western Mediterranean, specifically Morocco, the furthest western country of the area whose name, al-Maghrib, actually means “the west” in Arabic. It does so by tackling the bureaucratic enactment of the European border that is achieved by implementing EU visa policy. By delivering Schengen visa, bordering already occurs at consular windows in countries of departure. Hence I conceptualize visa policy as bordering policy and visa policy implementation as bordering practice. This article sheds ethnographic light on the making of EU visa policy on the ground by comparing the consulates of Belgium, France, and Italy in Casablanca. It argues that EU visa policy on the ground is state-bound. The analysis highlights visa policy as context-oriented: the means of implementing control must be tailored to its specific context. It shows the historical roots of the bi-lateral relations as factors differentiating this context. The article shows that Moroccan applicants learn cross-national differences and cope with shifting visa policies on the ground. Fieldwork exposes the strategic choices of consulates as an elite practice as well, and cross-national differences that encourage such practices. This empirically sound analysis criticizes the notion that Europeanization of visa policy implies diminishing cross-national differences in the day-to-day implementation and reveals instead Europeanized practices like those of coping with Schengen’s Europe.
Based on in-depth fieldwork research, this contribution focuses on the bureaucratic practices of controlling marriages which involve the emigration of a spouse. It is concerned with the ways in which the bordering practices of the citizen... more
Based on in-depth fieldwork research, this contribution focuses on the bureaucratic practices of controlling marriages which involve the emigration of a spouse. It is concerned with the ways in which the bordering practices of the citizen and visa information offices of the Belgian, French and Italian consulates in Casablanca are enacted daily. Drawing on public policy implementation and migration control literature, this analysis concentrates on the bureaucratic practices enforcing the right to marry and the right to family life. It argues that migration control bureaucratic practices at displaced borders - the consulates - are not just aimed at filtering out irregular, but also regular, migration. For the cases of Belgium and France, bureaucratic practices producing and bordering "fake" marriages are stemming unwanted migration from Morocco. In Italy, bureaucratic practices aimed at bordering marriages are not at work. The comparative and inductive research methodology used here shows that "remote control" is not a strategy adopted by all these countries.
Research Interests:
DI-fusion, le Dépôt institutionnel numérique de l'ULB, est l'outil de référencementde la production scientifique de l'ULB.L'interface de recherche DI-fusion permet de consulter les publications des chercheurs de... more
DI-fusion, le Dépôt institutionnel numérique de l'ULB, est l'outil de référencementde la production scientifique de l'ULB.L'interface de recherche DI-fusion permet de consulter les publications des chercheurs de l'ULB et les thèses qui y ont été défendues.
The ambition of this special issue is to contribute to contemporary scholarly analyses of border security by bringing more focus onto a specific field of inquiry: the practices of the plurality of power-brokers involved in the securing of... more
The ambition of this special issue is to contribute to contemporary scholarly analyses of border security by bringing more focus onto a specific field of inquiry: the practices of the plurality of power-brokers involved in the securing of borders. Border security is addressed from the angle of the everyday practices of those who are appointed to carry it out; considering border security as practice is essential for shedding light on contemporary problematizations of security. Underscoring the methodological specificity of fieldwork research, we call for a better grounding of scholarship within the specific agencies intervening in bordering spaces in order to provide detailed analyses of the contextualized practices of security actors.
Built on a comparative case study of the ‘street-level implementation’ of EU visa policy in the consulates of Belgium, France and Italy in Casablanca, the focus of this article is on decision-making on Schengen visa applications. Drawing... more
Built on a comparative case study of the ‘street-level implementation’ of EU visa policy in the consulates of Belgium, France and Italy in Casablanca, the focus of this article is on decision-making on Schengen visa applications. Drawing on in-depth fieldwork, I show that, although common and legally binding acts regulate EU visa policy, cross-national differences persist. However, these diminish when EU visa policy is put into practice thanks to the informal interactions of implementing personnel. A shared understanding of the migratory ‘risk’ is emerging. That is the ‘risk of lawful settlement’ rather than the risk of undocumented migration, despite the claims that visa policy’s objective is stemming irregular migration and although evidence suggests that undocumented migrants are mostly visa over-stayers. Because national state actors share a concern about the border controls that granting visas achieves, and because they confer with one another, the adoption of EU visa policy has transformed them into a ‘community of practice’ and, in the process, they develop and learn ‘local knowledge’ – the specialist expertise that underlines policy implementation. Unlike the link between expert knowledge, epistemic communities and policy formulation, the relationship between local knowledge, inter-organizational communities of practice and policy implementation remains largely understudied.
Tout en restant une activité emblématique de l’exercice de la souveraineté, le contrôle des frontières se réalise de plus en plus avec l’appui de compagnies privées. À partir d’une enquête essentiellement ethnographique, cette... more
Tout en restant une activité emblématique de l’exercice de la souveraineté, le contrôle des frontières se réalise de plus en plus avec l’appui de compagnies privées. À partir d’une enquête essentiellement ethnographique, cette contribution offre une lecture sociologique du processus qui a conduit à l’adoption de la coopération public- privé afin de mettre en œuvre la politique du visa Schengen dans les consulats. L’article montre quelles sont les configurations d’acteurs privés et publics à l’origine de la délé- gation de « tâches administratives » à des entreprises privées. En suivant la fabrication de cette politique, des enceintes européennes jusqu’aux ministères nationaux et les organisations privées et publiques qui la traduisent en pratiques, cet article met en exergue le décalage entre le cadrage qui entend la coopération comme stratégie d’amé- lioration du service public et les logiques étatiques de ce choix. Dans un contexte de réforme des règles européennes, les États signataires de l’accord de Schengen ont utilisé la coopération avec des compagnies privées pour d’autres objectifs : réduire les coûts du contrôle européanisé, se défaire du fardeau de la mise en œuvre, dégager la responsabilité des gouvernants.

THE MARKETIZATION OF THE BORDER: A MATTER OF STATES. PRIVATE COMPANIES AND SCHENGEN VISA POLICY IMPLEMENTATION
Abstract: Border control lies at the core of state sovereignty. Nevertheless, it is often shared with private companies. Based on in-depth ethnographic research, this contribution presents a socio- logical analysis of the process that has lead to the adoption of public-private cooperation as a standard mode of implementing the EU’s visa policy. It reveals the configurations of private and public actors who have been responsible for the delegation of so-called “administrative tasks” to private companies. Having traced the making of EU visa policy, from European arenas to national ministries, and thereby identified the private and public organizations which put the policy into practice, a gap is highligted between the problem framing that interprets public-private cooperation as the improvement of public services and the underlying state logics which have structured this choice. Within the context of the reform of European rules, the member states of the Schengen Agreement have used public-private cooperation for other purposes: diminishing the costs of control induced by new European rules, getting rid of the burden of day-to-day implementation and reducing the responsibility of state actors.
Research Interests:
This panel proposes to analyze the ways in which learning from abroad shapes policy implementation in local settings. Implementation is the process of learning how to deliver policies (Freeman 2006). What is the role that the exchange... more
This panel proposes to analyze the ways in which learning from abroad shapes policy implementation in local settings. Implementation is the process of learning how to deliver policies (Freeman 2006).  What is the role that the exchange with actors pertaining to other organizations, most notably from foreign contexts, plays in local policy implementation? How does exchange happen? Are there transnational arenas in which communities of practitioners gather? Are international and supranational organizations transferring implementation practices or models of ways of doing things? This panel is interested in unpacking such influences to assess whether they are constituted by frames, organizational conditions, local knowledge (Yanow 2004). Its objective is also to question the effects on policy-making on the ground. This panel would like to shift the focus from “transnational administration” (Stone and Ladi 2015) to the effects on policy implementation in national/local settings. This panel aims at unraveling interconnectedness in policy implementation, by following the line of “methodological transnationalism” (Stone and Ladi 2015) and by encouraging “transnational comparisons” (Hassenteufel 2005) privileging continuities rather than discontinuities.
The global diffusion of public policy is a well-established field of research (Dobbin, Simmons, Garret 2007). In an attempt at analyzing and explaining the processes involved in the transfer of ideas and policies across countries, Dolowitz and Marsh (2000) have defined policy transfer in terms of diffusion and uses of knowledge. This panel proposes to stretch the concept of policy transfer by applying it at the implementation stage by questioning the diffusion and uses of knowledge about how to put policy into practice and the effects on policy-making on the ground. This panel puts policy implementation first, meaning that it does not treat policy implementation as a test to verify the effectiveness of policy transfer (Stone 1999). It questions the actors, processes and effects of transfer at the implementation stage.
This panel invites papers that focus on actors, processes and effects of policy transfer at the implementation stage. Who are the actors of transfer? How do they interact and carry knowledge in other settings? What is the role of non-state organizations? To which extent is this knowledge production and sharing visible? What kinds of arenas are relevant? The panel invites papers analyzing the processes whereby knowledge is shared and is carried across borders of polity. Are these processes of inter-organizational socialization or community of practitioners? Finally, the panel would like to shed light on street-level implementation and to understand what happens in day-to-day policy-making. How knowledge is used in local settings? How is it translated? How are new and old elements mixed?   
While we invite submissions that address different policy areas, we particularly encourage submissions covering migration and border control and qualitative studies. Theoretical contributions, empirical contributions, and works in progress are welcome.
Research Interests:
This contribution focuses on the European border viewed from its margins: from the perspective of the western Mediterranean, specifically Morocco, the furthest western country of the area whose name, al-Maghrib, actually means “the west”... more
This contribution focuses on the European border viewed from its margins: from the perspective of the western Mediterranean, specifically Morocco, the furthest western country of the area whose name, al-Maghrib, actually means “the west” in Arabic. It does so by tackling the bureaucratic enactment of the European border that is achieved by implementing EU visa policy. By delivering Schengen visa, bordering already occurs at consular windows in countries of departure. Hence I conceptualize visa policy as bordering policy and visa policy implementation as bordering practice. This article sheds ethnographic light on the making of EU visa policy on the ground by comparing the consulates of Belgium, France, and Italy in Casablanca. It argues that EU visa policy on the ground is state-bound. The analysis highlights visa policy as context-oriented: the means of implementing control must be tailored to its specific context. It shows the historical roots of the bi-lateral relations as factors differentiating this context. The article shows that Moroccan applicants learn cross-national differences and cope with shifting visa policies on the ground. Fieldwork exposes the strategic choices of consulates as an elite practice as well, and cross- national differences that encourage such practices. This empirically sound analysis criticizes the notion that Europeanization of visa policy implies diminishing cross-national differences in the day-to- day implementation and reveals instead Europeanized practices like those of coping with Schengen’s Europe.
Research Interests:
This contribution focuses on the European border viewed from its margins: from the perspective of the western Mediterranean, specifically Morocco, the furthest western country of the area whose name, al-Maghrib, actually means “the west”... more
This contribution focuses on the European border viewed from its margins: from the perspective of the western Mediterranean, specifically Morocco, the furthest western country of the area whose name, al-Maghrib, actually means “the west” in Arabic. It does so by tackling the bureaucratic enactment of the European border that is achieved by implementing EU visa policy. By delivering Schengen visa, bordering already occurs at consular windows in countries of departure. Hence I conceptualize visa policy as bordering policy and visa policy implementation as bordering practice. This article sheds ethnographic light on the making of EU visa policy on the ground by comparing the consulates of Belgium, France, and Italy in Casablanca. It argues that EU visa policy on the ground is state-bound. The analysis highlights visa policy as context-oriented: the means of implementing control must be tailored to its specific context. It shows the historical roots of the bi-lateral relations as factors differentiating this context. The article shows that Moroccan applicants learn cross-national differences and cope with shifting visa policies on the ground. Fieldwork exposes the strategic choices of consulates as an elite practice as well, and cross-national differences that encourage such practices. This empirically sound analysis criticizes the notion that Europeanization of visa policy implies diminishing cross-national differences in the day-to-day implementation and reveals instead Europeanized practices like those of coping with Schengen’s Europe.
Research Interests:
C'est en cherchant les étudiants subsahariens installés pour leurs études au Maroc que j'ai découvert ces<< lieux d'Afrique>>, cosmopolites et métropolitains. Ils attestent bien sûr... more
C'est en cherchant les étudiants subsahariens installés pour leurs études au Maroc que j'ai découvert ces<< lieux d'Afrique>>, cosmopolites et métropolitains. Ils attestent bien sûr alors d'une plus grande complexité des modes de présence africaine au Maroc que ne le ...
For the past 20 years, many stakeholders (researchers, journalists, NGO workers and activists, elected politicians, employees of national administrations and international organizations, etc.) have been observing, documenting, studying... more
For the past 20 years, many stakeholders (researchers, journalists, NGO workers and activists, elected politicians, employees of national administrations and international organizations, etc.) have been observing, documenting, studying and at times condemning the technologization of border controls. Alongside the militarization of borders, traditional control systems are now complemented by the deployment at state borders of increasingly sophisticated technologies (biometrics, robots, walls, integrated surveillance systems, data mining, big data, etc.) to control movements of population groups, goods, capital and information. Analysts of this intensive deployment of technology generally tend to look at the objects of control separately: persons, goods and capital. Yet we should also look into the question of the possible movement and transfer of knowledge and techniques from one of these objects to another. Any analysis of border controls, whatever the object, needs to look at the same questions, namely efficiency, “fraud” and diversion. This conference will, simultaneously and on a cross-cutting basis, consider the technologization of border controls, whether relating to persons, goods or capital.
The technologization of controls is accompanied by both the growing input of data and the mathematization of border procedures and border crossings. “Mathematization” is taken here to mean the progressive representation of borders in an increasingly abstract space, structured by quantitative methods (whether in economics, sociology, etc.), by autonomous information based on its own paradigms (logistics and the need for rapid and lower-cost border crossings) and by a specific form of language (technology as a corpus of knowledge on the techniques and tools of surveillance of persons and objects). That process has given a strong boost to the development of what are known as smart borders programmes, especially in Europe and North America where generalized supervision of all border crossings by persons, goods and capital has been introduced, to satisfy the dual imperative of more fluid movement and the identification of fraud.
So this mathematization of borders gives a representation of their efficiency: algorithms, quantitative studies and technical instruments are used to facilitate human decisions, whether they are about taking the risk of not checking goods that are crossing a border, speeding up the border crossing of objects and persons regarded as safe, anticipating and detecting ‘fraud’, or proposing a scientific analysis of the risk calculation based on the predicted movements of goods and human behaviour.
This mathematization does not involve a temporal (e.g. speed of crossing) or spatial (organization of processes at a specific place such as a point of entry) dimension: it is based on the desire to study the past and imagine the future, to anticipate individual behaviours and practices or the effects of public policies, and to block or ease a border crossing at a specific point, as well as to formulate global governance of trade or security.
This mathematization is also self-nourishing, since its deployment generates the quantitative data necessary to its extension: the surveillance systems are designed to support human decision-making, but at the same time they collect data that make it possible to analyse their own shortcomings and remedy them by the collection of new data. This has led to a growing demand for data on goods and passengers before they cross borders.
Some people regard the automation and autonomization of border surveillance technologies as more reliable than human controls: to them, it seems clear that these technologies could compensate for human error. Others, on the contrary, express concern about this trend. They emphasize the possible abuses in terms of non-accountability and exclusion and the ethical issues that may result from using and generalizing such techniques of surveillance, tracking, interception or confinement. They point to the risk of endangering the rights and freedoms of the mobile populations or States concerned.
The mathematization of borders forms part of a representation common to both its supporters and its detractors, that of highly effective surveillance techniques and their implementing methods, which renders the States and organizations responsible for border surveillance omnipotent, omniscient et omnipresent. It looks very much as though the technical dimension was becoming independent of the social relations that make it up.
That approach is spurious. It is not possible to dissociate surveillance techniques, however successful and automated they may be, from the political, social and economic conditions in which they are first designed then put into effect. Deployed and associated with systems of pre-existing checks and with specific institutional and political stakeholders, they reproduce the contradictions and lack of foresight of the organizations and stakeholders that deploy them. Moreover, in transforming and modifying the organizational environment in which they are deployed and modifying the reality they are intended to check, they create new challenges that those who promote them cannot foresee. Lastly, like any surveillance system, they are often reappropriated and misappropriated not only by the actors who implement them but also by those seeking to elude border surveillance.
This conference therefore has a dual objective: to examine the political and ethical issues related to this technologization of borders, its implementation as well as its misuses, and to show the resulting discrepancy between the representation it produces and the practical reality, in order to understand that to speak of malfunction, or not, is in itself politically significant.
Research Interests:
This book examines the timely topic of controlling the borders of the European Schengen Area. It considers the state perspective on border regulation, subjecting day-to-day practices of EU visa policy implementation to close analytical... more
This book examines the timely topic of controlling the borders of the European Schengen Area. It considers the state perspective on border regulation, subjecting day-to-day practices of EU visa policy implementation to close analytical scrutiny. The objects of the analysis are three European Member States—France, Belgium, and Italy—that implement EU visa policy in Morocco, a country whose nationals are considered to be a migratory ‘risk’ for the EU. The book focuses on the implementation of EU visa policy in the consulates of Belgium, France and Italy in Casablanca. The empirical research and the comparative perspective make this book distinct. The book uses a ‘comprehensive implementation approach’ by taking account of the local, national and supranational locations of policy-making. It builds on in-depth pioneering fieldwork and a comparative research design that includes those three locations. The research design has determined the evolving of the puzzle and the realizing of the unanticipated: cross-national differences diminish when policy is put into practice. Extensive research into the visa sections of those EU Member States provides highly original material that sheds light on the obscure black box of EU visa policy implementation, therefore contributing to policy studies, migration studies, and studies on the European Union.

Benefits:
Focuses on the understudied topic of everyday implementation of EU visa policy, using a comparative perspective
Presents comprehensive and original research on the visa policies of France, Belgium and Italy
Provides a fascinating cross-section of policy-making at the local, national and supranational levels
This book explores the everyday practices of border control and implementation of mobility policy in the European Schengen area by analyzing consular visas services on the edges of the territory. Using an original case study, private... more
This book explores the everyday practices of border control and implementation of mobility policy in the European Schengen area by analyzing consular visas services on the edges of the territory. Using an original case study, private contractors that implement EU visa policy on governments’ behalf, the author focuses on visa application centers located in Morocco and run by the two major contractors of European Member States, the transnational corporations VFSGlobal and TLSContact. The analysis builds on ethnographic research that encompasses the making of EU visa policy at the European, national and local levels. It aims at uncovering the reasons that have led to the adoption of outsourcing as a normal and legitimized mode to implement EU visa policy and the effects of that choice.
Research Interests: