- Departament de Filologia Catalana i Lingüística General
Universitat de Barcelona
Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585
08007 Barcelona, Catalonia, Spain
- Linguistics, Phonetics, Phonology, Filologia Catalana, Languages and Linguistics, Morphology, and 18 moreDialectology, Language Variation, Romance Linguistics, Romance philology, Optimality Theory, Romance Languages, Catalan Studies, Phonetics and Phonology, Hispanic Linguistics, Oromo, Vowel harmony, Language Variation and Change, Epenthesis, Allomorphy, Catalan Language, Phonology-Morphology interface, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), and Theoretical Linguisticsedit
- [https://webgrec.ub.edu/webpages/personal/cat/000832_mrosa.lloret.ub.edu.html]Ph. D. in Linguistics, Indiana Universi... more[https://webgrec.ub.edu/webpages/personal/cat/000832_mrosa.lloret.ub.edu.html]Ph. D. in Linguistics, Indiana University, 1988, with the thesis “Gemination and Vowel Length in Oromo Morphophonology”. Full professor at the Department of Catalan Philology, Universitat de Barcelona, where she began teaching in 1991. Research on phonology, morphology, and linguistic variationedit
In the prevailing linguistic literature, gender is considered as a morphosyntactic property to which agreement is sensitive. Gender is widespread in the world’s languages; there are, however, many languages that lack it, though they may... more
In the prevailing linguistic literature, gender is considered as a morphosyntactic property to which agreement is sensitive. Gender is widespread in the world’s languages; there are, however, many languages that lack it, though they may have systems of noun classification for reasons other than grammatical agreement. Gender agreement is an asymmetrical relation in the sense that one member of the agreement relation (the target) depends on the other member (the controller) for the gender property. The element that governs the relation (nouns and, in some languages, deictic pronouns) has lexical gender, though it is not necessarily arbitrary. Where nominal properties and agreement behaviour suggest different genders, agreement is the decisive indication of gender. The assignment of gender to nouns always has a nucleus in which semantics operates, above all grounded on distinctions of animacy, humanness and biological sex; yet often, formal criteria, either alone or together with semantics, determine gender ascription, with the possibility that the gender of some nouns remains unpredictable. In some languages, gender is expressed in the pronominal system only; the existence of grammatical gender in these languages is controversial. Across the languages of the world, gender shows a great variety in the type of agreeing elements and also in the formal devices employed to mark it.
Research Interests: Sex and Gender, Gender, Morphosyntax, Morphology, Inflection, and 8 moreMorphology (Languages And Linguistics), Inflection, Morphology, Noun inflection, The theory and typology of inflectional morphology, Inflectional Paradigm, Inflectional Morphology, Inflectional Morphemes; Types and Functions, and Nominal Inflection
In Catalan, the existence of submodels of conjugation with augments in all dialects and conjugation classes, along with the limited number of verbs that conjugations II (batre, témer, poder, dir) and IIIa (dormir) have, leads to the... more
In Catalan, the existence of submodels of conjugation with augments in all dialects and conjugation classes, along with the limited number of verbs that conjugations II (batre, témer, poder, dir) and IIIa (dormir) have, leads to the conclusion that two proposals are reasonably possible with regard to the organization of verbal classes. Either one admits that all conjugations display regular subconjugations with augments (velar or palatal) (in line with Viaplana’s 1994 seminal work), or one accepts that regular conjugations are limited to the classes that are productive, i.e., conjugation I (cantar) and, far away, conjugation IIIb (servir) (in line with Ferrater’s 1970 remarks). In any case, based on frequency and dialectal variation, the maintenance of the models of regular conjugation proposed by the traditional grammar (I: cantar; II: batre o témer; IIIa: dormir, IIIb: servir) does not seem operative any more. With these observations in mind, the aim of this paper is twofold: on the one hand, to revise the traditional and dialectological motivations that still sustain the verbal classification and, on the other, to rethink the traditional models of regular conjugation in the light of language teaching efficiency.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Iberian Studies, Morphology, and 15 moreHispanic Linguistics, Inflection, Romance Linguistics, Llengua catalana, Romance Languages, Verbal Morphology, Filologia Catalana, Conjugation, Romance, Romance Studies, The theory and typology of inflectional morphology, Romance Languages and Literatures, Verbal Inflectional Morphology, Catalan Language and Literature, and Inflectional Morphology
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Resumen Con la desaparición del género neutro en el paso del latín a las lenguas románicas, los adjetivos latinos de tres terminaciones se adaptaron en catalán como adjetivos de dos ter-minaciones, normalmente con las marcas Ø para el... more
Resumen Con la desaparición del género neutro en el paso del latín a las lenguas románicas, los adjetivos latinos de tres terminaciones se adaptaron en catalán como adjetivos de dos ter-minaciones, normalmente con las marcas Ø para el masculino y-a para el femenino, como en clar-Ø 'claro' ~ clar-a 'clara'; este patrón es transparente y máximamente icónico. Los adjetivos de dos terminaciones, en cambio, se convirtieron en invariables, como en catalán antiguo fort-Ø 'fuerte'. El sincretismo de género, a pesar de los problemas de iconicidad y transparencia que genera, podría mantenerse si las clases invariables estuvieran definidas por propiedades extramorfológicas que contribuyeran a su estabilidad, como sucede en español con la terminación-e, que permite adscribir los adjetivos a la clase de invariables (por ej., fuerte). En catalán, sin embargo, la ausencia de terminaciones específicas para los invariables agrava los problemas de iconicidad y transparencia de estas formas, por lo que la tendencia a crear femeninos analógicos (como fort-a 'fuerte, fem.') es más fuerte que en español. //
Abstract Due to the loss of the neutral gender in the evolution from Latin to Romance languages, three-ending Latin adjectives were adapted as two-ending adjectives in Catalan, usually with the marks Ø in the masculine and-a in the feminine, as in clar 'clear, masc.' ~ clar-a 'clear, fem.'; this pattern is transparent and maximally iconic. Two-ending Latin adjectives became invariable instead, as in old Catalan fort-Ø 'strong', giving rise to gender syncretic forms, which lack transparency and iconicity. Despite the naturalness challenges raised by syncretism, it can be maintained if invariable classes are defined by extramorpholog-ical properties that enhance their stability, as is the case of Spanish with the ending-e determining membership to the invariable gender class (e.g., fuert-e 'strong'). In Catalan, though, the lack of exclusive endings for invariable adjectives worsens their iconicity and transparency, and so the tendency to create analogical feminine forms (e.g., fort-a 'strong, fem.') is stronger than in Spanish.
Abstract Due to the loss of the neutral gender in the evolution from Latin to Romance languages, three-ending Latin adjectives were adapted as two-ending adjectives in Catalan, usually with the marks Ø in the masculine and-a in the feminine, as in clar 'clear, masc.' ~ clar-a 'clear, fem.'; this pattern is transparent and maximally iconic. Two-ending Latin adjectives became invariable instead, as in old Catalan fort-Ø 'strong', giving rise to gender syncretic forms, which lack transparency and iconicity. Despite the naturalness challenges raised by syncretism, it can be maintained if invariable classes are defined by extramorpholog-ical properties that enhance their stability, as is the case of Spanish with the ending-e determining membership to the invariable gender class (e.g., fuert-e 'strong'). In Catalan, though, the lack of exclusive endings for invariable adjectives worsens their iconicity and transparency, and so the tendency to create analogical feminine forms (e.g., fort-a 'strong, fem.') is stronger than in Spanish.
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This article presents the main tenets of the Parallel Structures Model (Morén, 2003, 2006), a recently new autosegmental model, and applies it, for the first time, to the analysis of some phonological phenomena in Spanish. In particular,... more
This article presents the main tenets of the Parallel Structures Model (Morén, 2003, 2006), a recently new autosegmental model, and applies it, for the first time, to the analysis of some phonological phenomena in Spanish. In particular, the paper illustrates the explanatory advantages of adopting the Parallel Structures Model in the analysis of the realizations of /s/ in coda followed by a voiceless stop within a word, because the wide range of realizations reported for such contexts in aspirant varieties of Spanish poses an interesting challenge to representational theories concerned with the internal structure of segments.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Romance philology, Spanish Linguistics, Hispanic Linguistics, and 10 moreLinguistics, Phonological Theory, Romance Linguistics, Hispanic Studies, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Andalusian Studies, Filología Hispánica, Romance Languages and Literatures, and Andalusian Language
En este artículo se discuten algunos fenómenos singulares que presenta la fonología del catalán en comparación con otras lenguas románicas, con la finalidad de investigar los efectos graduales que pueden presentar los fenómenos... more
En este artículo se discuten algunos fenómenos singulares que presenta la fonología del catalán en comparación con otras lenguas románicas, con la finalidad de investigar los efectos graduales que pueden presentar los fenómenos lingüísticos así como la manera en que interactúan los factores que condicionan la variación detectada en las variedades románicas. En concreto, se analizan distintos sistemas de reducción vocálica, desde la perspectiva de la correlación entre prominencia segmental, prosódica y secuencial; la neutralización de sonoridad entre palabras que afecta a las obstruyentes finales prevocálicas, desde la perspectiva de la coherencia segmental y de la prominencia secuencial, y un proceso de lenición que experimentan algunas africadas en posición intervocálica. El objetivo final es demostrar que los distintos sistemas documentados no obedecen al azar, sino a patrones inclusivos controlados por determinadas características universales.
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Catalan has a [ʒ] ~ [t͡ʃ] alternation that has traditionally been viewed as the consequence of final affrication of an underlying /ʒ/, a fortition operation, followed by general devoicing of obstruents. This interpretation has been held... more
Catalan has a [ʒ] ~ [t͡ʃ] alternation that has traditionally been viewed as the consequence of final affrication of an underlying /ʒ/, a fortition operation, followed by general devoicing of obstruents. This interpretation has been held in classical generative rule-based approaches and also in autosegmental models, amounting either to a highly specific process or, when an attempt is made to generalize it, to wrong predictions; these shortcomings are also applicable to optimality-theoretic analyses. Following ideas in Wheeler (2005) we propose that underlying affricates are subject to intervocalic lenition triggered by independently motivated general constraints. Sequences of a stop followed by a fricative can become affricates but cannot be affected by lenition. The interaction between affricates and gemination is also discussed.
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Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Phonetics, Dialectology, and 12 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Optimality Theory, Acoustic Phonetics, Language Variation, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Phonetics and Phonology, Harmonic Serialism, Voicing assimilation, Filologia Catalana, Voicing, Catalan Language and Literature, and Consonants
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Languages and Linguistics, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Linguistics, and 11 moreInflection, Romance Linguistics, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Romance Languages, Filologia Catalana, Inflection, Morphology, Inflectional Paradigm, Catalan Language and Literature, Inflectional Classes, Inflectional Morphology, and Defectiveness
One major research question in Optimality Theory (OT) that directly tackles phenomena at the interface of phonology and morphology is whether the model should allow intermediate levels of representation or not. This chapter takes on this... more
One major research question in Optimality Theory (OT) that directly tackles phenomena at the interface of phonology and morphology is whether the model should allow intermediate levels of representation or not. This chapter takes on this discussion by presenting phenomena from Romance languages that challenge the parallel version of OT, in order to contrast the additional mechanisms proposed to maintain parallelism (especially, output-to-output constraints of several kinds and alignment constraints) with the analyses provided within different serial (stratal, derivational or cyclic) versions of OT. A further issue discussed under the light of parallel and serial versions of OT is the mechanism for phonologically conditioned allomorph selection. The data include, among others, French adjectival liaison, definite article allomorphy in Galician and Italian, Spanish diphthongization, vowel reduction and epenthesis in Catalan, and palatalization in Romanian.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Languages and Linguistics, Spanish, Phonology, Catalan Language, and 29 moreItalian Studies, Galician Studies, Romance philology, Applied Linguistics, French language, Romanian Studies, French linguistics, Spanish Linguistics, Hispanic Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Romanian Language, Phonology-Morphology interface, Romance Linguistics, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), French, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Spanish Language, Hispanic Studies, Romance Languages, Galician language, Romanian, Italian Linguistics, French Phonetics and Phonology, Allomorphy, Filología Hispánica, Romanian Linguistics, Italian Articles Allomorphy, Romance Languages and Literatures, and French Linguistics (Morphology)
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Spanish Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Morphology, and 15 moreSpanish Linguistics, Hispanic Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Vowel harmony, Language Variation, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Morphophonology, Filologia Catalana, Allomorphy, Interfaces, Filología Hispánica, Epenthesis, Lingüística Hispánica, Morphophonological Processes, and Morphophonemics
Algherese Catalan has the peculiarity of presenting an inserted [i] vowel across words in order to avoid certain consonant codas. In this study, we compare five acoustic features of this epenthetic segment (i.e., duration, intensity, and... more
Algherese Catalan has the peculiarity of presenting an inserted [i] vowel across words in order to avoid certain consonant codas. In this study, we compare five acoustic features of this epenthetic segment (i.e., duration, intensity, and the three first formants) with those of lexical /i/ vowels, both stressed and unstressed. The results indicate that the three vowels present differences only with respect to duration, F2 and, to a lesser extent, F3. The second formant values decline progressively from the lexical stressed vowels to the inserted unstressed segments, with lexical unstressed segments at an intermediate point. This gradation mirrors the relative prominence of each vowel. The differences in F2 between lexical stressed and unstressed vowels can be attributed to the shorter duration of the later segments. Lexical unstressed and inserted vowels, however, have an equivalent duration, challenging the idea that inserted vowels are more centralized due to their shorter duration. All in all, the data point to a double contrast: first, between lexical stressed and unstressed segments and, second, between unstressed segments.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Phonetics, Dialectology, and 27 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Laboratory/Experimental Phonology, Phonetics-Phonology Interface, Acoustic Phonetics, Language Variation, Linguistic Variation, Vowel phonetics, Llengua catalana, Phonetics and Phonology, Experimental Phonetics, Vowel System, Fonética, Vowels, Filologia Catalana, Epenthetic Vowels, Vowel Duration, Epenthesis, Descriptive Phonetics, Fonetic&fonology, Fonetik, Fonología, Fonologia, Studio Di Fonologia, Fonetica Acustica, Formants, Catalan Language and Literature, and Vowel Formants
In this article we present the most relevant new aspects from the COD2 project, which is based on an oral dialectal corpus of contemporary Catalan created as a continuation of the first COD compiled two decades before. In the first place,... more
In this article we present the most relevant new aspects from the COD2 project, which is based on an oral dialectal corpus of contemporary Catalan created as a continuation of the first COD compiled two decades before. In the first place, the new project intends to analyze the changes undergone by the Catalan language during this period. In second place, we no longer center the linguistic analysis on the traditional generativist techniques but on the tenets of Optimality Theory. And, finally, we use new dialectometric techniques based principally on probabilistic analytical procedures.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Catalan Language, Dialectology, and 14 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Romance philology, Corpus Linguistics, Linguistics, Romance Linguistics, Language Variation, Linguistic Variation, Dialectometry, Romance Languages, Filologia Catalana, Linguistic variation and change, Linguistic Distance, Dialectología, and Variación Lingüística
The position of the appreciative/evaluative derivation within morphology is exceptional, because, although the limited information that grammars and dictionaries reveal as for its formation and use, speakers freely use evaluative forms in... more
The position of the appreciative/evaluative derivation within morphology is exceptional, because, although the limited information that grammars and dictionaries reveal as for its formation and use, speakers freely use evaluative forms in familiar and informal contexts and often create new words without the restraints traditionally imposed by the grammatical norms. As we will see, although the shape of these forms presents some variation, it complies with some well-defined constraints. This paper presents new data in this field collected through traditional corpora and internet, with a two-fold aim. The first purpose is to thoroughly examine the morphological characteristics of the appreciative suffixation in Catalan, with especial reference to the categories that are usually ignored in the literature (i.e., evaluative forms derived from categories other than nouns, adjectives and verbs). The second purpose has to do with the distributional restrictions that traditional words and new words show with respect to the endings they allow, in order to identify which true nominal inflectional marks Catalan has.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Morphology, Inflection, and 13 moreRomance Linguistics, Romance Languages, Filologia Catalana, Diminutives, Appreciative Morphology, Derivational Morphology, Neologisms, Evaluative morphology, Neologia, Diminutives, Augmentatives, Evaluative Morphology, Neology, Diminutivos, and Appreciative Suffixes
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The aim of this work is to present an overview of the main approaches to phonologicalvariation, both categorical and optional, that have been put forward within Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 2004). There are other overviews in... more
The aim of this work is to present an overview of the main approaches to phonologicalvariation, both categorical and optional, that have been put forward within Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, 2004). There are other overviews in the literature (e.g. Anttila, 2007), but the present discussion focuses on the phenomena found in the weakening processes that fi nal consonants exhibit in Spanish. Special attention is paid to the behavior of the sibilant /s/ because there are many qualitative and quantitative studies that thoroughly describe its weakening in the zones where this phenomenon occurs.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Spanish, Phonology, Language Variation and Change, Spanish Linguistics, and 22 moreHispanic Linguistics, Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Romance Linguistics, Language Variation, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Linguistic Variation, Lingüística, Hispanic Studies, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Español, Consonant Deletion, Filología Hispánica, Estudios Hispánicos, Fonología, Fonologia, Filologia Hispanica, Fonetica Y Fonologia Del Espanol, Optionality, Consonants, and Sibilants
ABSTRACT. The aim of this paper is to present the synchronic effects of voicing assimilation in some Romance languages and to analyze the constraints -the regularities- that underlie beyond the observed variation. Since the extent of the... more
ABSTRACT. The aim of this paper is to present the synchronic effects of voicing assimilation in some Romance languages and to analyze the constraints -the regularities- that underlie beyond the observed variation. Since the extent of the phenomena is conditioned by the domain in which they appear, inside the word or across words, and by the constraints affecting obstruents in coda position and in onsets, we try to determine the common features of the different assimilatory processes.
RESUMEN. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar los efectos sincrónicos de la asimilación de sonoridad en las lenguas romances y analizar los principios – las regularidades – que subyacen en la variación observada. Como la exégesis del fenómeno se verá condicionada por el dominio de aplicación, dentro de la palabra o entre palabras, y por su engranaje con los cambios que afectan a las obstruyentes en posición de coda y en posición de ataque, apuntamos en primer lugar las características comunes a los fenómenos de asimilación.
RESUMEN. El objetivo de este trabajo es presentar los efectos sincrónicos de la asimilación de sonoridad en las lenguas romances y analizar los principios – las regularidades – que subyacen en la variación observada. Como la exégesis del fenómeno se verá condicionada por el dominio de aplicación, dentro de la palabra o entre palabras, y por su engranaje con los cambios que afectan a las obstruyentes en posición de coda y en posición de ataque, apuntamos en primer lugar las características comunes a los fenómenos de asimilación.
Research Interests: Phonology, Catalan Language, Italian Studies, Portuguese Studies, Romance philology, and 14 moreFrench language, Spanish Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Romanian Language, Phonological Theory, Romance Linguistics, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Galician language, Sardinian language, Romanian, Occitan Language, and Consonants
This paper provides a review of the analyses that have been proposed in the literature of Catalan (and Spanish) for the morphological nature of the nominal endings. In the light of new data corcerning the endings that derivative suffixes... more
This paper provides a review of the analyses that have been proposed in the literature of Catalan (and Spanish) for the morphological nature of the nominal endings. In the light of new data corcerning the endings that derivative suffixes show as well as new creationsfound in appreciative derivation, an analysis is proposed according to which a few endings are related to nominal class markers (namely: ‘zero’, -o, -e and -[w] for class I / masculines, with the lexical ordering {Ø > o > e, w}, and -a and ‘zero´ for class II / femenines, with the lexical ordering {a > Ø} ), while alternative interpretations are given for all other marginal endings.
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While in a wide range of phonological theories preservation under prominence is a well noticed effect, there are few explanations for the accumulation of prominent properties in a particular position. Both tendencies, however, as well as... more
While in a wide range of phonological theories preservation under prominence is a well noticed effect, there are few explanations for the accumulation of prominent properties in a particular position. Both tendencies, however, as well as their interaction, are particularly suited to formal expression within Optimality Theory. The aim of this paper is to show that the word-initial position is a site of vowel preservation (Positional Faithfulness) and a point of attraction of salient features (Positional Markedness). The focus is on the less familiar effect of get-together prominent elements in order to shed new light on several vocalic adjustments that have been unsatisfactorily explained in the traditional literature of Romance languages.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Spanish Linguistics, and 14 moreHispanic Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Loanword Phonology, Romance Linguistics, Italian (Languages And Linguistics), Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Galician language, Vowels, Filologia Catalana, Clitics, Epenthesis, and Loanwords
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Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Spanish Linguistics, and 11 moreHispanic Linguistics, Romance Linguistics, Italian (Languages And Linguistics), Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Galician language, Vowels, Filologia Catalana, Clitics, Filología Hispánica, and Epenthesis
"In recent years, dialectometry has gained interest among Catalan dialectologists. As a consequence, a specific dialectometric approach has been developed at the University of Barcelona, which aims at increasing the accuracy of final... more
"In recent years, dialectometry has gained interest among Catalan dialectologists. As a consequence, a specific dialectometric approach has been developed at the University of Barcelona,
which aims at increasing the accuracy of final groupings by means of discriminating the predictable components of the language from its unpredictable ones. Another popular method to obtain dialect distances is the Levenshtein distance (LD) which has never been applied to a Catalan corpus so far. The goal of this paper is to present the results of applying the LD to a corpus of Catalan linguistic data, and to compare the results from this analysis both with the results from Barcelona and the traditional
classifications of Catalan dialectology."
which aims at increasing the accuracy of final groupings by means of discriminating the predictable components of the language from its unpredictable ones. Another popular method to obtain dialect distances is the Levenshtein distance (LD) which has never been applied to a Catalan corpus so far. The goal of this paper is to present the results of applying the LD to a corpus of Catalan linguistic data, and to compare the results from this analysis both with the results from Barcelona and the traditional
classifications of Catalan dialectology."
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Vowel harmony is an assimilatory phenomenon that entails, in general, articulatory benefits for the speaker and perceptual benefits for the listener, although these gains bring about the weakening or even the deletion of the underlying... more
Vowel harmony is an assimilatory phenomenon that entails, in general, articulatory benefits for the speaker and perceptual benefits for the listener, although these gains bring about the weakening or even the deletion of the underlying properties of the harmonized vowels. Because of that, the parameters that control the extension of the spread features must determine, in each case, which are the causes that favor the homogenization in spite of the concomitant loss of information. The aim of this work is to review, with examples taken from the Romance languages spoken in the Iberian Peninsula, some of the characteristics shared by the different attested phenomena of vowel harmony, in order to establish a typology of harmonic patterns.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Phonetics, Romance philology, and 13 moreMorphology, Spanish Linguistics, Hispanic Linguistics, Vowel harmony, Romance Linguistics, Language Variation, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Asturian language, Filologia Catalana, Filología Hispánica, Llingua Asturiana, and Lengua asturiana
Brief description of the phonology of Catalan (Romance language).
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This work presents an analysis of vowel harmony in Andalusian Spanish within the framework of Optimality Theory. The approach we pursue fits well in the positional licensing or markedness view, according to which harmony attempts to... more
This work presents an analysis of vowel harmony in Andalusian Spanish within the framework of Optimality Theory. The approach we pursue fits well in the positional licensing or markedness view, according to which harmony attempts to improve the perceptibility of features that originally appear in structurally weak positions (such as unstressed syllables) by spreading them to structural positions that are relatively stronger (such as stressed syllables). In the Andalusian harmony case, the spread of the ‘open’ ([–Advanced Tongue Root]) feature —grown out of the weakening of -// or -//— from the final unstressed vowel to the precedent stressed vowel minimally guarantees its perceptibility. The extension of this feature to posttonic and pretonic vowels further increases the perceptibility of the harmonic feature and gives rise to different harmonic patterns, which turn to be homogeneous or heterogeneous depending on specific harmonic domain restrictions. In the optimal analysis we propose, the re-ranking of constraints predicts not only the attested harmonic patterns but also the impossibility of deriving the non-attested ones, which proves the suitability of the theoretical model used here.
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Broadly speaking, assimilation leads to articulatory benefits —it diminishes the number of gestures— as well as to perceptual gains —it increases the perceptibility of the spread features. In this work we concentrate on two tangential... more
Broadly speaking, assimilation leads to articulatory benefits —it diminishes the number of gestures— as well as to perceptual gains —it increases the perceptibility of the spread features. In this work we concentrate on two tangential properties of assimilatory processes while reviewing different phenomena related to voicing assimilation in Catalan. First, we will show that elements that alter their features usually appear in a less prominent position than elements that initiate the change. Second, we will show that more
similar elements are more prone to interact among them. Overall, we provide new insights on the much-debated issue of voicing neutralization, within a parallel, non-serial version of Optimality Theory.
similar elements are more prone to interact among them. Overall, we provide new insights on the much-debated issue of voicing neutralization, within a parallel, non-serial version of Optimality Theory.
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It has long been noticed that more perceptible elements tend to associate to positions that are structurally stronger to the end that several prominent features converge in the same site; and vice versa: elements of low perceptibility... more
It has long been noticed that more perceptible elements tend to associate to positions that are structurally stronger to the end that several prominent features converge in the same site; and vice versa: elements of low perceptibility prototypically associate to less prominent positions (positional markedness). The main aim of this paper is to present the effects of positional markedness in the a-tonic vowel system of Catalan through the analysis of two cases that have not been studied in depth, i.e. the occurrence of different epenthetic vowels according to the position in which they appear in Alghero and western Catalan, and the presence of different patterns of vowel reduction in western Catalan. We further extend the analysis to cases of deletion in eastern Catalan as well as to cases of contextual epenthesis and vowel reduction in other languages.
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In this paper, we present data from Alghero Catalan (with different epenthetic vowels in words and across words) and western Catalan (with different epenthetic vowels word-initially and elsewhere in words) to support the view that the... more
In this paper, we present data from Alghero Catalan (with different epenthetic vowels in words and across words) and western Catalan (with different epenthetic vowels word-initially and elsewhere in words) to support the view that the selection of epenthesis in languages with more than one epenthetic vowel quality (an uncommon pattern cross-linguistically) can be determined by the prominence associated to the vowel-sonority hierarchy and by the structural strength of epenthetic sites (cf. de Lacy 2002). We argue for an extension of the head/non-head categories to additional structural positions, including the stray position off the prosodic word. Prominence is further used to account for other position-sensitive processes, such as vowel reduction and obstruent voice neutralisation. Sonority differences in obstruents are employed to motivate epenthesis as well as voice neutralisation, adding to the claim that sibilant fricatives rank higher than other obstruents in the sonority scale. Our analysis allows for an integrated coverage of all the facts and provides support for a parallel OT.
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The verbal morphology of Algherese Catalan does not show overt inflection in the 1st person singular present indicative (mat 'I kill'', trob 'I find'). These forms are maintained without epenthesis even when they violate phonotactics... more
The verbal morphology of Algherese Catalan does not show overt inflection in the 1st person singular present indicative (mat 'I kill'', trob 'I find'). These forms are maintained without epenthesis even when they violate phonotactics constraints (obr 'I open', compr 'I buy'), for which reason they have been previosuly analyzed as onsets of empty-nuclei syllables. As for other word-final processes, however, they mainly behave as codas (i.e. final devoicing: tro[p], o[pr]; word final depalatalization: ball [bal] 'I dance', bany [ban] 'I have a bath'). In this paper, I review previous analyses critically and present an alternative approach to these peculiar forms under the light of paradigm uniformity and constrast.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Catalan Language, Romance philology, and 11 moreHispanic Linguistics, Linguistics, Romance Linguistics, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Romance Languages, Filologia Catalana, Inflection, Morphology, Filologia romanza, Alghero, Romance Languages and Literatures, and Verbal Inflectional Morphology
This paper argues that the apparent exceptional behavior that is found in insular Catalan verbs is due to paradigm uniformity effects. The emphasis is on the failure of epenthesis in suffix-less forms that violate the sonority... more
This paper argues that the apparent exceptional behavior that is found in insular Catalan verbs is due to paradigm uniformity effects. The emphasis is on the failure of epenthesis in suffix-less forms that violate the sonority constraints, but a preliminary treatment of other interesting facts (final devoicing, gliding, dialectal variation) is also given. It is argued that the Optimal Paradigms model (McCarthy 2001), which establishes intra-paradigmatic symmetric correspondence relations, captures these facts through output-output faithfulness constraints that level paradigms unless they are ruled out by high-ranked markedness requirements. The differences between nouns and verbs are derived from the organization of their paradigms.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Language Variation and Change, Romance philology, and 12 moreMorphology, Optimality Theory, Phonology-Morphology interface, Inflection, Romance Linguistics, Romance Languages, Verbal Morphology, Filologia Catalana, Epenthetic Vowels, Verbs, Epenthesis, and Verbal Inflectional Morphology
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The goal of this paper is to show that, although variation sometimes affects a small number of items, it never is completely arbitrary. It is rather conditioned by the grammatical system of a language (qualitative factors) and the... more
The goal of this paper is to show that, although variation sometimes affects a small number of items, it never is completely arbitrary. It is rather conditioned by the grammatical system of a language (qualitative factors) and the quantitative effects that this grammatical system causes when it applies to a specific lexicon. Examples are drawn primarily from the verbal system of Balearic Catalan. The analysis of the data further shows that, even though retrospectively it is possible to explain why variation occurs under certain circumstances, it does not seem possible to predict which change will inevitably take place in a given situation.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Catalan Language, Language Variation and Change, and 11 moreRomance philology, Iberian Studies, Hispanic Linguistics, Inflection, Romance Linguistics, Language Variation, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Language Change, Lingüística, Romance Languages, and Filologia Catalana
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Morphological variation can be considered to take place in two levels: on a superficial level of phonetic nature and on a deep level of phonological nature. This study addresses the deep level of morphological variation, of morphological... more
Morphological variation can be considered to take place in two levels: on a superficial level of phonetic nature and on a deep level of phonological nature. This study addresses the deep level of morphological variation, of morphological variation strictly speaking.
It focuses on the variations of the morphological variables, that is to say, on the actual realizations of morphological variation. There are two kinds of morphological variations: of formal and of grammatical nature. Formal morphological variations are those with a phonological representations in which morphological variation is present. These are existing morphological variations. Grammatical morphological variations are those which determine several formal variations in the declention of words. These morphological variations not readily available, but that become available through the corresponding formal morphological variations. Both kinds of variations are analyzed in terms of typology and of class.
It focuses on the variations of the morphological variables, that is to say, on the actual realizations of morphological variation. There are two kinds of morphological variations: of formal and of grammatical nature. Formal morphological variations are those with a phonological representations in which morphological variation is present. These are existing morphological variations. Grammatical morphological variations are those which determine several formal variations in the declention of words. These morphological variations not readily available, but that become available through the corresponding formal morphological variations. Both kinds of variations are analyzed in terms of typology and of class.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Languages and Linguistics, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Morphology, and 9 moreInflection, Romance Linguistics, Romance Languages, Filologia Catalana, Inflection, Morphology, The theory and typology of inflectional morphology, Romance Languages and Literatures, Verbal Inflectional Morphology, and Inflectional Morphology
The study sets out a decription of the phonological system of Oromo. It includes a presentation of the sounds and phonemes of the language and the way they tend to combine, as well as a description and classification of regular and... more
The study sets out a decription of the phonological system of Oromo. It includes a presentation of the sounds and phonemes of the language and the way they tend to combine, as well as a description and classification of regular and contextually well-defined processes of sound change. Suprasegmental patterns are described in less detail. The description is based on the Western dialects, among which Mechaa (spoken in the Wellegga area) is the major representative. Dialectal variation is pointed out whenever significant correspondences can be established through the descriptions of previous works.
Research Interests: Phonology, Cushitic Linguistics, Glottalisation, Phonetics of Ejectives, Phonetics and Phonology, and 15 moreAfroAsiatic, Vowels, Cushitic, Vowel Length, Glottalization, Vowels Lengthening, Afroasiatic linguistics, Oromo, Afroasiatic Linguistics, Cushitic Languages, Historica, Vowel Length Alternations, Oromo(language/linguistics and Literature, Lenguas afroasiaticas, Consonants, Afroasiatic Languages and Literaturees, and Comparative Afroasiatics
In southeastern peninsular Spanish (spoken in the eastern Andalusian provinces of Almería, Granada, Córdoba and Jaén, as well as in the neighboring region of Murcia), the loss of some final consonants —or their weakening to [h]— is... more
In southeastern peninsular Spanish (spoken in the eastern Andalusian provinces of Almería, Granada, Córdoba and Jaén, as well as in the neighboring region of Murcia), the loss of some final consonants —or their weakening to [h]— is compensated by lowering the preceding vowel (and further /a/ fronting), as in mes [ˈmɛ] ‘month’. The open character of the rightmost vowel may extend to the preceding syllables, providing a rich array of harmony processes. In all attested patterns, harmony proceeds leftwards and usually from a weak position (the final unstressed vowel) to a strong position (the stressed vowel), as in nenes [ˈnɛnɛ] ‘boys’ (cf. nene [ˈnene] ‘boy’). However, the scope of harmony shows noteworthy divergences within and across varieties, which fall into two main patterns: one that imposes phonological requirements (as in the Granada and Murcia varieties) and another that additionally places specific morphological conditions (as in the Jaén variety).
In this presentation, we will begin by briefly reviewing the conditionings of such harmonies, considering three factors (in line with Jiménez & Lloret’s 2020 work). First, the nature of the final consonant that concomitantly opens the rightmost vowel. Second, the conditionings on the possible triggers and targets of harmony. Third, the domains of harmony.
We will then concentrate on the results of the Granada variety, which shows variable patterns with respect to the domain in which harmony applies, targeting minimally stressed nonhigh vowels (e.g., tréboles [ˈtɾɛβolɛ] ‘clovers’, comemos [koˈmɛmɔ] ‘we eat’), and variably posttonic and pretonic nonhigh vowels (e.g., [ˈtɾɛβɔlɛ], [kɔˈmɛmɔ]). These data has contributed much to the debate on how the harmonizing features are transmitted and what drives metaphony, with favorable results for positional licensing approaches (e.g., Walker 2005, 2011; Lloret & Jiménez 2009; Kaplan 2018, 2021; Jiménez & Lloret 2020)
In previous works, enclitic pronouns (in clitic groups with a single pronoun) are described as triggering and targeting harmony under the same conditions (e.g., recógelos [reˈkɔhelɔ] ~ [reˈkɔhɛlɔ] ~ [rɛˈkɔhɛlɔ] ‘gather them’), but much less is said for proclitic pronouns and for the combination of two clitics. Hence, the main goal of this talk will be to complement the existing descriptions with clitic-group outcomes in order to check the suitability of previous analyses on the light of these new data set.
In this presentation, we will begin by briefly reviewing the conditionings of such harmonies, considering three factors (in line with Jiménez & Lloret’s 2020 work). First, the nature of the final consonant that concomitantly opens the rightmost vowel. Second, the conditionings on the possible triggers and targets of harmony. Third, the domains of harmony.
We will then concentrate on the results of the Granada variety, which shows variable patterns with respect to the domain in which harmony applies, targeting minimally stressed nonhigh vowels (e.g., tréboles [ˈtɾɛβolɛ] ‘clovers’, comemos [koˈmɛmɔ] ‘we eat’), and variably posttonic and pretonic nonhigh vowels (e.g., [ˈtɾɛβɔlɛ], [kɔˈmɛmɔ]). These data has contributed much to the debate on how the harmonizing features are transmitted and what drives metaphony, with favorable results for positional licensing approaches (e.g., Walker 2005, 2011; Lloret & Jiménez 2009; Kaplan 2018, 2021; Jiménez & Lloret 2020)
In previous works, enclitic pronouns (in clitic groups with a single pronoun) are described as triggering and targeting harmony under the same conditions (e.g., recógelos [reˈkɔhelɔ] ~ [reˈkɔhɛlɔ] ~ [rɛˈkɔhɛlɔ] ‘gather them’), but much less is said for proclitic pronouns and for the combination of two clitics. Hence, the main goal of this talk will be to complement the existing descriptions with clitic-group outcomes in order to check the suitability of previous analyses on the light of these new data set.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Phonetics, Romance philology, Spanish Linguistics, and 14 moreHispanic Linguistics, Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Vowel harmony, Phonology-Morphology interface, Romance Linguistics, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Lingüística, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Vowels, Filología Hispánica, Romance Languages and Literatures, and Lengua Y Literaturas Hispánicas
Catalan contrasts two alveolar rhotics only intervocalically: a tap (pa[ɾ]a ‘stop.IMP’) and a trill (pa[r]a ‘grapevine’). The contrast is neutralized elsewhere. The trill systematically appears as the first element of an onset... more
Catalan contrasts two alveolar rhotics only intervocalically: a tap (pa[ɾ]a ‘stop.IMP’) and a trill (pa[r]a ‘grapevine’). The contrast is neutralized elsewhere. The trill systematically appears as the first element of an onset root-initially ([r]oca ‘rock’) and after a consonant (hon[r]a ‘honor’). The tap usually appears as the second element of a complex onset (t[ɾ]enta ‘thirty’) and word-finally before vowel-initial words (co[ɾ] obert ‘open heart’). The main locus of variation between both realizations is the coda position.
This study is based on the distribution of rhotics in three Catalan dialects: Algherese, Central Catalan, and Valencian. We focus on the study of two contexts: contexts in which variation typically occurs and contexts exhibiting less common changes such as lambdacism (or lateralization) and rhotacism derived from other consonants, which have been the focus of renewed interest lately (Pons-Moll 2008, 2011; Cabrera-Callís 2014).
We depart from previous claims according to which the overall distribution of rhotics depends on sonority-related segmental preferences for syllabification (Bonet & Mascaró 1997; Pons-Moll 2008, 2011). As a novelty, we show that any deviation from these tendencies derives from uniformity effects or contextually-marked and prominence-driven constraints taking precedence over sonority conditions.
Departing from spectrographic data of the least well-known phenomena, we incardinate our analysis in an Optimality-Theoretic framework. We expect that the tap, more sonorous, appears in margin 2 (M2), that is, in the second position of an onset (trenta) and in the first position of a coda (cor, arc ‘arch’, cor ple ‘full heart’) (Baertsch 2002). Although consonants appearing intervocalically occupy the first position of an onset (a margin 1, M1), the cross-linguistic preference for more sonorous segments to appear in that position as well (Uffmann 2007) upholds the presence of taps in intervocalic M1 (para, cor obert) (Pons-Moll 2011). Instead, the trill should be reserved for the remaining M1: the initial position of non-intervocalic onsets (roca, honra). This is approximately the pattern found in Valencian Catalan.
Divergences from this pattern in Central Catalan and Algherese stem from requirements not related to the sonority of rhotics. Central Catalan limits the contexts in which the tap can show up through the activation of contextual and prominence constraints above the constraint disfavoring trills in M2. Algherese presents further intricacies, but what singles out this dialect is the maximization of the contexts in which trills may occur. This result is obtained through the activation of constraints pursuing consistency in all rhotic realizations. The same constraints suggested for the distribution of rhotics can account for the outcomes of liquid neutralization in Algherese, selecting the most sonorous segment available in each position: [ɾ] in M2 generally, but the lateral [l] in preconsonantal codas.
In sum, Catalan dialects provide rich evidence for the variability of rhotics. Nevertheless, the variation that is found is far from random: there is an inclusive relationship between the contexts in which the tap can appear, in the order Algherese ⊂ Central Catalan ⊂ Valencian, indicating that the intervention of additional constraints progressively narrows the contexts in which this realization can occur.
This study is based on the distribution of rhotics in three Catalan dialects: Algherese, Central Catalan, and Valencian. We focus on the study of two contexts: contexts in which variation typically occurs and contexts exhibiting less common changes such as lambdacism (or lateralization) and rhotacism derived from other consonants, which have been the focus of renewed interest lately (Pons-Moll 2008, 2011; Cabrera-Callís 2014).
We depart from previous claims according to which the overall distribution of rhotics depends on sonority-related segmental preferences for syllabification (Bonet & Mascaró 1997; Pons-Moll 2008, 2011). As a novelty, we show that any deviation from these tendencies derives from uniformity effects or contextually-marked and prominence-driven constraints taking precedence over sonority conditions.
Departing from spectrographic data of the least well-known phenomena, we incardinate our analysis in an Optimality-Theoretic framework. We expect that the tap, more sonorous, appears in margin 2 (M2), that is, in the second position of an onset (trenta) and in the first position of a coda (cor, arc ‘arch’, cor ple ‘full heart’) (Baertsch 2002). Although consonants appearing intervocalically occupy the first position of an onset (a margin 1, M1), the cross-linguistic preference for more sonorous segments to appear in that position as well (Uffmann 2007) upholds the presence of taps in intervocalic M1 (para, cor obert) (Pons-Moll 2011). Instead, the trill should be reserved for the remaining M1: the initial position of non-intervocalic onsets (roca, honra). This is approximately the pattern found in Valencian Catalan.
Divergences from this pattern in Central Catalan and Algherese stem from requirements not related to the sonority of rhotics. Central Catalan limits the contexts in which the tap can show up through the activation of contextual and prominence constraints above the constraint disfavoring trills in M2. Algherese presents further intricacies, but what singles out this dialect is the maximization of the contexts in which trills may occur. This result is obtained through the activation of constraints pursuing consistency in all rhotic realizations. The same constraints suggested for the distribution of rhotics can account for the outcomes of liquid neutralization in Algherese, selecting the most sonorous segment available in each position: [ɾ] in M2 generally, but the lateral [l] in preconsonantal codas.
In sum, Catalan dialects provide rich evidence for the variability of rhotics. Nevertheless, the variation that is found is far from random: there is an inclusive relationship between the contexts in which the tap can appear, in the order Algherese ⊂ Central Catalan ⊂ Valencian, indicating that the intervention of additional constraints progressively narrows the contexts in which this realization can occur.
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Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Spanish Studies, Historical Linguistics, Spanish, Catalan Language, and 12 moreGender, Morphology, Spanish Linguistics, Hispanic Linguistics, Hispanic Studies, Llengua catalana, Filologia Catalana, Natural Morphology, Filología Hispánica, Estudios Hispánicos, Filologia Hispanica, and Catalan Language and Literature
Lloret, Maria-Rosa (2020). El llegat de Badia a la lingüística: Morfologia. Invited talk at the Actes de Commemoració del centenari d’Antoni M. Badia i Margarit (Antoni M. Badia i Margarit: rellevància acadèmica, inquietud científica i servei a la llengua). Institut d'Estudis Catalans (Barcelona)more
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Con la desaparición del género neutro en el paso del latín a las lenguas románicas, los adjetivos latinos de tres terminaciones se adaptaron en catalán como adjetivos de dos terminaciones, normalmente con la marca Ø para el masculino y la... more
Con la desaparición del género neutro en el paso del latín a las lenguas románicas, los adjetivos latinos de tres terminaciones se adaptaron en catalán como adjetivos de dos terminaciones, normalmente con la marca Ø para el masculino y la marca –a para el femenino: por ej., clar ~ clara; este patrón es máximamente icónico, porque la forma más marcada, el femenino, es también la más específica. Los adjetivos de dos terminaciones, en cambio, se convirtieron en invariables, como en catalán antiguo verd ‘verde’. El sincretismo formal entre el masculino y el femenino de estas formas supone un ejemplo claro de falta de iconicidad que la lengua ha tratado de corregir con la creación de femeninos analógicos como verda. Nuestro objetivo es presentar documentación sobre la conversión de los adjetivos invariables en cuanto a género en variables, que demuestra que se trata de un cambio pancrónico y que sigue los patrones típicos de la difusión léxica.
Research Interests: Sex and Gender, Catalan Studies, Catalan Language, Language Variation and Change, Morphology, and 10 moreMorphology (Languages And Linguistics), Filologia Catalana, Morphological theory, Morphological Analysis, Natural Morphology, Morfologia, Morfología, The theory and typology of inflectional morphology, Analogical Change, and Catalan Language and Literature
En andaluz oriental y en murciano el debilitamiento extremo de algunas consonantes finales de palabra, especialmente de -/s/, se suele compensar con la abertura de la vocal adyacente y este rasgo de abertura se puede extender hasta las... more
En andaluz oriental y en murciano el debilitamiento extremo de algunas consonantes finales de palabra, especialmente de -/s/, se suele compensar con la abertura de la vocal adyacente y este rasgo de abertura se puede extender hasta las vocales precedentes. En este trabajo comparamos las diferencias que se documentan en los patrones armónicos de distintas variedades surorientales de la península Ibérica; concretamente, nos centraremos en la variación que presentan los datos descritos para Granada, Jaén y Murcia. Los parámetros que tendremos en cuenta para dar cuenta de la variación son los siguientes: la naturaleza de los segmentos que causan la propagación armónica, las características segmentales y prosódicas de los segmentos que pueden verse afectados por la armonía y la extensión del dominio armónico. Esbozamos, asimismo, un análisis posible de base perceptiva en términos de legitimación de rasgos en el marco de la teoría de la optimidad.
Research Interests: Spanish, Phonology, Dialectology, Language Variation and Change, Spanish Linguistics, and 20 moreOptimality Theory, Vowel harmony, Phonology-Morphology interface, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Vowel Shifts, Vowel System, Vowels, Spanish Phonology, Spanish dialects, Dialectología, Spanish Phonetics/Phonology, Spanish Phonetics and Phonology, Phonology and Morphology, Phonetic Variation In Spanish, Vowel Systems, Hablas andaluzas, VOWEL, Phonological Change In Spanish, Spanish Dialectology, and Spanish Linguistics, Spanish Dialectology, Language Variation
Research Interests: Phonology, Dialectology, Romance philology, Spanish Linguistics, Hispanic Linguistics, and 18 moreLinguistics, Optimality Theory, Vowel harmony, Phonology-Morphology interface, Romance Linguistics, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Linguistic Variation, Lingüística, Hispanic Studies, Romance Languages, Filología Hispánica, Estudios Hispánicos, Spanish dialects, Romance Studies, Variación Y Variedad De La Lengua Española, Variación Lingüística, Spanish Dialectology, and Linguistic variation. Andalusian dialect
Spanish dialectal research has traditionally reported an enormous amount of variation in the realization of implosive /s/ (e.g., Navarro Tomás 1918, Alarcos 1958, Alonso 1972, Lipski 1984, Gerfen 2002, Vida 2004, 2015, Hualde 1987, 2005,... more
Spanish dialectal research has traditionally reported an enormous amount of variation in the realization of implosive /s/ (e.g., Navarro Tomás 1918, Alarcos 1958, Alonso 1972, Lipski 1984, Gerfen 2002, Vida 2004, 2015, Hualde 1987, 2005, Torreira 2012, Núñez Cedeño 2014). In this paper we investigate the phonological representations and constraints involved in several puzzling solutions which result from the weakening of word-internal /s/ in coda position in Andalusian Spanish (AS), a particularly interesting variety where aspiration may coexist with complete derived geminates; partial derived geminates; partially aspirated realizations, with concomitant gemination or without it; an innovative affricate, and plain deletion –with further fricativization in some varieties. In this paper we show that the Parallel Structures Model (PSM) of feature geometry (Morén 2003, 2007), in which major class features are defined structurally but not featurally, offers an optimal framework to account for these data. Additionally, it will be demonstrated that the internal structure that specifically captures segmental-internal timing is crucial in phonological representations, especially when trying to account for contour and complex segments, whether they are single consonants or geminates (along the lines of Riehl & Cohn 2011, Núñez Cedeño 2014). Though with the advent of Optimality Theory the role of phonological representations in formal analyses has been extremely minimized placing the burden of explanation on not independently-motivated constraints, we argue that an OT analysis of the AS data couched in the PSM can account for these facts.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Phonetics, Iberian Studies, Spanish Linguistics, and 11 moreHispanic Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Romance Linguistics, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Hispanic Studies, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Filología Hispánica, Estudios Hispánicos, Affrication, and Sibilants
En català, com en moltes altres llengües, la fricativa labiodental sorda (f) i, en menor mesura, la fricativa labiodental sonora (v) presenten un comportament fonològic excepcional dins del conjunt de les fricatives, que sovint les acosta... more
En català, com en moltes altres llengües, la fricativa labiodental sorda (f) i, en menor mesura, la fricativa labiodental sonora (v) presenten un comportament fonològic excepcional dins del conjunt de les fricatives, que sovint les acosta al grup de les oclusives. Diferents estudis dedicats a la fonologia han detectat aquesta singularitat (veg., e.g., per al català, Recasens 1991, 1993; Palmada 1994, 1995; Bonet & Lloret 1998; Dols 2000; Lloret 2002; Wheeler 2005; Lloret & Jiménez 2007; Jiménez & Lloret 2008; Pons 2011); però només a Lloret et al. (2011) s’aborda la qüestió de manera conjunta per tal d’estudiar els factors d’índole fonètica i fonològica que expliquen aquest comportament. Així les coses, l’objectiu d’aquest treball és doble. Des del punt de vista empíric, es compararà el comportament fonològic de f i v (en les varietats que tenen /v/) respecte del de les altres fricatives i de les oclusives en fenòmens que afecten de manera diferent els dialectes del català. Des del punt de vista analític, s’aprofundirà en les possibles causes dels patrons fonològics especials que mostren les fricatives labiodentals i se n’apuntarà una anàlisi en el marc de la teoria de l’optimitat.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Phonetics, Dialectology, and 22 moreLanguage Variation and Change, Optimality Theory, Sonority-based structure, Language Variation, Optimality Theory (Languages And Linguistics), Phonetics and Phonology, Syllable, Filologia Catalana, Syllable Structure, Epenthetic Vowels, Fricatives, Voyelle épenthétique, Epenthesis, The Sonority of Sound's Effect on Syllable, Sonority, Obstruents, Dialectología, Rhotacism, Sonority Hierarchy, Catalan Language and Literature, Consonants, and Sonority Sequencing Generalization
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The asymmetric behavior of the two syllable margins (i.e., onset and coda) is usually accounted for by means of intrasyllabic sonority conditions, according to which many modifications affecting onsets are of strengthening type whereas... more
The asymmetric behavior of the two syllable margins (i.e., onset and coda) is usually accounted for by means of intrasyllabic sonority conditions, according to which many modifications affecting onsets are of strengthening type whereas the ones affecting codas are usually weakening phenomena (see, e.g., Clements 1990, Baertsch 2002, Smith 2005). These generalizations, though, have to get along with other preferences that languages show, which in some cases may challenge each other. For example, in contrast with the tendency to strengthen onsets, other contextual markedness conditions favor alternative options, as in intervocalic position, where less constricted onsets are preferred in order to be more homogeneous in sonority with the surrounding vowels (see, e.g., Kirchner 1998). The purpose of this paper is to bring together data from several varieties of Spanish and Catalan to investigate the behavior of glides (i.e., /j/ and /w/) in onsets and codas and to illustrate the entwined of the aforementioned tendencies and the adequacy of Optimality Theory (OT) in dealing with them. More specifically, the account we provide supports the distinction proposed by Baertsch (2002) between elements which are parsed as the leftmost element in the onset (M1) and elements which are syllabified as codas or as the second element in the onset (M2), although sometimes an explicit reference to the intersyllabic context in which M1 elements may appear is also required.
To begin with, the Castilian Spanish data illustrate a case of a one-way adjusting variety. Castilian Spanish glides follow the general tendency of remaining weak both in coda position (ja[w]la ‘cage’, re[j] ‘king’) and as a second element of a complex onset (d[w]eño ‘owner’, p[j]e ‘foot’), which is captured in the analysis through the low ranking of the constraints referred to the glides in the *M2/λ hierarchy (Baertsch 2002). Likewise, they follow the general tendency of strengthening in onsets, either in word-initial position (huelo /welo/: [ˈɡwelo] ‘I smell’, [ɡw]eb, hierba /jeɾba/: [ˈʝeɾβa] ‘grass’) or in word-internal position (cacahuete /kakawete/: [kakaˈɣwete] ‘peanuts’, mayo /majo/: [ˈmaʝo] ‘May’), which reveals that in Castilian Spanish a glide is not allowed as the first element of an onset as a result of the pressure exerted by *M1/GLIDE at the top of the ranking.
Contrariwise, Central Eastern Catalan illustrates the case of a non-adjusting variety. As in Castilian Spanish, preservation without changes is the regular outcome for glides in codas (di[w] ‘he says’, re[j] ‘king’) and in the second position of onsets (q[w]estió ‘question’, miss[j]ó ‘mission’); however, both /w/ and /j/ tend to be maintained in simplex onsets as well ([w]eb, di[w]en ‘they say’; [j]ogurt, fe[j]a ‘I did’). Central Eastern Catalan is, thus, a faithful variety in which the markedness constraint *M1/GLIDE is consistently outranked by the faithfulness constraint IDENT-GLIDE.
Finally, Majorcan Catalan illustrates a case of a two-way adjusting variety. Although this variety does not differ from Central Eastern Catalan in the treatment of glides in codas (di[w], re[j]) and in the second position of onsets (q[w]estió, miss[j]ó), regarding simplex onsets it imposes much stronger requirements on glides than Central Eastern Catalan, but only when they are placed in intervocalic position. That is, while in word-initial position the two glides remain unchanged ([j]ogurt, [w]eb), in intervocalic position they present two opposite fates: the /w/ shifts into a labiodental fricative (di[v]en ‘they say’), whereas /j/ weakens to a slightly more centralized and open glide (fe[e̯]a ‘I did’), which may even undergo complete deletion in some varieties (fe[Ø]a). In order to account for these opposite outcomes, we resort to allomorphy and to the distinction between [+high] and [–high] glides ([j] and [w] are [+high], whereas [e̯] and [o̯] are [–high]). Word-initially, the ranking of IDENT-GLIDE above *M1/GLIDE[+HI] makes impossible the selection of candidates with strengthening strategies for both glides ([w]eb, [j]ogurt). In intervocalic position, the situation is more complex, and requires the addition of constraints referred to the surrounding environment. On these grounds, the weakening of intervocalic /j/ is explained by ranking the contextual constraint *VGL[+HI], M1V (‘Do not have a [+high] glide as an intervocalic M1’) and ONSET above *M1/GLIDE[–HI] and *VGL[–HI], M1V; as a result of this ranking, only the most sonorous palatal glide (fe[e̯]a) is allowed intervocalically (if ONSET is demoted in the ranking, the candidate with deletion, i.e. fe[Ø]a, can be chosen instead). The ranking established for the palatal glide has undesirable consequences for the labiovelar glide in intervocalic position, since a parallel form with a [–high] glide (e.g., di[o̯]en]) or with deletion (di[Ø]en) would enter the competition and be erroneously selected as optimal, instead of the grammatical strengthened candidate (di[v]en). To deal with this issue, we assume that the underlying representation of forms showing the alternation [w] ~ [v] (as di[w] ~ di[v]en) displays two allomorphs, one with the labiovelar glide and the other with the labiodental fricative. Moreover, we presume that the two allomorphs appear with the lexical precedence ‘fricative>glide’, as in {/div/>/diw/} for the root of diuen (on lexically ordered allomorphs, see Bonet et al. 2007 and Mascaró 2007). There are some empirical arguments that advocate for this allomorphic approach. Among others, the strengthening of the labiovelar glide in intervocalic position is a dubiously productive process, since loans or learned words such as Hawaii, Power or PowerPoint are realized with [w]. Moreover, such strengthening is not common in word-initial position, where it would be even more justifiable ([w]eb) because the target segment is not preceded by a vowel.
In sum, in our account of the data we demonstrate that glide phonotactics require, in addition to the reference to independent syllables that Baertsch’s (2002) split margin hierarchy provides, the consideration of segmental strings so as to incorporate the effects of the surrounding context into the analysis. Additionally, the analysis we present illustrates how the OT model is capable of deriving the whole typology of outcomes from the same constraint set, although enriched multi-input representations are sometimes needed.
To begin with, the Castilian Spanish data illustrate a case of a one-way adjusting variety. Castilian Spanish glides follow the general tendency of remaining weak both in coda position (ja[w]la ‘cage’, re[j] ‘king’) and as a second element of a complex onset (d[w]eño ‘owner’, p[j]e ‘foot’), which is captured in the analysis through the low ranking of the constraints referred to the glides in the *M2/λ hierarchy (Baertsch 2002). Likewise, they follow the general tendency of strengthening in onsets, either in word-initial position (huelo /welo/: [ˈɡwelo] ‘I smell’, [ɡw]eb, hierba /jeɾba/: [ˈʝeɾβa] ‘grass’) or in word-internal position (cacahuete /kakawete/: [kakaˈɣwete] ‘peanuts’, mayo /majo/: [ˈmaʝo] ‘May’), which reveals that in Castilian Spanish a glide is not allowed as the first element of an onset as a result of the pressure exerted by *M1/GLIDE at the top of the ranking.
Contrariwise, Central Eastern Catalan illustrates the case of a non-adjusting variety. As in Castilian Spanish, preservation without changes is the regular outcome for glides in codas (di[w] ‘he says’, re[j] ‘king’) and in the second position of onsets (q[w]estió ‘question’, miss[j]ó ‘mission’); however, both /w/ and /j/ tend to be maintained in simplex onsets as well ([w]eb, di[w]en ‘they say’; [j]ogurt, fe[j]a ‘I did’). Central Eastern Catalan is, thus, a faithful variety in which the markedness constraint *M1/GLIDE is consistently outranked by the faithfulness constraint IDENT-GLIDE.
Finally, Majorcan Catalan illustrates a case of a two-way adjusting variety. Although this variety does not differ from Central Eastern Catalan in the treatment of glides in codas (di[w], re[j]) and in the second position of onsets (q[w]estió, miss[j]ó), regarding simplex onsets it imposes much stronger requirements on glides than Central Eastern Catalan, but only when they are placed in intervocalic position. That is, while in word-initial position the two glides remain unchanged ([j]ogurt, [w]eb), in intervocalic position they present two opposite fates: the /w/ shifts into a labiodental fricative (di[v]en ‘they say’), whereas /j/ weakens to a slightly more centralized and open glide (fe[e̯]a ‘I did’), which may even undergo complete deletion in some varieties (fe[Ø]a). In order to account for these opposite outcomes, we resort to allomorphy and to the distinction between [+high] and [–high] glides ([j] and [w] are [+high], whereas [e̯] and [o̯] are [–high]). Word-initially, the ranking of IDENT-GLIDE above *M1/GLIDE[+HI] makes impossible the selection of candidates with strengthening strategies for both glides ([w]eb, [j]ogurt). In intervocalic position, the situation is more complex, and requires the addition of constraints referred to the surrounding environment. On these grounds, the weakening of intervocalic /j/ is explained by ranking the contextual constraint *VGL[+HI], M1V (‘Do not have a [+high] glide as an intervocalic M1’) and ONSET above *M1/GLIDE[–HI] and *VGL[–HI], M1V; as a result of this ranking, only the most sonorous palatal glide (fe[e̯]a) is allowed intervocalically (if ONSET is demoted in the ranking, the candidate with deletion, i.e. fe[Ø]a, can be chosen instead). The ranking established for the palatal glide has undesirable consequences for the labiovelar glide in intervocalic position, since a parallel form with a [–high] glide (e.g., di[o̯]en]) or with deletion (di[Ø]en) would enter the competition and be erroneously selected as optimal, instead of the grammatical strengthened candidate (di[v]en). To deal with this issue, we assume that the underlying representation of forms showing the alternation [w] ~ [v] (as di[w] ~ di[v]en) displays two allomorphs, one with the labiovelar glide and the other with the labiodental fricative. Moreover, we presume that the two allomorphs appear with the lexical precedence ‘fricative>glide’, as in {/div/>/diw/} for the root of diuen (on lexically ordered allomorphs, see Bonet et al. 2007 and Mascaró 2007). There are some empirical arguments that advocate for this allomorphic approach. Among others, the strengthening of the labiovelar glide in intervocalic position is a dubiously productive process, since loans or learned words such as Hawaii, Power or PowerPoint are realized with [w]. Moreover, such strengthening is not common in word-initial position, where it would be even more justifiable ([w]eb) because the target segment is not preceded by a vowel.
In sum, in our account of the data we demonstrate that glide phonotactics require, in addition to the reference to independent syllables that Baertsch’s (2002) split margin hierarchy provides, the consideration of segmental strings so as to incorporate the effects of the surrounding context into the analysis. Additionally, the analysis we present illustrates how the OT model is capable of deriving the whole typology of outcomes from the same constraint set, although enriched multi-input representations are sometimes needed.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Spanish, Phonology, Catalan Language, Spanish Linguistics, and 27 morePhonetics-Phonology Interface, Optimality Theory, Phonological Theory, Romance Linguistics, Syllable Theory, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Syllable, Diachronic Phonology, Filologia Catalana, Syllable Structure, Allomorphy, Fricatives, The Sonority of Sound's Effect on Syllable, Fonología, Fonologia, Glides, Fonética y fonología históricas, Fonetica Y Fonologia Del Espanol, Initial Consonants, Variation In Optimality Theory, Root Allomorphy, Stop Consonants, Syllable Organization, Catalan Language and Literature, Consonants, and Affrication
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Research Interests: Spanish, Phonology, Catalan Language, Language Variation and Change, Spanish Linguistics, and 12 moreOptimality Theory, Phonological Theory, Language Variation, Syllable Theory, Phonetics and Phonology, Syllable, Filologia Catalana, Syllable Structure, The Sonority of Sound's Effect on Syllable, Historical Phonology, Glides, and Consonants
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Catalan Language, Romance philology, and 18 moreMorphology, Spanish Linguistics, Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Phonology Syntax Interface, Phonology-Morphology interface, Romance Linguistics, Morphology (Languages And Linguistics), Lexicon, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Articles, Filologia Catalana, Allomorphy, Occitan Language, Interfaces, Romance Languages and Literatures, and The definite article
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Phonetics, Phonetics-Phonology Interface, and 13 moreAcoustic Phonetics, Romance Linguistics, Vowel phonetics, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Syllable, Vowels, Filologia Catalana, Syllable Structure, Epenthetic Vowels, Vowel Duration, Epenthesis, and épenthèse
The structure present in URs is not challenging when productive morphophonemic alternations shed light on it, and when there is a clear and systematic phonological condition in the language that justifies the differences between the UR... more
The structure present in URs is not challenging when productive morphophonemic alternations shed light on it, and when there is a clear and systematic phonological condition in the language that justifies the differences between the UR that has to be established and the corresponding surface representation. The challenge, or the uncertainty, appears in those cases in which such morphophonemic alternations do not exist, when they are not fully productive or transparent, and also when alternative interpretations are possible. This is the case of the URs corresponding to words beginning with <esC>- in Catalan (escriure ‘to write’, estona ‘while’, espot ‘spot’), for which there is a small amount of morphological evidence for treating the initial vowel as underlying or as epenthetic (Wheeler 2005).
The purpose of this paper is twofold. On the empirical side, we aim at contributing to the body of knowledge about the UR of words beginning with <esC>- in Catalan. On the theoretical side, and relying on the empirical results obtained, we provide arguments that support the free-ride approach to morphophonemic learning (McCarthy 2005). On the basis of the casuistry arising from the interaction between word-initial vowel epenthesis in Catalan and particular cases of underapplication of vowel reduction in Majorcan Catalan, we provide empirical arguments, lying inside the grammar, for the underlying absence of the initial vowel in words beginning with <esC>-. On the basis of these results, we show how Majorcan Catalan learners take a “free ride” in the process of constructing the UR of nonalternating forms by generalizing the pattern —and the subsequent input-output mapping— observed in cases with transparent morphophonemic alternations and a parallel syllabification problem.
The purpose of this paper is twofold. On the empirical side, we aim at contributing to the body of knowledge about the UR of words beginning with <esC>- in Catalan. On the theoretical side, and relying on the empirical results obtained, we provide arguments that support the free-ride approach to morphophonemic learning (McCarthy 2005). On the basis of the casuistry arising from the interaction between word-initial vowel epenthesis in Catalan and particular cases of underapplication of vowel reduction in Majorcan Catalan, we provide empirical arguments, lying inside the grammar, for the underlying absence of the initial vowel in words beginning with <esC>-. On the basis of these results, we show how Majorcan Catalan learners take a “free ride” in the process of constructing the UR of nonalternating forms by generalizing the pattern —and the subsequent input-output mapping— observed in cases with transparent morphophonemic alternations and a parallel syllabification problem.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Phonetics, Romance philology, and 12 morePhonetics-Phonology Interface, Acoustic Phonetics, Romance Linguistics, Llengua catalana, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Fonética, Vowels, Filologia Catalana, Epenthetic Vowels, Epenthesis, and Fonetica Acustica
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Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Language Variation and Change, Romance philology, and 11 moreMorphology, Spanish Linguistics, Hispanic Linguistics, Optimality Theory, Vowel harmony, Phonology-Morphology interface, Romance Linguistics, Romance Languages, Filologia Catalana, Filología Hispánica, and Spanish Phonology
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Aquest volum aplega contribucions de diferents especialistes en la fonologia de les llengües romàniques i, en concret, en l’adaptació de manlleus. S’hi recullen un ventall ampli d’idiomes, entre les quals hi ha el català, l’espanyol, el... more
Aquest volum aplega contribucions de diferents especialistes en la fonologia de les llengües romàniques i, en concret, en l’adaptació de manlleus. S’hi recullen un ventall ampli d’idiomes, entre les quals hi ha el català, l’espanyol, el francès, l’italià, el portuguès europeu i el del Brasil, i el sard, des de perspectives d’anàlisi ben diverses: la lexicografia, la lingüística de corpus, la teoria fonològica, la dialectologia, la gramàtica històrica i l’etimologia. L’obra inclou una secció dedicada a la descripció i la norma en la incorporació de manlleus al català, amb intervencions de representants de les institucions públiques sobre els criteris i les orientacions que se segueixen a l’hora de desestimar-los o bé d’adaptar-los a la fonètica, la morfologia i la grafia de la llengua catalana.
Research Interests: Languages and Linguistics, Phonology, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Morphology, and 10 moreLinguistics, Loanword Phonology, Romance Linguistics, Language contact, Llengua catalana, Romance Languages, Loanwords, Romance Studies, Romance Languages and Literatures, and Catalan Language and Literature
Hi ha qüestions gramaticals del català que actualment són objecte d’anàlisi des de perspectives teòriques renovadores. Aquest volum aplega les aportacions d’un dels col·loquis de referència, el Col·loqui Lingüístic de la Universitat de... more
Hi ha qüestions gramaticals del català que actualment són objecte d’anàlisi des de perspectives teòriques renovadores. Aquest volum aplega les aportacions d’un dels col·loquis de referència, el Col·loqui Lingüístic de la Universitat de Barcelona, del qual s’ha arribat a celebrar la 21a edició. En l’àmbit de la fonètica, Jesús Jiménez (UV), Ricard Herrero (UCV) i Sílvia Llach Carles (UdG) exploren l’harmonia vocàlica i el canvi lingüístic; en l’àmbit de la fonologia, Joan Mascaró (UAB) i Clàudia Pons-Moll (UB), la regularitat i les excepcions en la fonologia del català; en l’àmbit de la morfologia, Andrew Nevins (UCL) i Isabel Oltra-Massuet (URV) s’ocupen de les manifestacions de l’al·lomorfia en els sufixos preaccentuats; en l’àmbit de la sintaxi, Jaume Mateu (UAB) i Jordi Fortuny (UB), de la inacusativitat i de la selecció de l’auxiliar en català antic, i, en l’àmbit de la lexicologia, Mercè Lorente Casafont (UPF) i Teresa Vallès (UIC), de la formació de compostos nominals.
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El volum que presentem ret homenatge a Max W. Wheeler (1946), catedràtic emèrit de la Universitat de Sussex des de 2007 i membre corresponent de la Secció Filològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans des de 1997. L’aportació d’aquest... more
El volum que presentem ret homenatge a Max W. Wheeler (1946), catedràtic emèrit de la Universitat de Sussex des de 2007 i membre corresponent de la Secció Filològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans des de 1997. L’aportació d’aquest filòleg i lingüista anglès a l’estudi de la llengua catalana així com la seva contribució a la projecció del català en el món acadèmic són ben conegudes a casa nostra i en l’àmbit internacional.
S’hi recullen les contribucions de vint-i-nou col·legues, professors i investigadors de diferents universitats catalanes i de l’estranger, que, per encàrrec de les editores, han abordat qüestions en l’àmbit de la fonologia i la morfologia catalanes que encara no havien estat explorades o bé que aporten un nou punt de vista a temes ja investigats en treballs anteriors, especialment en alguna de les nombroses publicacions de Wheeler.
Són poques les ocasions en què lingüistes que estudien el català —i encara menys fonòlegs i morfòlegs— treballen en projectes comuns. I aquest homenatge a Max W. Wheeler és una d’aquestes poques, valuoses, ocasions, en què això ha estat possible.
S’hi recullen les contribucions de vint-i-nou col·legues, professors i investigadors de diferents universitats catalanes i de l’estranger, que, per encàrrec de les editores, han abordat qüestions en l’àmbit de la fonologia i la morfologia catalanes que encara no havien estat explorades o bé que aporten un nou punt de vista a temes ja investigats en treballs anteriors, especialment en alguna de les nombroses publicacions de Wheeler.
Són poques les ocasions en què lingüistes que estudien el català —i encara menys fonòlegs i morfòlegs— treballen en projectes comuns. I aquest homenatge a Max W. Wheeler és una d’aquestes poques, valuoses, ocasions, en què això ha estat possible.
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El volum mostra com diverses disciplines de la lingüística contribueixen a l’elaboració de gramàtiques. Els primers capítols es dediquen a valorar la influència d’estudis especialitzats de la lingüística en les gramàtiques: Josep Maria... more
El volum mostra com diverses disciplines de la lingüística contribueixen a l’elaboració de gramàtiques. Els primers capítols es dediquen a valorar la influència d’estudis especialitzats de la lingüística en les gramàtiques: Josep Maria Brucart tracta de la contribució de la teoria lingüística; Jordi Ginebra, de la lexicologia; Joan Veny, de la dialectologia, i Amadeu Viana, de la sociolingüística. La segona part recull les experiències relacionades amb les tres gramàtiques que hi ha sobre llengües romàniques amb un perfil integrador de teoria lingüística i pràctica gramatical. Les valoracions estan elaborades per un representant de la direcció de cadascuna d’aquestes gramàtiques; per ordre cronològic, són la Grande grammatica italiana di consultazione (1988-1995), a càrrec de Lorenzo Renzi; la Gramática descriptiva de la lengua española (1999), a càrrec de Violeta Demonte, i la Gramàtica del català contemporani (2002), a càrrec de Joan Solà.
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"Fonologia catalana" is a comprehensive classical account of the phonology of Catalan, written in the 1990s within the tennets of the standard generative phonology theory, with some additional information cast in autosegmental theory.... more
"Fonologia catalana" is a comprehensive classical account of the phonology of Catalan, written in the 1990s within the tennets of the standard generative phonology theory, with some additional information cast in autosegmental theory. The book includes chapters on vowel phenomena, syllable structure, consonant word-final phenomena, assimilatory and other consonantal contact phenomena, pronominal clitics, and suprasegmentals. Each chapter includes some exercises.
Research Interests: Catalan Studies, Phonology, Catalan Language, Romance philology, Phonology-Morphology interface, and 18 moreRomance Linguistics, Llengua catalana, Romance Languages, Phonetics and Phonology, Rhotics, Syllabification, Vowels, Filologia Catalana, Clitics, Syllabic Structure, Epenthesis, Vowel reduction, Catalan Language and Teaching, Pronominal Clitics, Romance Studies, Unstressed Vowel Neutralization, Catalan Language and Literature, and Consonants
El volum mostra per què i com s’investiga la variació lingüística des de diferents vessants de les ciències del llenguatge. En els primers capítols es reflexiona sobre què és la variació lingüística: Joan Argente destaca la importància de... more
El volum mostra per què i com s’investiga la variació lingüística des de diferents vessants de les ciències del llenguatge. En els primers capítols es reflexiona sobre què és la variació lingüística: Joan Argente destaca la importància de tenir en compte la universalitat i la diversitat lingüístiques, Maria Teresa Turell estudia l’heterogeneïtat lingüística a partir de tècniques quantitatives variacionistes, i Max W. Wheeler tracta del paper de la variació lingüística diacrònica. Els capítols següents exposen com s’analitza la variació en les diferents disciplines amb un estudi de cas aplicat al català: Maria-Rosa Lloret i Joaquim Viaplana tracten de la variació en fonologia i morfologia; Mercè Lorente, Maria Teresa Cabré i Lluís de Yzaguirre, la variació en el lèxic; Joan Julià s’ocupa de la variació en la fonètica, i Gemma Rigau, en la sintaxi. Vicent Salvador, finalment, presenta les connexions entre la variació lingüística i la dialectologia, la pragmàtica i l’anàlisi del discurs.