The procedure and the results on the phonetic properties of finally devoiced obstruents in Catala... more The procedure and the results on the phonetic properties of finally devoiced obstruents in Catalan reported in a recent paper by Dinnsen & Charles-Luce are discussed. The results do not allow the inference that any phonetic distinctions tracing back to underlying voicing distinctions are preserved in Catalan. Moreover, the phonological consequences of preservation of apparently neutralized underlying distinctions do not admit a unique phonological interpretation. One of the many possible alternative analyses is presented.
Although in many interface theories, the domains of phrasal phonological processes are defined in... more Although in many interface theories, the domains of phrasal phonological processes are defined in terms of prosodic constituents, D’Alessandro and Scheer (2015) argue that their proposed modification of phase theory, Modular PIC, renders prosodic constituents superfluous. Phrasal phonological domains can instead be defined directly in the syntax. In this response, we argue that Modular PIC does not provide a convincing new approach to the syntax-phonology interface, as it is both too powerful and too restrictive. We show that the analysis offered of raddoppiamento fonosintattico in Eastern Abruzzese does not justify the loss of restrictiveness Modular PIC brings to phase theory. We also show that Modular PIC is too restrictive to account for phenomena, from Bantu languages and others, that have received satisfactory analyses within interface theories that appeal to prosodic constituents. We conclude that Modular PIC does not successfully replace prosodic constituent approaches to th...
Many cases of allomorphic alternation are restricted to specific lexical items but at the same ti... more Many cases of allomorphic alternation are restricted to specific lexical items but at the same time show a regular phonological distribution. Standard approaches cannot deal with these cases because they must either resort to diacritic features or list regular phonological contexts as idiosyncratic. These problems can be overcome if we assume that allomorphs are lexically organized as a partially ordered set. If no ordering is established, allomorphic choice is determined by the phonology—in particular, by the emergence of the unmarked (TETU). In other cases, TETU effects are insufficient, and lexical ordering determines the preference for dominant allomorphs.
In the evolution of Latin F- to h and eventually to Ø a crucial element is the exact phonetic nat... more In the evolution of Latin F- to h and eventually to Ø a crucial element is the exact phonetic nature of F- and subsequent stages in the phonetic change. It will be presented and discussed a fragment of the XIth century in which a well-known Arabic author provides important metalinguistic information about the pronunciation of continuant back consonants and in particular the glottal fricative [h] by Romance speakers. This information corroborates and generalizes a similar albeit more particular piece of evidence presented and discussed by Diego Catalán in 1968, which also indicates that Spanish speakers had [h] in their phonetic inventories.
Joan Mascaro deixa l'article en blanc i repassa, de forma esquematica i a les notes a peu de ... more Joan Mascaro deixa l'article en blanc i repassa, de forma esquematica i a les notes a peu de pagina, la polemica que ha suscitat la vocal neutra entre els estudiosos citats.
The procedure and the results on the phonetic properties of finally devoiced obstruents in Catala... more The procedure and the results on the phonetic properties of finally devoiced obstruents in Catalan reported in a recent paper by Dinnsen & Charles-Luce are discussed. The results do not allow the inference that any phonetic distinctions tracing back to underlying voicing distinctions are preserved in Catalan. Moreover, the phonological consequences of preservation of apparently neutralized underlying distinctions do not admit a unique phonological interpretation. One of the many possible alternative analyses is presented.
Although in many interface theories, the domains of phrasal phonological processes are defined in... more Although in many interface theories, the domains of phrasal phonological processes are defined in terms of prosodic constituents, D’Alessandro and Scheer (2015) argue that their proposed modification of phase theory, Modular PIC, renders prosodic constituents superfluous. Phrasal phonological domains can instead be defined directly in the syntax. In this response, we argue that Modular PIC does not provide a convincing new approach to the syntax-phonology interface, as it is both too powerful and too restrictive. We show that the analysis offered of raddoppiamento fonosintattico in Eastern Abruzzese does not justify the loss of restrictiveness Modular PIC brings to phase theory. We also show that Modular PIC is too restrictive to account for phenomena, from Bantu languages and others, that have received satisfactory analyses within interface theories that appeal to prosodic constituents. We conclude that Modular PIC does not successfully replace prosodic constituent approaches to th...
Many cases of allomorphic alternation are restricted to specific lexical items but at the same ti... more Many cases of allomorphic alternation are restricted to specific lexical items but at the same time show a regular phonological distribution. Standard approaches cannot deal with these cases because they must either resort to diacritic features or list regular phonological contexts as idiosyncratic. These problems can be overcome if we assume that allomorphs are lexically organized as a partially ordered set. If no ordering is established, allomorphic choice is determined by the phonology—in particular, by the emergence of the unmarked (TETU). In other cases, TETU effects are insufficient, and lexical ordering determines the preference for dominant allomorphs.
In the evolution of Latin F- to h and eventually to Ø a crucial element is the exact phonetic nat... more In the evolution of Latin F- to h and eventually to Ø a crucial element is the exact phonetic nature of F- and subsequent stages in the phonetic change. It will be presented and discussed a fragment of the XIth century in which a well-known Arabic author provides important metalinguistic information about the pronunciation of continuant back consonants and in particular the glottal fricative [h] by Romance speakers. This information corroborates and generalizes a similar albeit more particular piece of evidence presented and discussed by Diego Catalán in 1968, which also indicates that Spanish speakers had [h] in their phonetic inventories.
Joan Mascaro deixa l'article en blanc i repassa, de forma esquematica i a les notes a peu de ... more Joan Mascaro deixa l'article en blanc i repassa, de forma esquematica i a les notes a peu de pagina, la polemica que ha suscitat la vocal neutra entre els estudiosos citats.
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