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    Osman Antwi-Boateng

    This article aims to highlight and evaluate initiatives of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government to diversify its economy away from oil dependency. This is accomplished via a qualitative methodology by collecting data through in‐depth... more
    This article aims to highlight and evaluate initiatives of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government to diversify its economy away from oil dependency. This is accomplished via a qualitative methodology by collecting data through in‐depth interviews with government officials, experts, and academics to amass different views and perspectives on this matter. The findings show that the government has a clear vision for diversification, which is embodied in laws and policies for effectively executing a post‐oil strategy. Driven by economic sustainability and domestic concerns, vertical diversification strategies constitute the majority of UAE's economic diversification strategies and include: investing in research and development, attracting foreign direct investment, developing the petrochemical industry, manufacturing, tourism, aviation, financial services, banking hubs, logistical hubs, digital economy, and the knowledge economy. The UAE's diversification strategy is associated with many challenges. The economic challenges are global economic crises, oil price volatility, and exchange rate regime. The geopolitical challenges include regional conflicts and tensions. There are also cultural and social challenges pertaining to demographic imbalance and low Emirati's participation in the private sector.Related ArticlesHowie, Peter. 2018. “Policy Transfer and Diversification in Resource‐Dependent Economies: Lessons for Kazakhstan from Alberta.” Politics & Policy 46(1): 110–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12239Khodr, Hiba, and Isabella Ruble. 2013. “Energy Policies and Domestic Politics in the MENA Region in the Aftermath of the Arab Upheavals: The Cases of Lebanon, Libya, and KSA.” Politics & Policy 41(5): 656–89. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12033Mahler, Annegret. 2011. “Oil in Venezuela: Triggering Conflicts or Ensuring Stability? A Historical Comparative Analysis.” Politics & Policy 39(4): 583–611. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00305.x/abstract
    China's rise is a significant concern for international security. It is essential to understand the trajectory of China's rise in order to determine world safety and prosperity measures in a period of great uncertainty. This study... more
    China's rise is a significant concern for international security. It is essential to understand the trajectory of China's rise in order to determine world safety and prosperity measures in a period of great uncertainty. This study provides an overview of the two main possible security consequences of China's rise, that is, a peaceful rise and a warlike rise, by surveying arguments found in literature regarding both aspects. The research extends beyond the often-made binary argument of "peaceful rise versus non-peaceful rise" since aspects of both arguments can explain the country's rise. This research offers a nuanced assessment of China's rise by positing a partial peaceful rise explanation whereby China seeks a non-confrontational way of asserting itself globally visa -vis the United States, while at the same time, modernizing and expanding its military capabilities in preparation for any eventualities.
    This article aims to highlight and evaluate initiatives of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government to diversify its economy away from oil dependency. This is accomplished via a qualitative methodology by collecting data through in‐depth... more
    This article aims to highlight and evaluate initiatives of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) government to diversify its economy away from oil dependency. This is accomplished via a qualitative methodology by collecting data through in‐depth interviews with government officials, experts, and academics to amass different views and perspectives on this matter. The findings show that the government has a clear vision for diversification, which is embodied in laws and policies for effectively executing a post‐oil strategy. Driven by economic sustainability and domestic concerns, vertical diversification strategies constitute the majority of UAE's economic diversification strategies and include: investing in research and development, attracting foreign direct investment, developing the petrochemical industry, manufacturing, tourism, aviation, financial services, banking hubs, logistical hubs, digital economy, and the knowledge economy. The UAE's diversification strategy is associate...
    The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has embraced digital diplomacy as a part of its foreign relations strategy. Thus, this research uses case study methodology via in-depth interviews with Emirati officials and scholars and UAE-based foreign... more
    The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has embraced digital diplomacy as a part of its foreign relations strategy. Thus, this research uses case study methodology via in-depth interviews with Emirati officials and scholars and UAE-based foreign policy academics and practitioners to investigate the challenges associated with UAE digital diplomacy. Although the UAE has embraced globalization and its associated digital tools in furtherance of its foreign policy, it is plagued by deglobalization challenges that threaten the full benefits of digital diplomacy. Institutionally, this includes the following: obstacles presented by state security and state censorship, media regulations, organizational culture, personnel challenges, and linguistic challenges. Structurally, the UAE also faces challenges such as negative regional perception, difficulty in audience identification and targeting, keeping up with a fast-paced global media environment, fake news from hostile sources, usage by nonstate actor...
    Introduction This research attempts to answer the research question of "how current Chinese engagement with Africa compares with past European colonialism of the continent?" It achieves this via a historical comparison of... more
    Introduction This research attempts to answer the research question of "how current Chinese engagement with Africa compares with past European colonialism of the continent?" It achieves this via a historical comparison of European colonialism, using the British and French colonial models against the ongoing Chinese engagement in Africa. Thus, a critical assessment of the aforementioned factors, leads to the logical characterization of China's engagement with Africa as neo-colonialism, devoid of the unbridled territorial control and its attendant direct political and economic control of African countries. This is not because of Chinese altruism but rather a pragmatic response to a new world order shaped by international norms and institutions that guard statehood and sovereignty. Hence, a research perspective that is important because it puts the increased Chinese attention for Africa in a proper context to demonstrate that while the rationale for foreign interest in Af...
    This research unravels the agents and driving motivation behind the rise of illegal small-scale mining in Ghana and its impact. This is accomplished via a qualitative study using illegal small-scale mining in the Talensi and Nabdam... more
    This research unravels the agents and driving motivation behind the rise of illegal small-scale mining in Ghana and its impact. This is accomplished via a qualitative study using illegal small-scale mining in the Talensi and Nabdam districts of Ghana as a case study. At the forefront of this phenomenon are rent-seeking elites, whereas structural factors such as rising unemployment and high population growth, as well as opportunistic factors including low barriers to entry, get-rich quick syndrome, and political corruption/weak institutions are fueling it as well. Although there are some economic benefits of illegal small-scale mining, these benefits are undermined by factors associated with the Resource Curse Hypothesis (RCH) or the ‘Paradox of Plenty.’ We argue that most illegal small-scale mining communities are characterized by increased rent-seeking activities by diverse stakeholders particularly the elites, poor investments in human capital development, and weak institutional s...
    Over the past two decades, Ghana’s media landscape has undergone radical transformation, leading to the emergence of hundreds of frequency modulation (FM) stations across the country. These stations have become the country’s most powerful... more
    Over the past two decades, Ghana’s media landscape has undergone radical transformation, leading to the emergence of hundreds of frequency modulation (FM) stations across the country. These stations have become the country’s most powerful mediums of communication, carrying an array of programs aimed at diverse audiences. With northern Ghana as a case study, this research examines FM stations’ role in rural development, their mode of impact, and their attendant challenges. This is achieved via qualitative methodology; that is, in-depth interviews with station managers and local development stakeholders, supplemented by programming content analysis of ten FM stations. Findings indicate that FM stations in northern Ghana, irrespective of their classification, aid rural development by serving as an endogenous conduit for the transfer of information that promotes community development and empowerment. This is achieved through programming in local dialects, local musical and cultural prog...
    This research analyzes the similarities and differences between The Islamic State (IS) and Boko Haram in order to enrich the growing debate on the threat they pose to international security. Using the relative deprivation theory, the... more
    This research analyzes the similarities and differences between The Islamic State (IS) and Boko Haram in order to enrich the growing debate on the threat they pose to international security. Using the relative deprivation theory, the research argues that both groups are similar in their use of radical Islamic ideology to mobilize political, economic and socially aggrieved communities towards violence via hybrid warfare against status quo forces deemed unjust. However, they differ in their strategic goal, organizational structure, membership, inancing and capabilities. These differences stem from the different strategic outlook of the two groups, with Boko Haram more focused on change in Nigeria and its immediate environs while IS has an ambitious global agenda of an Islamic Caliphate. Understanding these similarities and differences are necessary to effectively combat the security threats they both pose.
    In the aftermath of the Liberian civil war and the signing of the final peace agreement among the warring factions, the international community and host countries of Liberian refugees in the West African sub-region disproportionately... more
    In the aftermath of the Liberian civil war and the signing of the final peace agreement among the warring factions, the international community and host countries of Liberian refugees in the West African sub-region disproportionately pursued the policy of refugee repatriation to Liberia at the expense of other options such as integration and resettlement as a solution for the refugee problem. Using the Liberian refugees in the Buduburam refugee camp in Ghana as a qualitative case study, this research argues that the policy of repatriation has largely failed. The research arrives at this conclusion via the use of focus-group interviews of a cross-section of remaining Liberian refugees in the Buduburam camp. The research discovered that while the refugees are discontent with their current circumstances in Ghana, they are hesitant to return home due to unfavourable homeland conditions. The combination of both unfavourable host and homeland conditions constitutes ‘intervening obstacles’...
    This article investigates factors that attract Chinese migrants into illegal small‐scale mining in Ghana, their role in the supply chain, and the impact of their involvement. This is accomplished via mixed qualitative techniques involving... more
    This article investigates factors that attract Chinese migrants into illegal small‐scale mining in Ghana, their role in the supply chain, and the impact of their involvement. This is accomplished via mixed qualitative techniques involving interviews with illegal small‐scale Chinese and Ghanaian miners, and relevant Ghanaian stakeholders. Although the majority of Chinese interests in African mining is state sponsored, the Ghana case demonstrates private Chinese agency that is mostly attracted to illegal small‐scale mining in Ghana due to push factors in the homeland and pull factors associated with Ghanaian state weakness. The Chinese dominate the supply chain of illegal small‐scale mining with their financial, technical, managerial acumen, the sale and transfer of gold proceeds, and political patronage. This dominance accounts for the massive negative social, economic, environmental, and political impact of illegal small‐scale mining in the country. Amid state weakness, Ghanaian civ...
    While most studies from western countries emphasize rationality in electoral behavior, the present study proposes that rationality is also a driver of candidates’ behavior in a non‐Western context. The purpose of the present study is to... more
    While most studies from western countries emphasize rationality in electoral behavior, the present study proposes that rationality is also a driver of candidates’ behavior in a non‐Western context. The purpose of the present study is to map campaign content as well as campaign strategies of 214 candidates in the 2015 United Arab Emirates legislative elections. The qualitative analysis showed rational consideration drove the selection of both campaign strategies and public policy positions. Candidates decided to include patriotism and social and economic policy issues in their campaigns to attract votes. In addition, while candidates utilized social meda in their campaigns hoping to maximize their voter outreach, doing so was not necessarily decisive in garnering more votes. Thus, juxtaposed with social meda channels like Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, SnapChat, and GooglePlus, traditional campaigning strategies remained very potent.
    The Arab-Muslim world is often described negatively as undemocratic, intolerant and economically backward. Rare positive commentary about the region is usually reserved for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states based on the belief... more
    The Arab-Muslim world is often described negatively as undemocratic, intolerant and economically backward. Rare positive commentary about the region is usually reserved for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states based on the belief that their status as rentier states coupled with immense energy resources has enabled them to escape the failures of the larger region. However, this research posits a United Arab Emirates (UAE) exceptionalism attributed to its internalization of key political, economic and social norms, and the promotion of such norms as a norm entrepreneur. The attractiveness of the UAE's accomplishments in the region has made it worthy of emulation and, thus, a soft power.
    ... Osman Antwi-Boateng. Political Science Department, United Arab Emirates University antwiboateng{at}gmail.com. Received October 1, 2010. ... fact that the incumbent president was able to secure an electoral pact with former warlord and... more
    ... Osman Antwi-Boateng. Political Science Department, United Arab Emirates University antwiboateng{at}gmail.com. Received October 1, 2010. ... fact that the incumbent president was able to secure an electoral pact with former warlord and presidential candidate Prince Johnson ...
    The Arab-Muslim world is often described negatively as undemocratic, intolerant and economically backward. Rare positive commentary about the region is usually reserved for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states based on the belief... more
    The Arab-Muslim world is often described negatively as undemocratic, intolerant and economically backward. Rare positive commentary about the region is usually reserved for the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states based on the belief that their status as rentier states coupled with immense energy resources has enabled them to escape the failures of the larger region. However, this research posits a United Arab Emirates (UAE) exceptionalism attributed to its internalization of key political, economic and social norms, and the promotion of such norms as a norm entrepreneur. The attractiveness of the UAE's accomplishments in the region has made it worthy of emulation and, thus, a soft power.
    In seeking to contribute towards peace-building in Liberia, the U.S-based Liberian Diaspora is building international partnerships with its liberal minded host country, liberal institutions such as the United Nations and Non-Governmental... more
    In seeking to contribute towards peace-building in Liberia, the U.S-based Liberian Diaspora is building international partnerships with its liberal minded host country, liberal institutions such as the United Nations and Non-Governmental Organizations and private and corporate entities in the host land. There is a convergence of interests between moderate diaspora groups interested in post-conflict peace-building and liberal minded countries and international institutions seeking to promote the liberal peace. The convergence of such multiple actors offers better prospects for effective building in the homeland because collectively, they serve as counterweights to the parochial foreign policy impulses of each peace-building stakeholder that might be inimical to peace-building. While there are opportunities for the U.S-based Liberian diaspora to forge international partnerships for peace-building, there are challenges that can undermine well intentioned collaborations. These include: logistical challenges in executing transnational projects; self-seeking Diaspora members, divided leadership and poor coordination, and lack of sustainability of international partnerships.
    The purpose of the present study on political participation in United Arab Emirates is to examine the factors that motivated people to cast their vote in the legislative elections of 2011. To this end, a special questionnaire was... more
    The purpose of the present study on political participation in United Arab Emirates is to examine the factors that motivated people to cast their vote in the legislative elections of 2011. To this end, a special questionnaire was administered to a sample of 1,800 citizens and univariate and multivariate methods were used to analyze their responses. Findings reveal that three factors motivated people to cast their vote, namely 1) their political efficacy about the legislative body, 2) their optimism about the prospects of a newly elected legislature to improve their daily lives and to aid the government's effort to enhance public services, and 3) having political networks. The study recommends further research to find out factors behind the dwindling level of electoral participation in spite of a high level of political optimism and efficacy.
    The purpose of this study was to explore the voting behavior in United Arab Emirates by asking 1,800 citizens about which criteria they used to vote for a particular candidate in the past Federal National Council elections. Using... more
    The purpose of this study was to explore the voting behavior in United Arab Emirates by asking 1,800 citizens about which criteria they used to vote for a particular candidate in the past Federal National Council elections. Using descriptive statistics, the study showed that although patron-client networks played a role in vot-er's preferences — as existing literature about Middle East voters' behavior has established — they were superseded by personal attributes and the impact of candidates' campaigns. Emiratis voted for candidates based on three groups of factors, namely: 1) personal characteristics of the candidate including: public speaking skills, political experience, age, gender and educational level; 2) impact of a candidate's campaign including electoral promises and content of the campaign; and 3) patron-client networks including having personal and kinship relationship with candidate. The study showed that religious, political, and personal appearance factors were insignificant.
    As a result of a " hurting stalemate " and the failure to capture power through coercion, moderate elements within the US-based Liberian diaspora resorted to soft power in order to have a greater impact on homeland affairs. The... more
    As a result of a " hurting stalemate " and the failure to capture power through coercion, moderate elements within the US-based Liberian diaspora resorted to soft power in order to have a greater impact on homeland affairs. The effectiveness of the diaspora is aided by the attractiveness of diaspora success and US culture, the morality of diaspora policies, and the credibility and legitimacy of the diaspora. The US-based Liberian diaspora exerts soft power influences towards peace building via the following mechanisms: persuasion and dialogue; public diplomacy; media assistance; and development assistance/job creation campaigns. The study concludes that development assistance/job creation campaigns are the least sustainable because of cost compared to the other mechanisms that attract a buy-in from the community. This research is based on snowball and in-depth interviews with forty US-based Liberian diaspora leaders that also includes leaders of non-Liberian advocacy groups and participatory observation of selected diaspora activities from 2007-2010. It is also supplemented with content analysis of US-based Liberian diaspora online discussion forums and archival records of congressional hearings on Liberia during the civil war.
    This paper argues that Qatar exercises soft power influence in a troubled region via attraction and " carrots ". The sources of attraction includes: Qatar's political stability derived from its military alliance with the U.S and effective... more
    This paper argues that Qatar exercises soft power influence in a troubled region via attraction and " carrots ". The sources of attraction includes: Qatar's political stability derived from its military alliance with the U.S and effective income redistribution policies and a progressive higher education system which have greatly enhanced the stature of Qatar in the Middle East. Qatar offers the following " carrots " for influence: the potency of its Aljazeera Network, " carrot diplomacy " , sports investments and a generous foreign aid policy. However, the efficacy of these tools could be undermined, by the lack of a democratic culture in Qatar, questionable associations and causes, the unsustainable trajectory of " carrot " diplomacy and a creeping shift towards hard power in resolving conflicts and its attendant backlash.
    The US-based Liberian diaspora's role in the country's 14-year civil war and its aftermath is paradoxical. Consistent with existing literature on the role of diasporas in conflict, the group largely played a role contributing to the... more
    The US-based Liberian diaspora's role in the country's 14-year civil war and its aftermath is paradoxical. Consistent with existing literature on the role of diasporas in conflict, the group largely played a role contributing to the outbreak of the Civil War and its continuation. However, in a paradigmatic shift, the group is currently contributing towards the peace-building process by serving as norm entrepreneurs. Factors that have contributed to this shift include a strong demand in the homeland for a change in the 'rules of the game', a shift in US foreign policy towards promotion of democracy in Africa, and a concerted regional and international effort at promoting peace-building norms. The inclusiveness of the mechanisms for norm transfer, the conduct of the messengers and local perception of norms, affect the degree to which they are well received.
    Using a ‘Metrics Framework for Accessing Conflict Transformation and Stabilization’ developed by the United States Institute of Peace, this study analyzes the effectiveness of the 2005 Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement in dealing... more
    Using a ‘Metrics Framework for Accessing Conflict Transformation and Stabilization’ developed by the United States Institute of Peace, this study analyzes the effectiveness of the 2005 Sudanese Comprehensive Peace Agreement in dealing with the underlying causes of conflict. We aim to draw out and develop several important lessons for future international mediators. These lessons are: the recognition that good timing is essential for a successful outcome; the importance of a completely neutral and independent mediator; the clear definition of the role of international parties in order to prevent abuse by parochial interests; the necessity of identifying all aggrieved parties and issues for inclusion in the process; the importance of an international presence on implementation mechanisms; the provision of overarching review mechanisms; the inclusion of specifics on key issues such as the integration of ex-combatants; and, finally, the need to apply lessons identified and learned.