pinar akpinar

This chapter aims to shed light on Turkey’s Africa policy and what role Africa plays in its ‘novel’ enterprising and humanitarian foreign policy. Although the Ottoman Empire had a historical presence in Africa, Turkey had been relatively distant from the continent as a result of different priorities. Its recent return has been a rather aspiring one that began with aid, peace-making and investment projects and continued with ambitious security partnerships. While, historically and traditionally, Turkey has been most active in North Africa, its engagement with sub-Saharan Africa, and especially East Africa, has increased significantly in recent years. The study maintains that, Enterprising and Humanitarian Foreign Policy is not a completely novel conception in Turkey’s foreign policy but rather a rebranding of Davutoğlu’s foreign policy with a hard power twist, particularly in terms of its similarity with his concept of ‘humanitarian diplomacy’. Africa constitutes a perfect arena for Turkey’s imposition of itself as an ‘enterprising and humanitarian state’ through its soft and hard power capabilities. However, this is a rather perceived role and is yet to be fulfilled against Turkey’s actual priorities and competence as well as against the more traditional actors existing in Africa. While there is a clear rising interest by Turkish actors towards Africa, the continent still lags significantly behind Europe or Asia in terms of Turkey’s political, economic, humanitarian and military relations. The fact that Turkish policymakers ceased to call Turkey an ‘Afro-Eurasian state’ could be an indication of such a realisation. Turkey’s Africa policy has proved to be rather resilient against various crises such as the Arab Spring, the failed coup d’état in Turkey, the change of Turkish administration from a parliamentary to a presidential system and recently the global coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic.

This study aims to examine the restriction of Turkey’s civic space and offer means and strategies that could be utilized to enlarge it. It argues that the restriction of the civic space in Turkey is not a new phenomenon, but has been ongoing since the establishment of the Turkish Republic. It further argues that the restriction of civic space in Turkey is both a result of top-down measures and the lack of a sufficiently democratic societal culture. As such, the paper aims to understand the extent of restriction that Turkish civic space is faced with today, and what kind of strategies Turkish civic actors have developed to be able to cope with and maneuver within that space.

Turkey has been facing a number of challenges recently. The deepening polarization within the country and the growing insecurity in the neighbourhood has aggravated extant conflicts. The 15 July 2016 coup attempt has left Turkey in a state of further uncertainty, creating a conducive environment for conflicts to flourish. This report is the final product of the Post-Coup Opportunities on Conflict Resolution and Democracy Project conducted between September 2016 and May 2017
by the Istanbul Policy Center. The project aimed to examine the changing context of the post-coup period, identify the main conflicts, and offer policy recommendations for a strong, cohesive Turkey. This study argues that the shattering of the perceived strong state image and rhetoric and the importance of secularism and meritocracy in maintaining strong institutions have been the most important lessons that could be derived from the experience of the coup attempt. In this regard, it maintains that weak social cohesion and weak institutions are sources of instability and conflict and create a sound base for coup attempts.

The study focused on polarization and the Kurdish question as the two main strands of possible areas of conflict in the country. These two issues have long been drivers of conflict and instability in Turkey. As such, the recent constitutional referendum held on April 16th also revealed how the resolution of these two issues would pave the way for a more stable Turkey. Solid steps towards dialogue, democratization, and coexistence are prerequisites for peace in Turkey. The referendum outcome has demonstrated that there are strong demands for democratization, and within this atmosphere steps should be taken to strengthen the culture of living together.

Türkiye son zamanlarda birçok sorunla karşı karşıya kalmıştır. Ülke içindeki artan kutuplaşma ve çevresindeki güvensiz ortam mevcut çatışmaları arttırmıştır. 15 Temmuz 2016’da yaşanan darbe teşebbüsü, çatışmaların gelişmesi için elverişli bir ortam hazırlayarak Türkiye’yi artan bir belirsizlik ortamına sürüklemiştir. Bu rapor, İstanbul Politikalar Merkezi tarafından Eylül 2016 ve Mayıs 2017 tarihleri arasında gerçekleştirilmiş olan Darbe Girişimi Sonrası Çatışma Çözümü ve Demokrasi Fırsatları Projesi’nin son ürünü olarak ortaya konulmuştur. Proje, darbe girişimi sonrası dönemde değişen şartları inceleme, başlıca çatışma konularını tespit etme ve daha güçlü ve uyumlu bir Türkiye için politika önerileri sunma amacını gütmüştür. Darbe teşebbüsünden sonra ortaya çıkan en önemli derslerin güçlü devlet algısının ve söyleminin ciddi zarar görmesiyle birlikte sekülerizm ve liyakatın kurumların güçlü kılınmasındaki öneminin teyit edilmesi olmuştur. Bu sebeple, çalışma zayıf toplumsal bağlar ve kurumların istikrarsızlığının çatışmanın en önemli sebepleri olduğunu ve başka darbe teşebbüslerine zemin hazırladığını öne sürmektedir.

Bu çalışma, İstanbul, Ankara ve Diyarbakır’da, bürokrasi, akademi, sivil toplum, iş çevreleri ve medyadan toplam 100 kadar kişi ile yapılan beş çalıştay ve 22 kişi ile gerçekleştirilen yüz yüze mülakatlar sonucu elde edilen geniş kapsamlı birincil verilerin analizi sonucunda kapsayıcılık, duygudaşlık, temsiliyet, güçlü sivil toplum yetersizliğinin ve siyasi tartışmalarda kutuplaştırıcı dil kullanılmasının Türkiye’de çatışma çözümü ve demokrasinin önündeki en büyük engeller olduğunu tespit etmiştir. Ayrıca, bütün paydaşlar diyalog ve müzakerenin ülkemizde barış, demokrasi ve istikrarı pekiştireceğini belirtmişlerdir.

The workshop entitled, Turkey’s Engagement in Africa’s Development was a timely event conducted on September 14, 2015 at Makerere University, Kampala to exchange ideas on the topic. It was organized by
Istanbul Policy Center at Sabancı University, School of Liberal and Performing Arts at Makerere University and Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency.

The idea of a workshop first came up during a visit to the Department of Religion and Peace Studies at Makerere University by Bülent Aras, Coordinator, Conflict Resolution and Mediation Program, Istanbul
Policy Center and Professor of International Relations, Sabancı University and Pınar Akpınar, Scholar, Conflict Resolution and Mediation Program, Istanbul Policy Center, on January 26, 2015. The workshop aimed to investigate Turkey’s role in Africa with a particular focus on its humanitarian role and peacebuilding. Four panels were convened
focusing on Turkey’s medical humanitarianism in Uganda, Turkey as an emerging donor, its approach to peacebuilding and the engagement of HNGOs in Turkey’s peacebuilding. This report aims to lay out an
outline of the workshop.

This study investigates the role of Islamic solidarity in the conceptions, motivations, and practices of Turkish HNGOs. While Islamic solidarity plays an important role in the conceptions, motivations and practices of these HNGOs, it is, at times, limited by their strong sense of affiliation with Turkey and Turkish patriotism. In this sense, Islamic solidarity can be downplayed when there is a stronger sense of national affiliation. Furthermore, the sustainability of these HNGOs, and therefore the extent to which they are able to extend Islamic solidarity, is dependent upon the convergence of their ideas and interests with Turkey's current government. In a similar vein, it remains under question whether these HNGOs would feel the same level of patriotism under a different government. As such, the support they enjoy from the government and the affiliation they feel with Turkey feed into one another. Moreover, Islamic solidarity offered by Turkish HNGOs could be challenged by their overreliance on the precarious space provided for them by the current Turkish government.

This article investigates the limits of mediation during the Arab Spring by focusing on the case of Syria. It examines international mediation attempts by states, non-governmental organisation, and regional and international organisations. Drawing largely on Bercovitch and Gartner’s framework of mediation outcomes, the study suggests that the directive strategy applied by Staffan de Mistura through the United Nations–Arab League joint effort has achieved the closest outcome towards a full settlement. Mediation in the Syrian crisis has been limited by disagreement among key actors, lack of commitment and of coordinated efforts, questions of representation and legitimacy, and lack of neutrality and of inclusiveness. Despite its limits, mediation has been able to achieve important gains such as the longest and broadest ceasefire, access to the majority of besieged areas, considerable de-escalation of violence, commitment among key actors towards a resolution, and resolution of incidents of hostage crises. Despite its limits, mediation is likely to play an important role vis-à-vis the Arab Spring.

The ongoing crisis in Gulf geopolitics appeared to have targeted Qatar’s independent policies. Yet, in the background, the spoiler was Iran and Turkey’s hegemonic- even if clashing- pretensions due to a series of favorable regional and global developments. Therefore, the re-emergence
of Iran and Turkey as rising powers in the broader region has turned the Saudi-led coalition apprehensive about outsider influence. Qatar tilted towards Turkish foreign policy goals in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region and traditionally sought an appeasing “noconflict” policy against Iran. Against the ever-changing complexity of regional and global developments, largely defined as “the new Middle East Cold War,” Qatar faced a backlash from the Saudi-led Gulf core, eventually settling for minimized options in foreign and security policy. Beyond the current escalatory rhetoric, Qatar has security and economic ties with Turkey and
Western powers, which overshadow Iran’s minimal influence in the Gulf sheikhdom. The paper analyses both Turkish and Iranian policies in the Gulf and offers possible policy alternatives for Qatar to ward off against the threats of isolation and containment.

This policy brief aims to investigate the reasons for and implications of Turkey’s military base in Somalia. What are the implications of this base for Turkey, Somalia, and the regional geopolitics in the Horn of Africa? Could its new security involvement damage the benign role Turkey has been carefully crafting in the country? This policy brief aims to answer these questions by first offering background on Turkey’s engagement in Somalia, then focusing on the surging rivalry in the region, and finally by investigating the possible implications of Turkey’s base.

This paper investigates to what extent mediation has been a relevant foreign policy tool during the Arab Spring by looking into the mediation attempts of Turkey, Qatar and Iran. To answer this question, the paper examines why and how these actors mediated, to what extent they were able to apply mediation as a tool of foreign policy, whether their mediation attempts could deliver any results and whether there was a receptive audience with respect to their mediation. Despite certain setbacks, mediation has been a relevant foreign policy tool during the Arab Spring. The uses of mediation by these actors run parallel to their foreign policy priorities. In addition, during the Arab Spring, mediation has proved more effective in small-scale conflicts, such as hostage crises, rather than large-scale ones, such as those between regimes and oppositions. Despite considerable potential for regional powers to take on mediator roles, the effectiveness of their mediation attempts depends on their commitment and reliability as mediators.

Ever since its outbreak in 2010, the Arab Spring has brought about both hope and misery to the Middle East. Its initial phase of euphoria has left behind several unfulfilled revolutions, ethnic wars, and societal polarization. It has raised debates on the virtue of security over democracy against the vicious cycles of violence and conflict. Different methods of conflict resolution ranging from military intervention to mediation have been applied over the course of the Arab Spring. A number of actors took on mediation roles, some of which have been fruitful while others have proved ineffective. This policy brief analyses the mediation attempts made by Qatar within the context of the Arab Spring. It aims to understand to what extent mediation is still a relevant policy tool of Qatari foreign policy. It argues that Qatar’s regional aspirations during the Arab Spring have weakened its mediator role.

The conference Turkey and India as Global Development and Humanitarian Actors was held on October 8, 2015 in New Delhi under the auspices of Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences at South Asian University, Turkish Cooperation and Coordination
Agency (TIKA), and Istanbul Policy Center against this backdrop. It was part of a series of workshops organized as part of the Project on Turkey’s International Humanitarian NGOs and Peacebuilding.

The conference aimed to investigate the roles of Turkey and India as emerging agents of global development and humanitarian assistance. A series of two panels were convened to discuss the development and humanitarian approaches of the two countries. The panels also focused on different case studies such as the engagement of these actors with Africa as well as Turkey’s response to the Syrian crisis. This report
attempts to summarize the highlights of the conference.

This policy paper seeks to examine Turkish-Qatari relations against the backdrop of the unfolding Gulf crisis. It aims to understand whether this alliance will be sustainable after the Qatari crisis. The study also investigates the limits of Turkey’s hard and soft power capabilities in the Middle East and GCC area by drawing on its recent advances in establishing a military base in Qatar and its mediation attempts in
the crisis. It argues that Turkey’s failure to leverage the crisis is based on its paradox of trying to exert a policy based on balancing hard and soft power. As such, a more balanced and low-profile attitude would give Turkey more credibility in the region.

Hindistan ve Türkiye'de kadınların tecavüz ve cinayet vakalarına verilen tepkilerdeki çarpıcı benzerlikler, şiddetin temel sebeplerine değinmeden cezalandırıcı önlemler alınmasında kendini gösteriyor. Jyoti Singh ve Özgecan Aslan tecavüz vakalarının karşılaştırıldığı bu çalışma kadına karşı şiddetin sınırlarının olmadığını bir kez daha gösterdi. Ana-akım siyaset benzer olayları toplumda bir bütün olarak ele almak yerine olay bazında incelemekle yetiniyor. Oysa kadınların ihtiyacı olan şey koruma değil kamusal alandaki varlıklarının normalleştirilmesidir.

This Op-Ed explores the recruitment processes of radical groups such as ISIS during the course of the Arab Spring. It argues that repression, discrimination and racism are primary motives behind people's enthusiasm for joining such groups while factors such as ideology, poverty or unemployment play minor roles.