Andreas Ernst

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, unter welchen Bedingungen die Integration von Staaten mit unterschiedlichen Sprachen in eine suprastaatliche Organisation moglich ist. Diesbezuglich haben die Schweiz und die Europaische Union mit ahnlichen Problemen zu kampfen. Beide Gebilde mussten und mussen in einem konfliktreichen Prozess vielsprachige, einzelstaatlich organisierte Minderheiten in ein suprastaatliches Ganzes integrieren und dabei stabile Muster der Konfliktlosung aufbauen. Die Analyse des schweizerischen Staats- und Nationsbildungsprozesses ermoglicht neue Einblicke in den Europaischen Integrationsprozess. Dabei wird die Struktur der Offentlichkeit als zentrales Element fur den Erfolg oder das Scheitern “Europas” betrachtet.

In Europa wachst seit dem zweiten Weltkrieg ein supranationaler Staat heran. Er hat noch keinen definitiven Namen und so nennen ihn manche, mehr aus Verlegenheit, „Euroland“ oder nach Empfehlung der Academie Francaise „zone euro“. Dieses supranationale Gebilde hat noch nicht den Charakter eines vollstandig autonomen Staates, aber es scheint auf dem Weg dorthin zu sein. Die Mitgliedstaaten geben einen zunehmenden Teil ihrer Souveranitat an den supranationalen Staat ab. Wenn ihm eine Kompetenz ubertragen wird, dann sind die entsprechenden Rechtsnormen automatisch Bestandteil des nationalen Rechts, ohne dass die nationalen Parlamente daran mitwirken konnten (Lepsius, 1993, 256). Es gilt das Prinzip: Europaisches Recht bricht nationales Recht und der europaische Gerichtshof kann Mitgliedstaaten sanktionieren, wobei er „in dubio pro communitate“ entscheidet. Neben dieser Neuallokation von Kompetenzen findet auch eine Verschiebung der Ressourcenallokation statt. Die EU bezieht direkt Einnahmen aus Zollen und Abgaben von den Mitgliedstaaten. Der dadurch gewonnene Handlungsspielraum wachst (Gerhards 1998, 20). Diese Europaisierung von Kompetenzen geht auf Kosten der Autonomie der Nationalstaaten und rechtfertigt es, von einem supranationalen Staat zu sprechen.

State-building in Kosovo is a negotiation process between “internationals” and “locals.” Its logic is more political than technical, the outcome contingent on the intentions of the international actors. The goals of “internationals” and “locals” differ, which results in fuzzy governance. In time the balance of power tilts toward the local actors. With the start of the status process, the relation

Confrontation and Cooperation on the “Balkan Route” The Stream of Refugees and Regional Relations in the Western Balkans (in German)
Refugees and migrants on the „Balkan route” are making a range of different experiences: From robbery and exploitation to help and support they are confronted with the best and the worst authorities and populations have to offer. All the countries along their way (Greece, Macedonia, Serbia, Hungary, Croatia, Slovenia) have two things in common: Refugees are passing them in transit while their logistical capacities are regularly overburdened. Still there are specific differences in how these societies are dealing with the problem: Most obvious are the cases of Hungary and Serbia. Hungary is leading a repressive policy, successfully deterring the arrival of refugees. On the contrary Serbia’s tolerant approach led to an improvement of its reputation in Western liberal circles. It is argued that these differences are best explained by preferences of the respective political elites. As both countries are ruled by semi-authoritarian leaders their policies (and their grip on the media narrative) define to a large extent the public perception of the refugee crisis. In Croatia the political polarization between a center-left government and a nationalistic opposition leaves things in balance. The upcoming elections in early November 2015 will decide whether a repressive or a tolerant approach will prevail. Finally the conflicts and confusion the EU is undergoing because of the refugee crisis obviously have an impact on its reputation: The refugee crisis has become a crisis of Europe.

As a student in 1933 the later famous Swiss author Max Frisch (1911-1991), then aged 21, travelled for the first time to Eastern Europe and the Balkans. He reported  for the »Neue Zürcher Zeitung« on the Ice-Hockey World-Championship in Prague. From there he continued what would turn into an eight month trip across many regions of the Balkans. This voyage was of specific importance for the young man and author. Faced with self-doubt and insecurity Frisch considered it to be a test for his maturity and manhood. From Prague he travelled
to Belgrade, later to Dalmatia, Kosovo and Macedonia. He stayed in Sarajevo and arrived via Istanbul finally in Greece.
The quality of the accounts of this journey is rather uneven. Obviously, Frisch’s knowledge of the Balkans was limited and the descriptions of people he met are often stereotypical. On the other hand he succeeds in providing us with very sensitive, novel and surprising impressions of the region’s landscapes and nature. As regards the issue of women – a topic he struggled with his entire life – he displays a strange mixture of insecurity and (quasi-)philosophical mellowness.
But without doubt, besides many youthful aberrations, a number of texts give a clear hint to Frisch’s literary talent and the power of his language.