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Middle Mongol, first attested in the thirteenth century, exhibits three evidential markers that were restricted to the past tense: evidentially neutral -bA, direct -lUGA, and indirect -JUGU. Its modern successors show different systems... more
Middle Mongol, first attested in the thirteenth century, exhibits three evidential markers that were restricted to the past tense: evidentially neutral -bA, direct -lUGA, and indirect -JUGU. Its modern successors show different systems which mostly pattern areally. The two most complex systems developed in Kalmyk (west) and Khalkha (central), where evidentiality spread to other tenses and is also expressed through semantically more specific analytic constructions. In several Southern and Central Mongolic varieties of Amdo (southwest), binary systems evolved under Amdo Tibetan influence; these distinguish between participatory and non-participatory evidence. Buryat, Khorchin, and Dagur (northeast) as well as Southern Mongolic varieties of Gansu (south) lack paradigmatic evidentiality, losing or reinterpreting the inherited evidential suffixes. Some evidential strategies evolved that cut across the Mongolic area, including structurally identical prospectives (Khalkha, Buryat, Khorchin...
The submitted files contain the raw concordances for pre- and postnominal possessive forms in Khalkha Mongolian as represented in the Internet Corpus (IC), Spoken Corpus (SC), Law Corpus (Law) and Poetry Corpus (Poetry). It covers the... more
The submitted files contain the raw concordances for pre- and postnominal possessive forms in Khalkha Mongolian as represented in the Internet Corpus (IC), Spoken Corpus (SC), Law Corpus (Law) and Poetry Corpus (Poetry). It covers the forms min', chin', maan', tan', minii, chinii, manai, tanai, tanii and, except for IC, n'. Along with it, we provide the statistics that are based on these files ("corpus frequencies"). Finally, we provide data on clause connection and participle-based arguments that did not make it into our publication (nguut, PTCP chin' from IC), but which could be used as a starting point in future research. Please note that while most of these files are covered by the license CC BY 4.0, this is not true of "(SC).xlsx", for which much narrower conditions for use have been specified within the file. First and foremost, the file or its contents may not be distributed publicly. If in doubt how to use this file, contact Benjam...
Quoted clauses in which an intention is declared are cross-linguistically known to develop into clauses that directly ascribe an intention to their subjects, and further into clauses that express the imminence of an event. In Khalkha... more
Quoted clauses in which an intention is declared are cross-linguistically known to develop into clauses that directly ascribe an intention to their subjects, and further into clauses that express the imminence of an event. In Khalkha Mongolian, several quotative constructions based on the quotative verb ge- have come to ascribe intention and then developed further semantic extensions: (i) The pattern -x ge-, featuring a fossilized Middle Mongol future-referring participial suffix, is used in a group of constructions that cover the semantic space between future time reference, intention (initially of the current speaker), and imminence. (ii) Quotational clauses ending in a particular tense-aspect-evidentiality suffix (including -n) and subordinated by a linking converb ge-ž/ge-ed are often systematically ambiguous between quotation and their purposive, causal and concessive extensions. Noun phrases with similar properties additionally allow for (dedicational-)benefactive and (allocat...
The Mongolic term khaan ('king'), for which there is full correspondence, semantic and phonological, in sixteenth century Portuguese cão, is used as a starting-point to identify the graphemes that correspond to several Mongolic consonants... more
The Mongolic term khaan ('king'), for which there is full correspondence, semantic and phonological, in sixteenth century Portuguese cão, is used as a starting-point to identify the graphemes that correspond to several Mongolic consonants in place names transcribed in the chapters related to the Tartars in Fernão Mendes Pinto's Peregrinação (1614). With the deduced rules of pronunciation at hand, it is possible to establish new pairs of lexical correspondences and solve a brief lexicon extracted from the list of Tartar toponyms.
In this article, I give a concise preliminary overview of the functional range of the Khalkha Mongolian quotative verb ge- that is largely based on 3850 tokens of ge- retrieved from a spoken language corpus. Initially, there will be a... more
In this article, I give a concise preliminary overview of the functional range of the Khalkha Mongolian quotative verb ge- that is largely based on 3850 tokens of ge- retrieved from a spoken language corpus. Initially, there will be a brief overview of basic functions, including quotation with ge- as main verb or linker, its function in accommodating ideophones, and metalinguistic reference / naming. Secondly, there will be a discussion of different extended functions, namely such connected to (i) information structure, clause connection and text structuring, (ii) intention and its extensions such as forming purpose clauses, prospectives, and goal-benefactors, (iii) sentence-final stance marking (doubt, disagreement, correction, speaker and addressee surprise, anger), and (iv) arguable miscellaneous functions (jussive, functive, reflexive, enumerative).
In this paper, we analyze the clitic YUM (< ‘thing’) in Khalkha Mongolian which, in different syntactic contexts, reinforces assertiveness or expresses different shades of presumption or presupposition. The former holds for... more
In this paper, we analyze the clitic YUM (< ‘thing’) in Khalkha Mongolian which, in different syntactic contexts, reinforces assertiveness or expresses different shades of presumption or presupposition. The former holds for declaratives where the presence of YUM conveys the speaker’s strong subjective commitment. In question clauses, YUM is used to indicate the speaker’s subjective and often strong guess, sometimes to the point that the speaker presupposes that the proposition actually obtains. In subordinate clauses, YUM may fulfill the same function or serve as a structurally necessary nominalizer for adjectival predicates without introducing any semantic opposition. In declaratives marked as immediately perceived, YUM conveys inference via assumptive reasoning. We thus analyze YUM as a marker of subjective speaker conviction that within the Khalkha Mongolian declarative system is opposed to both simple factuality and overt evidential marking.
This paper attempts to give a functional overview of negation in the Mongolic language family. In Early Middle Mongol, standard, prohibitive and perhaps ascriptive negation were coded by the preverbal negators ese for perfective/past, ülü... more
This paper attempts to give a functional overview of negation in the Mongolic language family. In Early Middle Mongol, standard, prohibitive and perhaps ascriptive negation were coded by the preverbal negators ese for perfective/past, ülü for imperfective/non-past and büü for most moods including imperatives. It contrasted with the locative-existential-possessive negator ügei, which could also negate results and constituents. In most modern Mongolic languages, ügei made inroads into standard and ascriptive negation, competing with busi ‘other’ for ascriptive negation starting from Late Middle Mongol. Possessive constructions, while always based on ügei, are expressed through a range of different syntactic patterns, and a new locative-existential negator alga developed in one area. Newly developed verbal negators include the broadly used former resultative verbal negator -üüdei, and -sh, a more restricted reflex of busi. The change of negator position had consequences for its scope a...
In this paper, the meaning and use of the evidential particle bilee and its shortened derived form lee in Khalkha Mongolian are investigated. In indicatives, bilee is used to indicate one's own recollection. Simple past is formed together... more
In this paper, the meaning and use of the evidential particle bilee and its shortened derived form lee in Khalkha Mongolian are investigated. In indicatives, bilee is used to indicate one's own recollection. Simple past is formed together with the past inferential -j. Similarly, with a hortative mood bilee indicates the recollection of one's mental state. Both confirmation and surprise can be found as connotations, but the notion of surprise even appears to have grammaticalized into the more specific construction -na lee which either expresses surprise or is used to beg for attention. In questions, bilee can both express that one has witnessed, but cannot recall a given event, or an event that the addressee is presumed to remember. With the imperfective -dag, bilee can sometimes induce mono-occasional readings, but these are even possible with -dag alone or most commonly with -dag baijee.
This study explores the characteristics of depictives in Khalkh Mongolian using the data from a questionnaire and from a tiny literary corpus. First, the inner structure, the position within a clause and possible controllers are... more
This study explores the characteristics of depictives in Khalkh Mongolian using the data from a questionnaire and from a tiny literary corpus. First, the inner structure, the position within a clause and possible controllers are addressed, then structural and semantic constraints on the choice of subject vs. object controller are discussed. While topicality and telicity exert some influence, pragmatic factors can override the tendencies thus induced. Instrumental case marking on the adjective, on the other hand, still allows for two interpretations, but object-related readings seem to be caused by the interpretation of the accusative-marked noun phrase as subordinate clause subject. The contrasting zero marking seems to be neutral, while the dative marking is not discussed. Adjective resultatives are restricted to zero marking and predictable results of transitive predications, but are not the primary means to express resultative meaning.
Brosig, Benjamin. 2018. A Grammar of Wutun. Asian Highlands Perspectives 51:413-418. Erika Sandman. 2016. A Grammar of Wutun. Helsinki: University of Helsinki. Doctoral dissertation, xii, 370 p. [http://bit.ly/2C0jMCY, accessed 13... more
Brosig, Benjamin. 2018. A Grammar of Wutun. Asian Highlands Perspectives 51:413-418.

Erika Sandman. 2016. A Grammar of Wutun. Helsinki: University of Helsinki. Doctoral dissertation, xii, 370 p.  [http://bit.ly/2C0jMCY, accessed 13 December 2017].

An occasional problem when doing research on the languages of northern China is that while there are medium-sized structuralist, historical, and contemporary grammars for many local non-Sinitic varieties (e.g., Todaeva 1966, Chen and Cinggeltei 1986, and Fried 2010 for Bonan), the same does not seem to be equally true for their Sinitic contact varieties. A Grammar of Wutun, a dissertation written by Erika Sandman at the two departments of World Culture and Modern Languages at the University of Helsinki, helps close this gap for what has since Chen (1981) been known as one of the most idiosyncratic varieties of North-Western Mandarin. This language formed as part of the Amdo Sprachbund in intensive contact with Amdo Tibetan and, to some extent, Qinghai Bonan.
A Grammar of Wutun is based on Basic Linguistic Theory (Dixon 1997, 2010) and tends to make use of well-established classics for individual linguistic domains (e.g., Lamprecht 1994 for information structure, Yap et al. 2011 for nominalization). Based on a corpus of approximately 1,300 naturally attested and 1,100 elicited clauses mostly collected by the author herself, it first describes the sociolinguistic and research context (1-18), the phonology (19-41, following Janhunen et al. 2008) and word classes (42-175, nouns, verbs, minor) of Wutun. After attested morphological forms are thus accounted for, it continues by describing functional domains such as aspect (176-205); evidentiality and egophoricity (206-239); clausal word order, valency, and information structure (240-286); clause-type-related morphological mechanisms for interrogating, ordering, and negating (287-310); and clause connection (311-348). The book closes with glossed and translated transcriptions of three short procedural monologues (349-361).

In the nominal domain, Wutun exhibits an interesting distinction in the plural domain. The suffix -jhege can indicate either numbers of approximately 3 to 4 or generic groups (e.g., lhoma-jhege 'a few students' / 'students (in general)' when following regular nouns, but it refers to non-collective groups with personal pronouns (ngu-jhege 'each of us individually'). It contrasts with -dera ~ -duru used for delimited groups with regular nouns (ren-dera 'the people (e.g., of this country)'), and with -mu, denoting collectives when attached to pronouns (nga-mu 'we (as a group)'; 48-50, 71-72). Wutun has also developed a case system with a zero nominative and five marked cases. Particularly notable among these are the sociative in -liangge which grammaticalized from 'two' (cf. SM liăng ge 'two') (56-61) and the "optional dative" in -ha that is used to mark several types of non-actors and functions as a form of differential case marking conditioned by information structure (277-286).
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This short note serves the purpose of setting the record of the decipherment of the Mongolian Khüis Tolgoi and Bugut inscriptions straight. Until recently, the Brāhmī inscriptions on the Khüis Tolgoi and Bugut stelae in Mongolia remained... more
This short note serves the purpose of setting the record of the decipherment of the Mongolian Khüis Tolgoi and Bugut inscriptions straight. Until recently, the Brāhmī inscriptions on the Khüis Tolgoi and Bugut stelae in Mongolia remained undeciphered, and any knowledge concerning the language in which they were written had been lost centuries ago. Finally, in the 2000s, Dieter Maue, an epigraphist and a leading specialist on the Brāhmī script, made a new reading of the inscriptions, allowing, for the first time, the question concerning the underlying language to be approached in a meaningful way. Then, the French historian Étienne de La Vaissière invited Alexander Vovin, during the latter's visit to Paris, to have a look at Maue's reading of the Khüis Tolgoi inscription. Vovin recognized the language as Mongolic, but there were still too many unidentifiable words and grammatical forms to allow for a complete translation. In 2014, an international team consisting of Dieter Maue (Germany), Alexander Vovin (USA, then already permanently working in France), Mehmet Ölmez (Turkey), and Étienne de La Vaissière (France) was formed, and the group travelled to Mongolia, accompanied by two specialists in 3D photography with the relevant instruments for taking 3D pictures. The principal objective was to document the inscriptions as completely as possible. The team surveyed the inscriptions and took 3D pictures of the Khüis Tolgoi I and Brāhmī Bugut inscriptions, but could not do the same with Khüis Tolgoi II due to circumstances beyond the team's control. For more details on the team's travel to Mongolia, see Ölmez (2018). After the survey, Dieter Maue revised his epigraphic analysis and Alexander Vovin offered a first linguistic analysis and interpretation of the texts. The results were reported at the
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