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  • Professor in modern history. Special topics: The modernizing processes/industrialization Gender and Womens history P... moreedit
In the beginning of the 20thcentury the mining company of A/S Sulitjelma gruber in Nordland was about to becomethe largest industrial company in Norway. As many as 1700 – 2000 workers were involved in and around the export ofsulphur and... more
In the beginning of the 20thcentury the mining company of A/S Sulitjelma gruber in Nordland was about to becomethe largest industrial company in Norway. As many as 1700 – 2000 workers were involved in and around the export ofsulphur and copper from the border areas between Nordland county and Sweden. The work force mainly originatedfrom the surrounding area, however some of them also brought impulses from other parts of Europe, mainly Swedenand Finland, and the mining community became a stronghold for radicalism in the region.The article aims to illustrate the radicalisation process and how the regionally recruited miners became the coreof the radicalism. One central figure was Johan Medby, who at first started his political career as an antimilitarist,protesting against conscription during his compulsory military service in 1917. His protest escalated into a nationalmilitary campaign from the Norwegian authorities, because of local protests among radical workers in Sulitjelmathe year after.In the article one gets a more comprehensive insight into this regional political movement, some of the main actorsand why they later became part of the most radical wing in the Labour movement, joining the Communist party, afterthe split of the Norwegian Labour party in 1923. It also aims to give new insights into the use of political control,with an emerging security police, the use of censorship towards the radical press, radical politicians, and the use ofcensorship and the suppression of the freedom of speech.KeywordsAntimilitarism, radicalism, political surveillance
World War II has played a significant role in using “memory” in all kind of “memory politics” in Europe as well as in the USA. Using examples from Norway and the Soviet Union, later the Russian Republic, this article shows how... more
World War II has played a significant role in using “memory” in all kind of “memory politics” in Europe as well as in the USA. Using examples from Norway and the Soviet Union, later the Russian Republic, this article shows how successfully, but also how contradictorily, historical events can be used as memory politics. We will also see what “memory culture” and “memory policy” is predominant in circumpolar Norway and the Soviet Union/Russia after World War II. We are introduced to the concept of “memory agents”, the producers and directors of “memory politics”. The case is first and foremost the battle of Narvik in Norway in the spring of 1940. We also take a look at the circumpolar borderland between Norway and the Soviet Union during World War II, where the German “Gebirgsjäger” from the Narvik front regrouped and continued their assault on Soviet Union in Murmansk County from the summer of 1941. In what way were the war events useful in the post war era, and how could they directly affect Soviet–Norwegian relations during the Cold War? In addition we ask how memories contributed to the justification of different approaches to the foreign policy in both countries. Besides, the article demonstrates how the memory policy of World War II was affected after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union in Norway and Russia, respectively.
Bokhausten 2014 inneheldt mange interessante historiebøker. Ei av dei hadde som ambisjon å vere eit korrektiv til historieframstillingane som andre historikarar har drive med. Ho har blitt marknadsført som ei bok som skulle ta for seg... more
Bokhausten 2014 inneheldt mange interessante historiebøker. Ei av dei hadde som ambisjon å vere eit korrektiv til historieframstillingane som andre historikarar har drive med. Ho har blitt marknadsført som ei bok som skulle ta for seg norsk historie på ein ny og forfriskande måte. Forfattarane bak boka Dovre faller sorterer ut snikk-snakk og går rett på sak, framfor å drøfte og vege det eine perspektivet opp mot det andre.
Abstract 1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both women and... more
Abstract 1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both women and men, as well as the voting system with proportional voting. But most importantly it saw the development of dialogue between the ruling and the lower classes regarding the creation of confidence and trust. This dialogue started out rather turbulently, with a high degree of class struggle that resulted in a revolutionary dominated Labour movement, united with the Comintern. Slowly, but surely, this radical attitude changed towards a more moderate social democrat stance, which was later to be identified as the more prevalent Nordic approach, in particular after 1935. This article deals with this change in attitude within the Labour movement, and endeavours to explain how the change arose from negotiations both internally in the Labour movement as well as between the movement and its antagonists among the ruling elite and the hegemonic classes. The article is based on studies of events in the county of Nordland, one of the hardcore areas for the most radical elements of the Norwegian Federation of Trade Unions.
Historian Roger Griffin characterized the Norwegian far-right party Nasjonal Samling (NS) as an “abortive fascist movement” in interwar Europe. Established in 1933, the movement only got 1.8% of the votes in the Norwegian general... more
Historian Roger Griffin characterized the Norwegian far-right party Nasjonal Samling (NS) as an “abortive fascist movement” in interwar Europe. Established in 1933, the movement only got 1.8% of the votes in the Norwegian general elections and hardly had any influence in interwar Norway. To understand the Norwegian involvement in the war, people have to look more closely at some facts. The north and south of Norway experienced the war during the spring and early summer of 1940 in different ways. On 9 April 1940, Nazi Germany invaded Norway. In towns like Bodø and Narvik in Nordland County, like elsewhere in Norway, there were small groups loyal to the fascist party. In the parliamentary elections of 1933, Narvik had two of the six parliamentary candidates on the common list of all the north Norwegian towns. NS never regained popular support before the war broke out. Nevertheless, when the war started, the party organization, with its leadership and nationwide organization, still existed.
In 1918 a global pandemic – the so-called Spanish flu – hit Norway. As many as 50 million people worldwide died from the pandemic. In Norway – a country of around 2,5 million people – 13,000-15,000 people died between 1918-20 as a... more
In 1918 a global pandemic – the so-called Spanish flu – hit Norway. As many as 50 million people worldwide died from the pandemic. In Norway – a country of around 2,5 million people – 13,000-15,000 people died between 1918-20 as a consequence of the influenza pandemic.
The main aim with this article is to study how small Norwegian towns dealt with the pandemic. Consequently the article also addresses the issue of strategies in dealing with the pandemic. Did these strategies vary between different towns in Norway, and how did the national strategies influence on the local strategies in the fight against the menacing disease?
In consequence, the article also gives an insight into the growing attention to public health in Norwegian society in the 19th and 20th century, as well as a short introduction to the Norwegian urbanisation in the same period. We also have to study the diffusion of a pandemic to the European periphery.
The main cases of the article is the two only towns in Nordland, Narvik and Bodø, and the wiggle-room of the small towns when dealing with the Spanish flu. How did the two towns meet the pandemic? But there will also be taken detours in to other Nordic cities, and the public debate about the pandemic.
Vi har just gått inn i eit nytt år, eit jubileums-og minneår, for Grunnlova av 1814 og starten av første verdskrigen. Begge hendingane reiser mange fundamentale historiske spørsmål, og historikarane sin plikt å bidra til svar. Slik er det... more
Vi har just gått inn i eit nytt år, eit jubileums-og minneår, for Grunnlova av 1814 og starten av første verdskrigen. Begge hendingane reiser mange fundamentale historiske spørsmål, og historikarane sin plikt å bidra til svar. Slik er det ofte når vi på ymse vis blir påminna om skilset-tande historiske hendingar. Heimens første nummer vil forsøke å svare på både store og små spørsmål. Den først artikkelen vår handlar om bakgrun-nen for dei konfliktane vi ser i dag knytt til rov-dyrforvaltning. Karl Martin Richardsen har skrive ein artikkel med basis i sitt mastergrads-arbeid om «Lov om utrydding av rovdyr(…)» frå 1845. Her fortel han om bakgrunnen for ten-kinga kring rovdyrforvaltning rundt midten av 1800-talet, og kva følgjer denne lova fekk for rovdyra våre. Lova var nemleg starten på ei sys-tematisk utrydding av rovdyr i landet vårt. Artikkelen syner og at det er mangt eit viktig forskingsbidrag gjort blant masterstudentar kringom i landet vårt. Av ymse grunnar er det lite kjent....
Before the Norwegian History Days in 2008, the historian Knut Kjeldstadli from the University of Oslo was challenged by his colleagues in the Norwegian Historian Association, who asked him to hold the lecture “How do we celebrate... more
Before the Norwegian History Days in 2008, the historian Knut Kjeldstadli from the University of Oslo was challenged by his colleagues in the Norwegian Historian Association, who asked him to hold the lecture “How do we celebrate thenation state in a globalized world?” The reason for this challenge had different motivations. Firstly, many intellectuals and academics had recently criticized the concepts of the nation and nationalism due to an unhealthy form of nationalism that could trigger conflicts and hate throughout the world. Many of these conflicts had been legitimized by historians. Secondly, the time was right for historians to strengthen the emphasis on global topics in connection with the development of globalism in general. Beneath the surface, there was an implicit judgment directed toward historians for concerning themselves with internal affairs within national borders instead of focusing on international relations between nation states or their cultural, economic, and political inter-connectedness. The perspective of Kjeldstadli highlights another aspect about which Norwegian historians seem to be ambivalent, namely populism. This article will show how populism and nationalism have previously been linked. This link has materialized largely because of the methodological nationalism used among Norwegian historians, where the emphasis has been placed on ideals from the Norwegian Constitution of 1814, itself based on the US Declaration of Independence. Among the mainprinciples, one of the most important is the paragraph stating that“all men are created equal.”3In the new Norwegian Constitution, the“people”of Norway are given a heightened position in society. One can rightly speak about a new, more modern perspective on the bearer of the nation, with its connection to the first seeds of democracy, based on the relationship between the people and the nation. This article will try to illustrate the role of historians in the creation of the narrative concerning this relationship. It will also discuss how an ideological alliance between Norwegian historians, the principles of the Norwegian Constitution, and the content of the ideals of Norwegian nationalism has been established.The connection between the constitution and the people and its relationship to populism is not always apparent. However, this article will examine Norwegian historiography and its implicit connection with democratic values and concepts of democracy, as well as the narrative of Norwegian historians.
In the beginning of the 20thcentury the mining company of A/S Sulitjelma gruber in Nordland was about to becomethe largest industrial company in Norway. As many as 1700 – 2000 workers were involved in and around the export ofsulphur and... more
In the beginning of the 20thcentury the mining company of A/S Sulitjelma gruber in Nordland was about to becomethe largest industrial company in Norway. As many as 1700 – 2000 workers were involved in and around the export ofsulphur and copper from the border areas between Nordland county and Sweden. The work force mainly originatedfrom the surrounding area, however some of them also brought impulses from other parts of Europe, mainly Swedenand Finland, and the mining community became a stronghold for radicalism in the region.The article aims to illustrate the radicalisation process and how the regionally recruited miners became the coreof the radicalism. One central figure was Johan Medby, who at first started his political career as an antimilitarist,protesting against conscription during his compulsory military service in 1917. His protest escalated into a nationalmilitary campaign from the Norwegian authorities, because of local protests among radical workers in Sulitjelmathe year after.In the article one gets a more comprehensive insight into this regional political movement, some of the main actorsand why they later became part of the most radical wing in the Labour movement, joining the Communist party, afterthe split of the Norwegian Labour party in 1923. It also aims to give new insights into the use of political control,with an emerging security police, the use of censorship towards the radical press, radical politicians, and the use ofcensorship and the suppression of the freedom of speech.KeywordsAntimilitarism, radicalism, political surveillance
I dette nummeret har redaksjonen strekt seg for å skaffe nye, unge bidragsytarar heilt i forskings-fronten. Under sesjonen Etnisitet, kjønn og entre-prenørskap i nordiske byer, ca. 1850-2000, heldt fire kvinner innlegg om si forsking på... more
I dette nummeret har redaksjonen strekt seg for å skaffe nye, unge bidragsytarar heilt i forskings-fronten. Under sesjonen Etnisitet, kjønn og entre-prenørskap i nordiske byer, ca. 1850-2000, heldt fire kvinner innlegg om si forsking på det Nor-diske historkermøtet i Tromsø i 2011. Redaksjo-nen meinte dette var stoff som fortente eit større publikum, og lesarane av Heimen er så heldige å få del i forskinga om økonomisk entreprenørskap i nordiske byar. Sentralt har spørsmålet om kor-leis ein kan finne alternative tilnaermingsmåtar til forståinga av entreprenørskap. Forskarane meinte at historikarar/samfunnsforskarar har hatt ein tendens til å sette likskapsteikn mellom storleik, vekst og viktigheit i entreprenørskapsøkonomien. Entreprenørskap vil dermed handle primaert om å etablere ny verksemd og få bedrifta til å vekse og bli lønnsam. Det bryt med den kanskje vanlegaste form for entreprenørskap i byane på 1800-og storparten av 1900-tallet: enkelt-og levebrødsfo-retaket, ofte av avg...
World War II has played a significant role in using “memory” in all kind of “memory politics” in Europe as well as in the USA. Using examples from Norway and the Soviet Union, later the Russian Republic, this article shows how... more
World War II has played a significant role in using “memory” in all kind of “memory politics” in Europe as well as in the USA. Using examples from Norway and the Soviet Union, later the Russian Republic, this article shows how successfully, but also how contradictorily, historical events can be used as memory politics. We will also see what “memory culture” and “memory policy” is predominant in circumpolar Norway and the Soviet Union/Russia after World War II. We are introduced to the concept of “memory agents”, the producers and directors of “memory politics”. The case is first and foremost the battle of Narvik in Norway in the spring of 1940. We also take a look at the circumpolar borderland between Norway and the Soviet Union during World War II, where the German “Gebirgsjäger” from the Narvik front regrouped and continued their assault on Soviet Union in Murmansk County from the summer of 1941. In what way were the war events useful in the post war era, and how could they directly affect Soviet–Norwegian relations during the Cold War? In addition we ask how memories contributed to the justification of different approaches to the foreign policy in both countries. Besides, the article demonstrates how the memory policy of World War II was affected after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union in Norway and Russia, respectively.
Historian Roger Griffin characterized the Norwegian far-right party Nasjonal Samling (NS) as an “abortive fascist movement” in interwar Europe. Established in 1933, the movement only got 1.8% of the votes in the Norwegian general... more
Historian Roger Griffin characterized the Norwegian far-right party Nasjonal Samling (NS) as an “abortive fascist movement” in interwar Europe. Established in 1933, the movement only got 1.8% of the votes in the Norwegian general elections and hardly had any influence in interwar Norway. To understand the Norwegian involvement in the war, people have to look more closely at some facts. The north and south of Norway experienced the war during the spring and early summer of 1940 in different ways. On 9 April 1940, Nazi Germany invaded Norway. In towns like Bodø and Narvik in Nordland County, like elsewhere in Norway, there were small groups loyal to the fascist party. In the parliamentary elections of 1933, Narvik had two of the six parliamentary candidates on the common list of all the north Norwegian towns. NS never regained popular support before the war broke out. Nevertheless, when the war started, the party organization, with its leadership and nationwide organization, still existed.
1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both women and men, as... more
1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This
period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral
system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both
women and men, as well as the voting system with proportional voting.
But most importantly it saw the development of dialogue between the
ruling and the lower classes regarding the creation of confidence and trust.
This dialogue started out rather turbulently, with a high degree of class
struggle that resulted in a revolutionary dominated Labour movement,
united with the Comintern. Slowly, but surely, this radical attitude changed
towards a more moderate social democrat stance, which was later to be
identified as the more prevalent Nordic approach, in particular after 1935.
This article deals with this change in attitude within the Labour movement,
and endeavours to explain how the change arose from negotiations both
internally in the Labour movement as well as between the movement
and its antagonists among the ruling elite and the hegemonic classes. The
article is based on studies of events in the county of Nordland, one of the
hardcore areas for the most radical elements of the Norwegian Federation
of Trade Unions.
Bokhausten 2014 inneheldt mange interessante historiebøker. Ei av dei hadde som ambisjon å vere eit korrektiv til historieframstillingane som andre historikarar har drive med. Ho har blitt marknadsført som ei bok som skulle ta for seg... more
Bokhausten 2014 inneheldt mange interessante historiebøker. Ei av dei hadde som ambisjon å vere eit korrektiv til historieframstillingane som andre historikarar har drive med. Ho har blitt marknadsført som ei bok som skulle ta for seg norsk historie på ein ny og forfriskande måte. Forfattarane bak boka Dovre faller sorterer ut snikk-snakk og går rett på sak, framfor å drøfte og vege det eine perspektivet opp mot det andre.
Då Noreg kapitulerte 10. juni 1940 var over 20 byar og tettstader sterkt eller delvis lagt i ruinar. Bodø var ein av dei, og vi skal sjå nærmare på denne byen i det følgjande. Korleis arta gjenreisingsprosessen seg, og kva var særleg... more
Då Noreg kapitulerte 10. juni 1940 var over 20 byar og tettstader sterkt eller delvis
lagt i ruinar. Bodø var ein av dei, og vi skal sjå nærmare på denne byen i det følgjande.
Korleis arta gjenreisingsprosessen seg, og kva var særleg utfordringane? Artikkelen
skal også røre ved oppfatningane som verserer om byens karakter, særleg knytt til
koplinga mellom gjenreising og ideologi. Vart byen forma av nasjonalsosialistiske,
tyske ideal, eller meir allmenne strømmingar? Og korleis vart planane for Bodø
behandla etter den sosialdemokratiske tidsalderen sitt inntog i 1945?
Abstract 1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both women and... more
Abstract
1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This
period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both
women and men, as well as the voting system with proportional voting.
But most importantly it saw the development of dialogue between the
ruling and the lower classes regarding the creation of confidence and trust.
This dialogue started out rather turbulently, with a high degree of class
struggle that resulted in a revolutionary dominated Labour movement,
united with the Comintern. Slowly, but surely, this radical attitude changed
towards a more moderate social democrat stance, which was later to be
identified as the more prevalent Nordic approach, in particular after 1935.
This article deals with this change in attitude within the Labour movement,
and endeavours to explain how the change arose from negotiations both
internally in the Labour movement as well as between the movement
and its antagonists among the ruling elite and the hegemonic classes. The
article is based on studies of events in the county of Nordland, one of the
hardcore areas for the most radical elements of the Norwegian Federation
of Trade Unions.
Seventy-seven years ago a tragedy took place in the Norwegian Arctic which shook the international community–especially Norwegians–and led to the public condemnation of the Italian explorer and airship builder Umberto Nobile. Steinar Aas,... more
Seventy-seven years ago a tragedy took place in the Norwegian Arctic which shook the international community–especially Norwegians–and led to the public condemnation of the Italian explorer and airship builder Umberto Nobile. Steinar Aas, historian and author of a book on Nobile, has perused a trove of “new” material recently donated to the Norwegian Polar Institute and the Polar Museum in Tromsø, Norway. In this (unreviewed) piece, Aas explains why he finds the new collection a fascinating subject for further research.
Dette er en del av Aas' doktoravhandling. Avhandlingens hoveddel er utgitt som bok og er ikke gjort tilgjengelig elektronisk: Aas, Steinar: Narviks historie. Bind 1 1902-1950. Byen, banen og bolaget. Narvik, Stiftelsen Narviks... more
Dette er en del av Aas' doktoravhandling. Avhandlingens hoveddel er utgitt som bok og er ikke gjort tilgjengelig elektronisk: Aas, Steinar: Narviks historie. Bind 1 1902-1950. Byen, banen og bolaget. Narvik, Stiftelsen Narviks historieverk, 2001. ISBN 82-996128-1-0
In the summer of 1928, the dirigible “Italia” with the Italian navigator and constructor Umberto Nobile and his crew crashed in the polar ice north of Spitzbergen. The accident triggered not only the then most extensive rescue operation... more
In the summer of 1928, the dirigible “Italia” with the Italian navigator and constructor Umberto Nobile and his crew crashed in the polar ice north of Spitzbergen. The accident triggered not only the then most extensive rescue operation ever, it also resulted in a national grievance in Norway, when the national hero Roald Amundsen vanished in the sea on his way from Norway to Spitzbergen. Amundsen was flying north to help to find his old companion. With his disappearance the Norwegian attitude towards Nobile and his fellow Italians turned from bad to worse. This unkind attitude was also strengthened when Nobile came out of the ice safe and sound after 1 month. One Norwegian paper called Nobile “a goldgallooned fascist fool”, whose “insane venture had caused the whole tragedy” (Friheten 8 June 1928). Now Nobile was in safety, while Amundsen was gone forever. When the Italian shipwrecked men came to the coastal town of Narvik in Norway to dock for the waiting train to Italy, the locals met them with hostility. Why had the usually friendly and calm Norwegians suddenly become so hostile and unkind?
The role of the polar explorer in the Norwegian identity Norway is a rather young nation and has had two spells under the rule of foreign empires: the first was under Denmark with the definite beginning in 1536, then ending in 1814. The... more
The role of the polar explorer in the Norwegian identity Norway is a rather young nation and has had two spells under the rule of foreign empires: the first was under Denmark with the definite beginning in 1536, then ending in 1814. The second spell under foreign rile was under the Kingdom of Sweden from 1814 to 1905. Despite the late rebirth of Norway as an independent nation state, the young modern Norwegian kingdom established a polar empire with significant possessions in both the Arctic and the Antarctic by 1940. In the modern-day history of science, Norway is a stronghold for polar research, and the rise of polar exploration, polar research, and nation-state building went hand-in-hand from the last part of 19 th and first half of the 20 th century, and until today. This article aims to connect the understanding of the explorer as part of the rise of the modern nation-state Norway. Consequently, it demands a certain attentiveness to the context of nation-state building. This article reflects on the nation-state building and aims to envisage the role of the polar explorer in Norwegian culture, identity, and historiography.
Per lo studioso che si occupa di storia dell'Artico e del periodo interbellico, questo libro ha un grande valore. Soprattutto i norvegesi e gli italiani potranno conoscere lo spirito nel quale si svolsero alcune vicende... more
Per lo studioso che si occupa di storia dell'Artico e del periodo interbellico, questo libro ha un grande valore. Soprattutto i norvegesi e gli italiani potranno conoscere lo spirito nel quale si svolsero alcune vicende dell'«Amundsen-Ellsworth-Nobile Transpolar flight» del 1926, quando l'umanità raggiunse per la prima volta il Polo Nord. Come storico norvegese impegnato negli studi sulle relazioni internazionali tra Norvegia e Italia nel periodo fra le due guerre mondiali, trovo particolarmente vantaggioso avere accesso ad una fonte storica come i diari e i documenti di Renato Alessandrini. Alessandrini divenne un fondamentale partecipante in quel movimentato periodo, culminato nella scomparsa sia sua che del famoso esploratore polare norvegese-icona artica-Roald Amundsen, nell'estate del 1928.
1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both women and men, as... more
1898 to 1940 were the formative years for Norwegian democracy. This period saw the establishment of the most significant reforms of the electoral system including the early introduction of universal suffrage for both women and men, as well as the voting system with proportional voting. But most importantly it saw the development of dialogue between the ruling and the lower classes regarding the creation of confidence and trust. This dialogue started out rather turbulently, with a high degree of class struggle that resulted in a revolutionary dominated Labour movement, united with the Comintern. Slowly, but surely, this radical attitude changed towards a more moderate social democrat stance, which was later to be identified as the more prevalent Nordic approach, in particular after 1935. This article deals with this change in attitude within the Labour movement, and endeavours to explain how the change arose from negotiations both internally in the Labour movement as well as between the movement and its antagonists among the ruling elite and the hegemonic classes. The article is based on studies of events in the county of Nordland, one of the hardcore areas for the most radical elements of the Norwegian Federation of Trade Unions.
This article gives an insight into the industrialization and colonization processes of northern Scandinavia. Urbanization due to industrialization is a vital part of the perspective, and brings us into an industrial mega system in Swedish... more
This article gives an insight into the industrialization and colonization processes of northern Scandinavia. Urbanization due to industrialization is a vital part of the perspective, and brings us into an industrial mega system in Swedish Lapland in the late nineteenth century based on iron ore export. It was to be connected to the industrial centre of Europe, especially the Ruhrgebiet of Germany, and paved the way
for a new kind of urban development in peripheral Europe – the industrial network town. The history and foundation of the Norwegian harbour town Narvik is vital for gaining insight into this mega system.
By studying Narvik we can envisage particularities of, and similarities and diff erences between Norway and Sweden when it comes to their urban economic foundations, urban development/planning regimes, and the relations between the municipalities, the modern nation states and the dominating companies. Even the development of a uniquely Scandinavian identity connected with the labour movement and the development of a post-war social democrat order visibly results from the new industries. Thus the common Swedish-Norwegian fi gure of the rallar – something like navvy or construction worker – has a signifi cant place in this study, and the use of the fi gure in addition to later processes of memory creation, both within the Norwegian and Swedish labour movements, is addressed.

Keywords: Urban History. Modernization. Industrialization. Norwegian History. Swedish History. Technology. Urban Planning. Memory Studies. Rallar. Labour History.
Northern Europe is marked by some of the slowest and most recent urbanizations in Europe. In Norway, one of the most recent nations to experience urbanization processes, the majority of people lived in non-urbanized areas as recently as... more
Northern Europe is marked by some of the slowest and most recent urbanizations in Europe. In Norway, one of the most recent nations to experience urbanization processes, the majority of people lived in non-urbanized areas as recently as 1945. Denmark and Sweden had been prosperous empires for centuries, while Finland, Norway and Iceland, by contrast, were to start the process of state formation from the 19 th century onwards. This article aims to demonstrate that the topic of festival culture, festival houses and the creation of the nation state became influenced by new growing cities in Scandinavia. In addition, it focuses on the role of cultural activities in urbanization and the creation of new modern nation states. This article will try to sweep over the Scandinavian countries, but it is impossible to give a comprehensive overview over the topic. However, by focusing on some of the aspects in some specific cases, it tends to give an understanding of the subject and how the development of festivals and festival houses was, as well as the development of cultural practices in urban areas in connection with cultural activities. Even though the urban culture and the nation states of Scandinavia developed individually , there are significant similarities which are emphasized in this article. There was a pronounced growing awareness of cultural activities during the 19 th and especially the 20 th century in most Nordic countries. This awareness was significantly urban, and it was closely related to the development of the modern postwar welfare state. This examination and discussion of the topic of festival houses in Scandinavia is an attempt to contextualize the development of both culture-especially music and concert halls-in Scandinavia, as well as trying to see them as a means of providing festivals a safe haven-a festival house.
In the summer of 1928, the dirigible “Italia” with the Italian navigator and constructor Umberto Nobile and his crew crashed in the polar ice north of Spitzbergen. The accident triggered not only the then most extensive rescue operation... more
In the summer of 1928, the dirigible “Italia” with the Italian navigator and constructor Umberto Nobile and his crew crashed in the polar ice north of Spitzbergen. The accident triggered not only the then most extensive rescue operation ever, it also resulted in a national grievance in Norway, when the national hero Roald Amundsen vanished in the sea on his way from Norway to Spitzbergen. Amundsen was flying north to help to find his old companion. With his disappearance the Norwegian attitude towards Nobile and his fellow Italians turned from bad to worse. This unkind attitude was also strengthened when Nobile came out of the ice safe and sound after 1 month. One Norwegian paper called Nobile “a goldgallooned fascist fool”, whose “insane venture had caused the whole tragedy” (Friheten 8 June 1928). Now Nobile was in safety, while Amundsen was gone forever. When the Italian shipwrecked men came to the coastal town of Narvik in Norway to dock for the waiting train to Italy, the locals met them with hostility. Why had the usually friendly and calm Norwegians suddenly become so hostile and unkind?
Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies is a multi-disciplinary scientific journal for cultural studies. The journal presents results... more
Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: Acta Borealia: A Nordic Journal of Circumpolar Societies is a multi-disciplinary scientific journal for cultural studies. The journal  presents results from research on northern societies, including reviews of new books about the north.

The journal publishes articles in disciplines such as history, archaeology, social anthropology, ethnography, geography, and linguistics. Topics of primary concern include:
- ethnic relations
- settlement patterns
- economy
- political, cultural, and social phenomena from prehistory to the recent past
- Articles and book reviews are published in English.
ABSTRACT World War II has played a significant role in using ‘‘memory’’ in all kind of ‘‘memory politics’’ in Europe as well as in the USA. Using examples from Norway and the Soviet Union, later the Russian Republic, this article shows... more
ABSTRACT World War II has played a significant role in using ‘‘memory’’ in all kind of
‘‘memory politics’’ in Europe as well as in the USA. Using examples from Norway and the Soviet
Union, later the Russian Republic, this article shows how successfully, but also how contradictorily,
historical events can be used as memory politics. We will also see what ‘‘memory
culture’’ and ‘‘memory policy’’ is predominant in circumpolar Norway and the Soviet Union/
Russia after World War II. We are introduced to the concept of ‘‘memory agents’’, the producers
and directors of ‘‘memory politics’’. The case is first and foremost the battle of Narvik in Norway
in the spring of 1940. We also take a look at the circumpolar borderland between Norway and the
Soviet Union during World War II, where the German ‘‘Gebirgsja¨ger’’ from the Narvik front
regrouped and continued their assault on Soviet Union in Murmansk County from the summer of
1941. In what way were the war events useful in the post war era, and how could they directly
affect SovietNorwegian relations during the Cold War? In addition we ask how memories
contributed to the justification of different approaches to the foreign policy in both countries.
Besides, the article demonstrates how the memory policy of World War II was affected
after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union in Norway and Russia,
respectively.
Research Interests:
Paper presentation  at EAUH session in Antwerp 2022
Research Interests: