- Associate Professor in the Comparative Politics of the Middle East at the University of Leeds, United Kingdom.edit
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This chapter reviews that state of academic scholarship on political parties in the Arab Middle East with a focus on party families, organisation and electoral mobilisation. Please contact the author for a copy of the chapter.
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New article on the 'Construction of a Linguistic Theory from First Principles and Confrontation with Crucial Data' by Prof. James Dickins.
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This article investigates a specific type of cabinet government in the Arab Middle East and North Africa (mena): the multiparty coalition. Although mostly associated with parliamentary democratic systems, coalition governments are not... more
This article investigates a specific type of cabinet government in the Arab Middle East and North Africa (mena): the multiparty coalition. Although mostly associated with parliamentary democratic systems, coalition governments are not uncommon in the region, comprising in fact since 1990 a sizeable proportion of the cabinets formed post-election. Drawing on novel data collated by the authors, this article offers new macro-level comparative insights into some of the key parameters of coalition governance, including their formation, composition, and durability. In doing so, the article seeks not only to document and analyse the spectrum of multiparty governance in the Arab mena but advance the development of a research agenda on the subject that, whilst sensitive to local context, engages critically with, and feeds into, the broader coalitions literature.
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This article puts forth the justification for examining multiparty coalitions governments in the Arab world. Although mostly associated with governance in fully-fledged democracies, the Arab world is no stranger to multiparty coalitions... more
This article puts forth the justification for examining multiparty coalitions governments in the Arab world. Although mostly associated with governance in fully-fledged democracies, the Arab world is no stranger to multiparty coalitions and coalition governance. In its modern history, the region can boast, in fact, a surprisingly large and diverse number of such coalitions. Analysing them in detail employing the theories and concepts of broader comparative politics provides findings that can be compared to what we already know about coalition governments and contribute to render the region less ‘exceptional’.
This chapter explores the dynamics of electoral and party politics in the Arab Gulf states of Kuwait, Bahrain and Yemen.
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This chapter investigates the evolution of electoral politics in Saudi Arabia at municipal level. It reviews the legal context (municipal and electoral legislation) before exploring the conduct of municipal elections since 2005 and the... more
This chapter investigates the evolution of electoral politics in Saudi Arabia at municipal level. It reviews the legal context (municipal and electoral legislation) before exploring the conduct of municipal elections since 2005 and the enfranchisement of women in 2015. For a copy of the chapter, please contact the author by email.
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This chapter reviews that state of academic scholarship on political parties in the Arab Middle East with a focus on party families, organisation and electoral mobilisation. Please contact the author for a copy of the chapter.
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This article investigates a specific type of cabinet government in the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA): the multiparty coalition. Although most widely associated with parliamentary democratic systems, coalition governments are... more
This article investigates a specific type of cabinet government in the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA): the multiparty coalition. Although most widely associated with parliamentary democratic systems, coalition governments are not uncommon in the region, comprising in fact, since 1990, a sizeable proportion of the cabinets formed post-election. Drawing on novel data collated by the authors, this article offers new macro-level comparative insights into some of the key parameters of coalition governance, including on their formation, composition, and durability. In doing so, the article seeks not only to document and analyse the spectrum of multiparty governance in the Arab MENA but advance the development of a research agenda on the subject that, whilst sensitive to local context, engages critically with, and feeds into, the broader coalitions literature.
Link to advance article on MELG pages: https://brill.com/view/journals/melg/aop/article-10.1163-18763375-20231393/article-10.1163-18763375-20231393.xml
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Link to advance article on MELG pages: https://brill.com/view/journals/melg/aop/article-10.1163-18763375-20231393/article-10.1163-18763375-20231393.xml
… Read more
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This article focuses on a common rhetorical referent in Egyptian public imagery and parlance–that of wasat (center) and its derivatives wasati/wasatiyya (centrist/centrism)–and discusses how it has been appropriated and molded in the... more
This article focuses on a common rhetorical referent in Egyptian public imagery and parlance–that of wasat (center) and its derivatives wasati/wasatiyya (centrist/centrism)–and discusses how it has been appropriated and molded in the sphere of party politics. Inductive in approach, it examines the rhetorical appropriations of the center ground by party officials, revealing not only its popularity as a marker of (ideological) self-positioning but its malleability and contextuality. The article concludes that in Egyptian party politics the center positioning of parties cannot be gauged exclusively from the study of party manifestos and/or expert surveys, but ought to include contextual analysis of how this and other ideological markers are appropriated and given meaning in elite rhetoric.
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This paper reviews the state of e-government services delivery in Kuwait as of 2011. Disaggregating e-government to its component units, it compares and contrasts the functionality and maturity of e-services provided on individual... more
This paper reviews the state of e-government services delivery in Kuwait as of 2011. Disaggregating e-government to its component units, it compares and contrasts the functionality and maturity of e-services provided on individual ministry websites and the Kuwait Government Online (KGO) portal, which was established in 2008 to provide a ‘one-stop’ centre for government-to-citizens (G2C) and government-to-business (G2B) interactions and transactions. Drawing on field research in the country, the paper argues that whilst significant strides have been made in the development of e-government since the early 2000s, key challenges remain in the delivery of user-friendly and customer-oriented web-based e-services to citizens and residents. These pertain to an incomplete synchronization of e-services between the KGO portal and individual ministry websites, the limited availability of full e-services across government agencies, the absence of any integrated e-services involving multiple agencies, and the questionable value of some of the e-services provided. According to the authors, progress in the development of integrated e-services is impeded not so much by technological barriers, or by human capacity problems and levels of information and computer technology (ICT) usage, as by the absence of an enabling regulatory environment and the limited efforts presently made by government agencies at cross-departmental cooperation.
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This article is concerned with state-sponsored electoral violence in liberalized autocracies. The first section of the paper identifies a number of variables that can help explain the decision calculus of authoritarian incumbents to... more
This article is concerned with state-sponsored electoral violence in liberalized autocracies. The first section of the paper identifies a number of variables that can help explain the decision calculus of authoritarian incumbents to deploy force against strong electoral challengers. The second section then examines these propositions with reference to Egypt and Morocco. Drawing on recent parliamentary elections in both countries the article questions why, despite facing the challenge of political Islam, the two regimes differed so markedly in their willingness to manipulate the polls by recourse to violence. Whilst the Egyptian authorities decided to abrogate all pretence of peaceful elections in favour of violent repression against the Muslim Brotherhood candidates and sympathizers, no such tactics were deployed by the ruling elite in Morocco. We suggest that three principal factors influenced the regimes’ response to this electoral challenge: (1) the centrality of the elected institution to authoritarian survival; (2) the availability of alternative electioneering tools; and (3) the anticipated response of the international community. The article concludes by suggesting that in order to understand better when and how states deploy violence in elections, we need to focus on a more complex set of factors rather than simply on the electoral potency of key opposition challengers or the authoritarian nature of the state.
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This PhD researches the development of political parties in Egypt between 1981 and 2000 under the presidency of Husni Mubarak. The starting point of this investigation is the failure of Egypt's parties to develop into... more
This PhD researches the development of political parties in Egypt between 1981 and 2000 under the presidency of Husni Mubarak. The starting point of this investigation is the failure of Egypt's parties to develop into politically-relevant organisations with strong constituency support in society. What we find instead are parties that - since the inception of multipartism in 1977 - remain characterised by their marginal role within the polity and politics of the state, that are little entrenched in society and that expose an underdeveloped and oftentimes fragmented internal structure. What is more, not only have these parties remained persistently weak, but since the early 1990s they experienced a further weakening of their position in the Egyptian polity. Essentially, this weakening was evident at both the electoral and parliamentary level. In both these domains of politics parties were far more vocal and visibly present during the 1980s than during the 1990s. During the latter ...
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As typified by Ukraine and Egypt, most of the semi- or non-democratic countries in the EU’s neighbourhood pretend to offer a degree of political pluralism. The standard is for a plurality of parties to run in national elections and... more
As typified by Ukraine and Egypt, most of the semi- or non-democratic countries in the EU’s neighbourhood pretend to offer a degree of political pluralism. The standard is for a plurality of parties to run in national elections and participate in parliamentary sessions. In contrast to fully fledged democracies, however, these electoral rituals have little bearing on the composition of government and its policy output, which remains entirely dominated by the executive institutions and parties of power. This paper argues that the trademarks of these types of parties are a serious stumbling block for the development of a multi-party system based on competing ideological currents. For democracy to take hold in the EU’s eastern and southern neighbourhood of the EU, it is crucial that the logic of parties of power be replaced by one structured around autonomous and ideologically cohesive parties. Thus, both ideological and organisational party-building should be an integral part of the EU...
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This article is concerned with the dynamics of internal leadership elections in one of Saudi Arabia's oldest and most prominent network of professional syndicates, the Chambers of Commerce and Industry (CCIs). Exploring a hitherto... more
This article is concerned with the dynamics of internal leadership elections in one of Saudi Arabia's oldest and most prominent network of professional syndicates, the Chambers of Commerce and Industry (CCIs). Exploring a hitherto under-researched phenomenon in Saudi associational life, it presents a first-hand account of the administration and conduct of CCI elections, revealing that, whilst formally competitive, in actual practice they fall short of some of the minimum standards of good practice in electoral matters. Key shortcomings thus identified include a lack of autonomy and impartiality in matters of electoral administration, the prevalence of regulations that insufficiently ensure the conduct of elections is fair and competitive, as well as the widespread use of illicit electioneering tactics to shape voter preferences and choice. The article concludes by asserting that — if the CCI experience is anything to go by — associational realities depress rather than advance prospects for democratising associationalism in Saudi Arabia.
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This chapter sheds light on the impact of, and response by, Kuwaiti Islamist (proto)-parties to the Arab uprisings of 2011-2012.
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ئهم لێكۆڵینهوهیه باس له ههوڵى سهلهفیهكانى میصر دهكات بۆ به ئهمنیكردنى شیعهگهرایی له ساتهوهختى شۆڕشى 2011وه لهمیصر. بهلهبهرچاوگرتنى گۆڕاوه مهزههبیهكانى رۆژههڵاتى ناوهڕاست، سهلهفیهكانى میصر بهشێوهیهكى... more
ئهم لێكۆڵینهوهیه باس له ههوڵى سهلهفیهكانى میصر دهكات بۆ به ئهمنیكردنى شیعهگهرایی له ساتهوهختى شۆڕشى 2011وه لهمیصر. بهلهبهرچاوگرتنى گۆڕاوه مهزههبیهكانى رۆژههڵاتى ناوهڕاست، سهلهفیهكانى میصر بهشێوهیهكى ئامڕازیانه (بۆ بهرژهوهندییهكانى خۆیان) ترسیان له شیعهگهرایی بهكارهێناوه له گوتاره ئاینیه سیاسیهكانیاندا بۆ زیادكرنى ئامانجه سیاسیهكانى خۆیان. ئهم لێكۆڵینهوهیه باس له پاڵنهرهكانى پشت گوتاره ئاینیه سیاسیهكانى سهلهفیهكان دهكات لهرێگهى ههڵسهنگاندنى گۆڕاوه ناوخۆیی و دهرهكییه پهیوهست بهیهكهكان لهچوارچێوهى ململانێ ناسنامهیهكاندا له ڕۆژههڵاتى ناوهڕاستدا ، كهلهبهرئهنجامدا كاریگهرییان لهسهر میصر ههبووه.
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This article explores Egyptian Salafis’ attempts to securitize Shi‘ism since the 2011 uprising. Taking into account the sectarian dynamics of the new Middle East, Salafis in Egypt have instrumentally used the specter of Shi‘ism in their... more
This article explores Egyptian Salafis’ attempts to securitize Shi‘ism since the 2011 uprising. Taking into account the sectarian dynamics of the new Middle East, Salafis in Egypt have instrumentally used the specter of Shi‘ism in their politico-religious rhetoric to further their political ends. This article examines the rationales behind this discourse by assessing interacting internal and external dynamics amid identity conflicts in the region, which have subsequently affected Egypt.
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This paper explores the enfranchisement and electoral participation of businesswomen in one of Saudi Arabia's most prominent civil institutions, the Chambers of Commerce and Industry (CCI). It shows how a confluence of domestic factors,... more
This paper explores the enfranchisement and electoral participation of businesswomen in one of Saudi Arabia's most prominent civil institutions, the Chambers of Commerce and Industry (CCI). It shows how a confluence of domestic factors, including the determination of businesswomen activists in the Jeddah Chamber of Commerce and Industry and the simultaneous presence of a reformist political leadership in Riyadh, Makkah Province, and the Jeddah Chamber itself, led to a breakthrough in the expansion of women's suffrage rights in Saudi CCIs. So far these newly won suffrage rights have had no significant mobilizational effects on female CCI members, either as voters or candidates, due largely to the prevalence of several gender-specific barriers to electoral participation. Operating at different junctures throughout the electoral process, these barriers relate primarily to widely held negative attitudes towards gender equality and their impact on voting behaviours and women's candidacies; they also include the prohibition against/limitations on ikhṭilāṭ (gender-mixing) in public buildings and spaces.
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This paper examines the Saudi voting system and its effects on the first nationwide municipal elections held in the Kingdom in 2005. It argues that by encouraging electoral mobilization across districts, the voting system impacted on both... more
This paper examines the Saudi voting system and its effects on the first nationwide municipal elections held in the Kingdom in 2005. It argues that by encouraging electoral mobilization across districts, the voting system impacted on both the dynamics of the election campaign and its outcome. Drawing on original research conducted in the country, it is demonstrated that, as designed, the rules of the electoral game (1) made possible the formation of electoral alliances, whose presence on the ground gave the entire campaign a distinctly ideological flavour; and (2) facilitated the remarkable victories of Islamist candidates in municipalities across the Kingdom.
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This is an introductory contribution to a special issue on the dynamics of opposition cooperation in the Arab world, a phenomenon that, although commonplace, has received limited attention in the comparative literature on the region.... more
This is an introductory contribution to a special issue on the dynamics of opposition cooperation in the Arab world, a phenomenon that, although commonplace, has received limited attention in the comparative literature on the region. Mapping its varied empirical manifestations, this contribution presents a twofold typology of joint opposition action, based on the objectives (single vs. multiple issues) and actors (domestic/foreign) involved. Thus circumscribed, it identifies and discusses the trademarks of the following four types of opposition cooperation: (1) the ad hoc/single-issue coalition; (2) the reform coalition; (3) the pre-electoral alliance and post-election parliamentary block; and (4) transnational networks of collaboration.
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This book emerges from the observation that much has changed in the field of political Islam following the popular uprisings that rocked the authoritarian status quo in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in 2010-11, nowadays widely... more
This book emerges from the observation that much has changed in the field of political Islam following the popular uprisings that rocked the authoritarian status quo in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) in 2010-11, nowadays widely referred to as the Arab uprisings or 'Arab Spring'. Prominent instances of such change include the dramatic rise to (and fall from) power of moderate Islamist political parties/groupings in Egypt and Tunisia-forces that had been violently repressed and/or dismantled by pre-uprisings authoritarian regimes-, the pluralisation of the field of Islamist political players, including most notably the formation of Salafi parties and their ascent to political prominence in electoral and institutional politics, the escalation of sectarian conflict between the region's Sunni and Shi'a communities, exacerbated by war in Yemen, Syria and Iraq, as well as the emergence of the jihadi-Salafi organisation al-Dawla al-Islamiyya (Islamic State, IS) which advances formal ruling pretentions over territories in Syria and Iraq, a new quality to such groups. All of these developments suggest that a renewed analysis and approach to the study of Islamist political and social actors are needed. While extant pre-uprisings scholarship had already noted part of these dynamics and devoted efforts to their analysis-such as for instance the case of Salafi participation in electoral politics, or the growing relevance of the sectarian variable in MENA politics-it can hardly account for their development in the new environment that the 'Arab Spring' has brought about. A cursory look at the scholarship available on the subject of political Islam post-2011 seems to suggest, in fact, that the uprisings constitute just one phase in the long history of Islamist political and social forces present in the MENA, a history characterised by periods of political opposition, inclusion and co-option by authoritarian leaders.
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What role does political Islam play in the genealogy of protests as an instrument to resist neo-liberalism and authoritarian rule? How can we account for the internal conflicts among Islamist players after the 2011/2012 Arab uprisings?... more
What role does political Islam play in the genealogy of protests as an instrument to resist neo-liberalism and authoritarian rule? How can we account for the internal conflicts among Islamist players after the 2011/2012 Arab uprisings? How can we assess the performance of Islamist parties in power? What geopolitical reconfigurations have the uprisings created, and what opportunities have arisen for Islamists to claim a stronger political role in domestic and regional politics? These questions are addressed in this book, which looks at the dynamics in place during the aftermath of the Arab uprisings in a wide range of countries across the Middle East and North Africa.