- Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
- +617 3623 7352
- University of Pretoria, Department of Ancient Languages and Cultures, Department MemberUniversity of Pretoria, Department of Ancient and Modern Languages and Cultures, Department MemberVillanova University, Augustinian Institute, Department Memberadd
- Medieval History, Classics, Roman History, Ancient History, Patristics, Late Antiquity, and 24 moreEarly Christianity, Tertullian, Cyprian of Carthage, Augustine, Fifth-century Popes, Manuscripts (Medieval Studies), Classical rhetoric, Latin epistolography, Christians and Jews, Asceticism, Roman Gaul, Roman North Africa, Religious Conflict, Ancient Illyricum, Papal Authority, Roman Archaeology, Martyrdom, Hagiography, Papal Primacy, Early Church, Augustine of Hippo, History of Canon Law, Heresy, and Late Roman Empireedit
- Elected Fellow of the Australian Humanities Academy, November 2019edit
The essays collected in Christians Shaping Identity celebrate Pauline Allen’s significant contribution to early Christian, late antique, and Byzantine studies, especially concerning bishops, heresy/orthodoxy and christology. Covering the... more
The essays collected in Christians Shaping Identity celebrate Pauline Allen’s significant contribution to early Christian, late antique, and Byzantine studies, especially concerning bishops, heresy/orthodoxy and christology. Covering the period from earliest Christianity to middle Byzantium, the first eighteen essays explore the varied ways in which Christians constructed their own identity and that of the society around them. A final four essays explore the same theme within Roman Catholicism and oriental Christianity in the late 19th to 21st centuries, with particular attention to the subtle relationships between the shaping of the early Christian past and the moulding of Christian identity today. Among the many leading scholars represented are Averil Cameron and Elizabeth A. Clark
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Alexander I is remembered as an early second-century bishop of Rome, although modern scholarship rejects Rome having a sole bishop at this stage. The fifth-century 'Martyrologium Hieronymianum' reports, under 3 May, Eventius, Alexander,... more
Alexander I is remembered as an early second-century bishop of Rome, although modern scholarship rejects Rome having a sole bishop at this stage. The fifth-century 'Martyrologium Hieronymianum' reports, under 3 May, Eventius, Alexander, and Theodolus as buried outside Rome along Via Nomentana, who, by the time of the later 'Passio sancti Alexandri' and 'Liber pontificalis' in the sixth century, had become identified as the second-century Roman bishop and two of his clergy, although they were most probably fourth-century local martyrs. In the second half of the eighth century, Paul I brought the remains of many saints within the city walls to protect them from Lombard desecration. Since Alexander appears in the procession of saints that decorates Santa Maria Antiqua, commissioned by Paul I, one could conclude that he was important to Paul and that he was responsible for relocating his remains. Stored in the 'Sancta sanctorum', some of the relics were distributed to Santa Prassede, Santa Sabina, and San Lorenzo in Lucina in the ninth century. From the ninth century, relics of Alexander I were distributed further afield. They became part of spiritual gift exchanges that brought benefits both to giver and receiver. Why particular relics were given to particular recipients is unknown, but it is suggested that the hagiography of Alexander as a resister of imperial authority might have played a part in the selection of relics process.
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In the letters of Innocent I (402–17), presbyters are both priests (sacerdotes) and clerics (clerici), but usually only one of these dimensions is mentioned at a time. Presbyters shared priesthood with bishops, but only with regard to... more
In the letters of Innocent I (402–17), presbyters are both priests (sacerdotes) and clerics (clerici), but usually only one of these dimensions is mentioned at a time. Presbyters shared priesthood with bishops, but only with regard to certain functions and responsibilities, like presiding over some of the sacraments. At other times it was their subservience to their bishops that saw them identified as clerics. An accurate picture comes from reading Innocent’s letters in their totality, rather than from any particular passage in isolation. The elasticity of terms is a reflection of a theology of ministry still in the early stages of its development. This is seen particularly in relation to marriage as an eligibility criterion and sexual continence and children as a cause for dismissal; these were priestly requirements that Innocent applied to everyone in official positions of authority and service, whether presbyters or not. This realization contributes to a better understanding of presbyters in late antiquity.
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An otherwise unremarkable letter of the fifth-century Roman bishop Boniface I (418-422) (Dilectionis uestrae), preserved in the two manuscripts of the Collectio Frisingensis prima but omitted from Coustant's 1721 edition of early papal... more
An otherwise unremarkable letter of the fifth-century Roman bishop Boniface I (418-422) (Dilectionis uestrae), preserved in the two manuscripts of the Collectio Frisingensis prima but omitted from Coustant's 1721 edition of early papal letters, acknowledging a report he had received from Bishop Faustinus and two presbyters, when seen in the context in which the manuscript compiler of Clm. 6243 inserted it, actually extends our knowledge of the Apiarius affair. This ultimately concerned the rights of the church of Rome to hear judicial appeals from African lower clergy, which is part of the broader question of the primacy of the Roman church. What it is well known to scholarship that the African churches sometimes had issues with what they considered to be Zosimus' (417-418) Roman overreach into African ecclesiastical affairs, this letter is evidence that Rome under Boniface held to the same position and that the Africans' objections were not personal but in response to Rome's mistaken conflation of canons from the synod of Serdica with those from Nicaea. This was a matter the Africans believed they had every right to settle within Africa, as much as the Roman bishops believed they themselves were acting in good faith. The importance of the letter lies in its offering something of Rome's own perspective on the Apiarius affair apart from the information filtered through the African synodal canons.
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Raphael's painting from the second decade of the sixteenth century, 'The Meeting between Leo the Great and Attila' in the Room of Heliodrous in teh Raphael Stanze int he Apostolic Palace in teh Vatican, depicts Leo encountering the leader... more
Raphael's painting from the second decade of the sixteenth century, 'The Meeting between Leo the Great and Attila' in the Room of Heliodrous in teh Raphael Stanze int he Apostolic Palace in teh Vatican, depicts Leo encountering the leader of the Huns just outside Rome. Raphael's source was the anonymous medieval Vita sancti Leonis papae. However, we know the meeting took place at the Mincio river near Mantua in 452. The presence of the Huns within the empire was a disruptive and destructive episode in the history of the late Roman empire in the West under Valentinian III, just as Alaric and the Goths had been from the end of the fourth century, and the crossing of the Rhine by Vandals, Alans, and Suebi had been at the end of 406. The Huns gained a reputation for barbarity and savagery, bringing terror and annihilation wherever they moved across Europe. While Prosper of Aquitaine attributed the success of turning back Attila to Leo I, bishop of Rome from 440-461 (ignoring Gennadius Avienus and Memmius Trygetius, the two other negotiators), other contemporary sources, like Priscus, attributed it to superstition from the Hunnic troops. The efforts of Aetius also need to be considered. Attila and the Huns has become an increasingly attractive topic for publication in recent years, both scholarly and popular. This paper will investigate and evaluate the reasons presented in our sources for the disruption to the Hunnic advance into Italy, suggesting that Attila's own success in the north of Italy in the previous year had interrupted his supply chain, making a move any further south in Italy strategically unwise.
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This chapter investigates the presence of classical rhetoric in Origen's Commentarium in Epistolam ad Romanos. While others suggest that in a genre devoted to exposition rather than persuasion we should not expect tot find rhetorical... more
This chapter investigates the presence of classical rhetoric in Origen's Commentarium in Epistolam ad Romanos. While others suggest that in a genre devoted to exposition rather than persuasion we should not expect tot find rhetorical techniques, the position adopted here is that even exposition is an exercise in persuasion. While it is true that there is little ethos or pathos in this commentary, there are many elements of rational argumentation present. Origen's commentary was directed against Marcionite and Valentinian Gnostic opponents in which Origen took up the conjectural issue to defend the idea of human free will and refute Gnostic determinism. We also find Origen's reading of Romans being opposed to anthropomorphism. The work has a forensic quality to it in parts, although a great deal of it does not have an identifiable opponent. Even when Origen attempted to reconcile conflicting passages he was engaged in a typical rhetorical tactic.
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Examining the information we have about deacons and presbyters in Rome during the first two decades of the fifth century contributes to the larger picture of their role and function and is instructive for several reasons. While there has... more
Examining the information we have about deacons and presbyters in Rome during the first two decades of the fifth century contributes to the larger picture of their role and function and is instructive for several reasons. While there has been scholarly attention drawn to the prescriptive decrees of the Roman bishops regulating the life of their clergy, particularly regarding the clerical cursus honorum and lifestyle (marriage and sexual continence), less has been given to descriptive information about how deacons and presbyters operated. Although far from complete, this information is valuable. From the letters of Innocent I (402-417) we discover much about the liturgical functions of such clerics (through the invaluable letter to Decentius of Gubbio) as well as the role they played in being episcopal letter-bearers and negotiators. From Boniface I (418-422) we are reminded of another role of deacons and presbyters, that of electors and candidates for episcopal office
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In 418 Augustine encountered Emeritus, one of his Donatist adversaries, in Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell) in Mauretania Caesariensis. In the resultant work, Gesta cum Emerito, Augustine relived some of the arguments that had... more
In 418 Augustine encountered Emeritus, one of his Donatist adversaries, in Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell) in Mauretania Caesariensis. In the resultant work, Gesta cum Emerito, Augustine relived some of the arguments that had earlier been employed against the Donatists in 411, particularly by having Alypius read out passages of Aurelius'411 letter to Marcellinus, the imperial commissioner (Epistula 128). Not only does Augustine shape our understanding of the 418 encounter but continues to take control of how the 411 confrontation was to be remembered. This paper will examine how Gesta cum Emerito saw the Donatist weakness in 411 being based upon their inconsistencies in dealing with schismatics, especially their treatment of Maximianists at the 394 synod of Bagai, where Emeritus himself had condemned Maximian as "the toxic offspring of the viper's seed."The encounter gave Augustine an opportunity to highlight the Maximianists to an extent greater than the records of 411 indicate had been the case then.
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Augustine's interpretation of the parable of the rich man and Lazarus from Lk 16 shows how much the parables of Jesus are open to a variety of interpretations and applications depending upon which part of the parable is emphasised. In... more
Augustine's interpretation of the parable of the rich man and Lazarus from Lk 16 shows how much the parables of Jesus are open to a variety of interpretations and applications depending upon which part of the parable is emphasised. In Augustine's writings the second part of the parable only is commented upon (the exception being Ep. 157) to illustrate points about the afterlife and the fate of the soul. However, in his homilies we find him engaging with both sections of the parable (this life and the afterlife). We can note the dexterity with which Augustine handled diverse themes in the parable by selectively emphasising either the fate of the rich man in this life or the next or the fate of Lazarus in this life or the next. From these different perspectives Augustine could deal with questions of wealth and poverty either materially or spiritually. This research supports the notion that whatever Augustine had to say about almsgiving is to be understood within a soteriological context to urge his congregation to be rich in humility and poor in pride.
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Gregory I offered a model of pastoral care that attended both to needs of the flesh as well as of the spirit. Yet, in practice, when confronted by a crisis such as pandemic, Gregory's letter-writing as well the homily he delivered in... more
Gregory I offered a model of pastoral care that attended both to needs of the flesh as well as of the spirit. Yet, in practice, when confronted by a crisis such as pandemic, Gregory's letter-writing as well the homily he delivered in association with the sevenfold procession held even before he was ordained bishop, reveal an exclusive interest with spiritual health. I suggest that part of Gregory's lack of interest in caring for the body was that he felt the pandemic was so overwhelming that there was little point in attending to physical concerns. Gregory of Tours transmits this homily to us within a narrative framework in which the Merovingian bishop not only shared Gregory of Rome's concern to prepare Christians to meet their maker through repentance of sins but held out the possibility that there could be miraculous deliverance from death. This narrative framework around Gregory's homily started a transformation of the way in which Gregory I's pastoral care was remembered that over the centuries his sevenfold procession was remembered not so much as an effort to induce repentance in order to welcome death but as a ritual that not only petitioned God to spare the lives of the people of Rome but was effective in having the petition granted through the legend of the angel sheathing his sword of punishment, an example perhaps of a 'de-eschatologising' of Christianity.
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This chapter argues that Tertullian approached Scripture not as an exegete but as an orator, one who was engaged in the classical rhetorical activity of persuasion. He did not so much seek to expound and elucidate the meaning of... more
This chapter argues that Tertullian approached Scripture not as an exegete but as an orator, one who was engaged in the classical rhetorical activity of persuasion. He did not so much seek to expound and elucidate the meaning of scriptural passages - indeed he never wrote a commentary on any scriptural book - as he did not use those passages in the construction of arguments with which to prove that his opponents' use and understanding of Scripture was invalid and incorrect, while his own was valid and correct. Given the extensiveness of his literary output, particularly in works attacking those whom he considered to be heretics, Tertullian is a particularly significant early player in the interpretation and reception of the Bible. In what follows, we shall first place Tertullian within his North African context and highlight some of his distinctive characteristics. Then, we shall consider the question of Tertullian and the canon of Scripture before turning attention to the matter of Tertullian's interpretation of Scripture.
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Following the appointment of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth in 419, some Illyrian bishops, upset that this violated the Nicene canon against the translation of bishops and that Boniface I, bishop of Rome from 418 to 422, had supported... more
Following the appointment of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth in 419, some Illyrian bishops, upset that this violated the Nicene canon against the translation of bishops and that Boniface I, bishop of Rome from 418 to 422, had supported Perigenes' election, secured a law from the eastern emperor, Theodosius II, that judicial appeals were to be heard at Constantinople (Cod. theod. 16.2.45). The innovation that Theodosius condemned was undoubtedly the practice of Illyrian bishops appealing through the bishop of Thessaloniki to Rome, a system that had flourished under several of Boniface's predecessors, as documented in the letters of the Collectio Thessalonicensis. Boniface's response was to enlist the support of Honorius, the western emperor, to appeal to his imperial nephew to reverse this decision as itself being an innovation (Boniface I, Ep. 10). Theodosius agreed (Boniface I, Ep. 11). This article examines the letters concerned in the light of the history of the vicariate of Thessaloniki and Boniface's own relationship with imperial authority, which is demonstrated in the ultimately definitive involvement of Ravenna in settling the electoral controversy that surrounded Boniface's own election in Rome. It argues that the whole Perigenes affair was one of the first attempts of what has come to be called papal primacy, in that it was an exercise of ecclesiastical authority over an area that no longer belong to his supervision, that Honorius complied with Roman episcopal wishes, and that Roman success was dependent upon the personal relationship between imperial uncle and nephew.
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Augustine’s Epistulae 23A*, 23*, and 22*, written in late 419 and early 420, present his involvement in the dispute concerning the translation of Honorius to Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell), a city Augustine had visited in... more
Augustine’s Epistulae 23A*, 23*, and 22*, written in late 419 and early 420, present his involvement in the dispute concerning the translation of Honorius to Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell), a city Augustine had visited in September 418 while fulfilling a commission from Zosimus of Rome. The translation of bishops from one church to another had been condemned by the 325 Council of Nicaea. The three letters are difficult to interpret because the information to his three correspondents (Possidius of Calama, Renatus, a monk of Caesarea Mauretaniae, and Alypius of Thagaste, who was in Italy at the time) seems to differ. A careful reading reveals that not only did Augustine’s knowledge of the situation change over time, but that the stress he placed on differing elements of that situation also changed depending upon the correspondent. The letters also disclose the involvement of Boniface I of Rome, Zosimus’ successor, and the complex relationship of the African churches with the bishop of Rome, especially in the matter of judicial appeal. What is suggested here is that Augustine, without saying so, seemed to be aware of the criteria Boniface had employed in another translation controversy, which was the approved translation of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth, and that, if applied to Honorius, this would lead the Roman bishop to reach a very different conclusion.
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In Fragmentum 36, the ninth-century Photius, patriarch of Constantinople, summarises Olympiodorus of Thebes teratological story about Libanius the magician and the contradictory responses to his presence in Ravenna by Constantius III and... more
In Fragmentum 36, the ninth-century Photius, patriarch of Constantinople, summarises Olympiodorus of Thebes teratological story about Libanius the magician and the contradictory responses to his presence in Ravenna by Constantius III and his wife, Galla Placidia. The story of the dispute between the couple and of Galla Placidia’s success in having Libanius put to death is to be believed, in the light of what else we can reconstruct about how this married couple operated in other situations. Although R.C. Blockley assessed this story in terms of Olympiodorus’ interest in paganism and magic, it will be argued here that it is best seen in terms of the poet-historian’s hostility to Constantius— something Blockley noted but did not explain. That hostility is to be understood as flowing from Olympiodorus’ aim of providing an encomium for Theodosius II in Constantinople, who was ill-disposed towards Constantius, parallel as it were with the efforts of Claudian for Stilicho, detailed a generation ago by Alan Cameron.
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The Bible has a variety of perspectives on old age. On the one hand, as exemplified in Ps 91(90):16 and 92(91):15, old age is a sign of God’s blessing and the elderly are held in high regard as valuable, while on the other, as exemplified... more
The Bible has a variety of perspectives on old age. On the one hand, as exemplified in Ps 91(90):16 and 92(91):15, old age is a sign of God’s blessing and the elderly are held in high regard as valuable, while on the other, as exemplified in Ps 39(38):5; 71(70):9; and 90(89):10, life is seen as fleeting and length of days as insignificant and the elderly fear neglect. The psalms held a high place in Augustine’s Christian identity. This paper explores Augustine’s use of these verses to consider the extent to which his religious outlook shaped his perspectives on ageing, as well as addressing the question of whether or not he was aware of the conflict between the two perspectives. It will be argued that Augustine was well aware of the contradiction and that he interpreted all the verses through an eschatological framework, such that an evaluation of the meaning and value of life is to be found only through a perception of eternity.
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Zosimus' Epistula 7 (JK 333 = J3 739 Quid de Proculi) to Patroclus, bishop of Arles, would suggest the normal operations of ecclesiastical judicial procedures: Proclus had been condemned, the validity of an earlier synodal decision had... more
Zosimus' Epistula 7 (JK 333 = J3 739 Quid de Proculi) to Patroclus, bishop of Arles, would suggest the normal operations of ecclesiastical judicial procedures: Proclus had been condemned, the validity of an earlier synodal decision had been overturned, and Patroclus' own authority had been upheld. Appearances, however, can be deceiving. Other letters in Liber auctoritatem ecclesiae Arelatensis, particularly three written by Zosimus also in September 417, inform us about just how controversial were not only Patroclus' claims to authority in southern Gaul but Zosimus' support of Patroclus and his assertion that the Roman church had a role in arbitrating these claims. The evidence in the collection is of a dispute conducted with anything but diplomacy. This paper sets Quid de Proculi in its broader context to reveal how both Zosimus and the church of Arles tied, unwittingly or not, to promote a false memory about the church of Arles.
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Galla Placidia, daughter of Theodosius I, half-sister of Arcadius and Honorius, wife of Constantius III, and mother of Valentinian III, spent much of her life on the move, living across the Roman empire of late antiquity from Barcelona to... more
Galla Placidia, daughter of Theodosius I, half-sister of Arcadius and Honorius, wife of Constantius III, and mother of Valentinian III, spent much of her life on the move, living across the Roman empire of late antiquity from Barcelona to Istanbul. In nearly every instance her moves were the results of political circumstances she did not instigate but which she soon had under control. In the climax of Olympiodorus of Thebes’ history we are told that Theodosius II, her nephew, sent Galla Placidia and the toddler Valentinian back to the West, from which they had been exiled, together with an army to defeat the usurper John, who had taken control of the western empire. While Olympiodorus attributes the initiative for this action to Theodosius, this paper argues that Galla Placidia’s agency in taking advantage of John’s usurpation to orchestrate her return to Italy should not be underestimated.
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Prior to the 411 colloquy at Carthage, Augustine had written to Emeritus, the Donatist bishop of Cherchell, urging him to abandon his adherence to Donatism. A complaint of the Donatists against the Caecilianists was that they urged the... more
Prior to the 411 colloquy at Carthage, Augustine had written to Emeritus, the Donatist bishop of Cherchell, urging him to abandon his adherence to Donatism. A complaint of the Donatists against the Caecilianists was that they urged the state to persecute Donatists. Augustine put words into Emeritus’ mouth: “…you stir up the Roman emperors against us.” (Ep. 87.8) Augustine told Emeritus that one can only be persecuted if one’s cause is right; if evil then it is legitimate punishment. In Augustine’s view the Donatists have brought imperial punishment (not persecution) upon themselves because of their schism. This paper will show how Augustine sidesteps a dilemma using Paul’s letter to the Romans: while it is true that Christians should not judge each other (Rom 14:4), it is the responsibility of the state to punish wrongdoers (Rom 13:2-4), while it is the responsibility of Christians to rehabilitate them (Rom 11:23).
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In the Q-source material found in Matthew and Luke as part of the Sermon on the Mount or the Sermon on the Plain we find the words of Jesus that seem to dismiss not only violence but retaliation of any kind and promote unwarranted... more
In the Q-source material found in Matthew and Luke as part of the Sermon on the Mount or the Sermon on the Plain we find the words of Jesus that seem to dismiss not only violence but retaliation of any kind and promote unwarranted kindness when he urged his listeners to turn the other cheek to those who struck them, give away more than is asked of them, and give generously to all who beg (Matthew 5:38-42 and Luke 6:29030). This passage features in the writings of early African Christians like Tertullian, Cyprian, Lactantius, Optatus, and Augustine. For these writers this aspect of the Christian life is expressed through the concept of patience, about which Tertullian, Cyprian, and Augustine devoted an entire treatise each. Patience was a divine virtue that characterised God as non-vengeful. While Tertulliana nd Cyprian were intransigent about Christian non-violence in imitation of divine patience, Augustine reveals (in Epistulae 47 and 138 and De sermone Domini in monte for example) that he struggled to interpret the passage in a way that did not eliminate retaliation altogether. This paper examines these various understandings of this scriptural passage in the differing historical circumstances and argues that Augustine's problems with non-retaliation arose because of the alignment of Christianity with the empire that emerged int he years after Constantine.
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While Innocent I (402-417)’s letter (JK 311) to Decentius, bishop of Gubbio (ancient Egubium in the province of Tuscia et Umbria) is best known for some of the earliest information about liturgical life in Rome, the opening of the letter... more
While Innocent I (402-417)’s letter (JK 311) to Decentius, bishop of Gubbio (ancient Egubium in the province of Tuscia et Umbria) is best known for some of the earliest information about liturgical life in Rome, the opening of the letter provides some valuable insight into the Roman church’s view about the role of tradition in the church and the role of the Roman bishop in transmitting that tradition. However, Innocent’s words need to be understood in context. This paper will argue that since Innocent’s words were addressed to a bishop over whom he was metropolitan they have an enforceable authority, which was not the case with churches in other parts of the Mediterranean world. Indeed, Innocent’s letter indicates that he saw his authority extending over the two praetorian prefectures of the western empire only. The authority of the Roman church over Gubbio will be examined here in light of the other surviving correspondence to demonstrate the geographically differentiated levels of authority enjoyed by the Roman church in the early fifth century.
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In the lengthy Epistula 185 to Boniface, Augustine outlines the difference between Arians and Donatists. The letter quickly turns to the question of violence perpetrated by the followers of Donatus and Caecilianus. Augustine claims that... more
In the lengthy Epistula 185 to Boniface, Augustine outlines the difference between Arians and Donatists. The letter quickly turns to the question of violence perpetrated by the followers of Donatus and Caecilianus. Augustine claims that the violence inflicted by the Donatists against the Caecilianists or themselves was violence indeed, while that inflicted by the Caecilianists against the Donatists, which he could not deny was happening, was classified as discipline and correction. Further, Augustine was attempting to convince a state official that their enforcement of imperial legislation needed to be corrective, and therefore could not be shirked nor could be undertaken without the right intent. This paper examines the arguments and tactics Augustine uses to condemn the Donatists while at the same time justifying the Caecilianists.
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On 11 March 422 Boniface I of Rome (418-422) wrote three letters to the churches of Illyricum Orientale, the first of which was to Rufus, bishop of Thessaloniki (Retro maioribus = Coll. Thess. Ep. 9 = JK 363). It concerned the ongoing... more
On 11 March 422 Boniface I of Rome (418-422) wrote three letters to the churches of Illyricum Orientale, the first of which was to Rufus, bishop of Thessaloniki (Retro maioribus = Coll. Thess. Ep. 9 = JK 363). It concerned the ongoing controversy concerning the translation of Perigenes to be bishop of Corinth, in which some bishops, unhappy at his appointment, had written to Constantinople. Boniface asserted, as had his predecessor Innocent I (402-417) that Rome had responsibility over the churches of Illyricum Orientale (exercised through the bishop of Thessaloniki as papal vicar), even though the area now politically was administered by the empire in the East and Theodosius II had ordered in July 421 that bishops in that region appeal to Constantinople (rather than to Rome) (Cod. Theod. 16.2.45). Boniface had managed to get the eastern emperor to retract this law after having convinced Honorius, the western emperor, to write to his nephew. Despite this, a synod was going to meet in Corinth to discuss this case further. Since Boniface was happy with Perigenes’ appointment he would not tolerate Illyrian bishops questioning his decision and his authority to make such a decision. In this letter we see him assert his Petrine authority. This paper will investigate the claims of papal supervision of the churches of Illyricum Orientale in the time of Boniface I and see the way in which he introduced the idea that the Roman bishop was superior to ecumenical councils and the importance of this region in the development of Rome’s claim to a universal primacy of jurisdiction.
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On 29 September 417 Zosimus, bishop of Rome, wrote Epistula 5 (Multa contra – JK 334) to the bishops of the Gallic provinces of Viennensis and Narbonensis Secunda. It followed a synod that had been held in Rome on 22 September to consider... more
On 29 September 417 Zosimus, bishop of Rome, wrote Epistula 5 (Multa contra – JK 334) to the bishops of the Gallic provinces of Viennensis and Narbonensis Secunda. It followed a synod that had been held in Rome on 22 September to consider alleged violations by Proculus of Marseille of the hierarchical relationship between the churches of southern Gaul and the authority of metropolitan bishops over the other churches of their provinces. Episcopal authority was geographically defined and circumscribed by Roman provincial boundaries, with the bishop of a provincial capital having authority over the other bishops of the province. What was to happen, though, when those boundaries changed or a new city within a province became capital? In a series of three letters (the others being Epistulae 4 [Cum aduersus – JK 331] and 6 [Mirati admodum – JK 332]) written immediately after the synod, of which this is the last, Zosimus supported the claims of Patroclus, bishop of Arles, to be not only the metropolitan of Viennensis but the sole metropolitan over several Roman provinces. This paper examines how authority within the late antique church was dependent upon spatial organisational arrangements and how temporal arguments could be advanced when such spatial arrangements did not suit the personal plans of some ambitious bishops. It further considers the religious conflict that arose over disputed areas of authority and the mechanism by which attempts were made at its resolution and how Zosimus’ action contributed ultimately to a developing concept of papal primacy.
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One of the little known incidents from the episcopate of Zosimus in Rome between 417 and 418 concerns clergy from his own church. From Ep. 14 (JK 345) (Ex relatione), written shortly before Zosimus’ death, we read that a couple of groups... more
One of the little known incidents from the episcopate of Zosimus in Rome between 417 and 418 concerns clergy from his own church. From Ep. 14 (JK 345) (Ex relatione), written shortly before Zosimus’ death, we read that a couple of groups of them had gone to the imperial court with a complaint against their bishop. One group had been excommunicated already and in this letter Zosimus threatens the same fate on the other. Their action had been contrary to established canons. Although the letter tells us nothing further, we are able to place this into the context of what we know about ecclesiastical complaint procedures to establish how limited the options were for clergy to complain against their bishops, especially when they came from Rome itself, and how this incident fits into a growing pattern of recourse to civil authority to arbitrate in internal conflict. The possibility of a connection with the division of the Roman clergy in the light of Zosimus’ treatment of the Pelagian controversy is also considered. The letter indicates just how widespread was the discontent with Zosimus’ leadership style late antique churches in the West.
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In 422, Boniface I (418-422), bishop of Rome, wrote Manet beatum (Ep. 15 = Coll. Thess. Ep. 8 = JK 365) to Rufus of Thessaloniki and other bishops in Illyricum Orientale over the dispute that had arisen with the election of Perigenes as... more
In 422, Boniface I (418-422), bishop of Rome, wrote Manet beatum (Ep. 15 = Coll. Thess. Ep. 8 = JK 365) to Rufus of Thessaloniki and other bishops in Illyricum Orientale over the dispute that had arisen with the election of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth. While Boniface had supported his appointment some local bishops had opposed it and had appealed to the bishop of Constantinople to resolve the matter. For Boniface, the question became one about which church had supervisory authority over the churches of Illyrium Orientale more than it was about the election of Perigenes. In his letter he set forth a theology of apostolic primacy for the church of Rome, which in itself is worthy of examination. Further, this paper will argue that we find a stronger sense of Roman primacy in this letter than in letters hitherto written to Illyricum because the threat to Rome’s role in the region was greater than ever before, since the dispute had changed from being one about Rome’s role in Illyricum to one of Rome’s relationship with Constantinople. The vigour of Boniface’s assertions demonstrates the extent to which Boniface realised the challenge that Constantinople presented.
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In 418/419 the Goths under Wallia were settled in Aquitania Secunda at the instigation of Flavius Constantius, patricius and magister utriusque militiae, married at the start of 417 to the emperor’s half-sister Galla Placidia, who only... more
In 418/419 the Goths under Wallia were settled in Aquitania Secunda at the instigation of Flavius Constantius, patricius and magister utriusque militiae, married at the start of 417 to the emperor’s half-sister Galla Placidia, who only recently had been returned from the Goths. Evidence for this is found in Philostorgius (who implies it took place in 416), Prosper of Aquitaine (who dates it to 419), and Hydatius (who seems to date it to 418 in Mommsen’s edition). Andreas Schwarcz has argued for 419. Jordanes notes the Gothic presence at Toulouse but said nothing about how they acquired it and Sidonius Apollinaris mentions hostages given to the Goths. Motives for this settlement have occupied scholars for generations, including Andrew Gillett’s argument that a settlement between the Vandals in Spain and Rome necessitated moving the Goths elsewhere. Michael Kulikowski has argued recently that the settlement was part of Ravenna’s strategy of anticipating future usurpations by having an army present ready to respond to local upheavals. In this paper I shall explore the possibility that the settlement also needs to be seen in the context of Constantius’ marriage to Galla and that her agreement to marry might have come only in exchange for a promise to settle the Goths, thus adding an element of Gothic benefit to Kulikowski’s notion of Roman benefit. This point was not explored in Sivan’s biograph of Galla.
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In the letters of Innocent I (402-417), sacerdos and sacerdotium refer mostly to bishops, for whom the word episcopus was equally applicable. They were distinguished from the clericus and those belonging to the clericatus or clerum, who... more
In the letters of Innocent I (402-417), sacerdos and sacerdotium refer mostly to bishops, for whom the word episcopus was equally applicable. They were distinguished from the clericus and those belonging to the clericatus or clerum, who were all others engaged in official ministry. Yet, on occasion, especially as he applied the directives of his predecessor, Siricius (384-399) with regard to clerical marriage in affirming the presbyterate on the paradigm of the Levitical priesthood, Innocent could refer to some lower clergy as sacerdotes, or at least include them within that term. It would seem, as continues to be the tradition in the Latin church, that presbyters could be counted as sacerdotes by Innocent, although deacons, described as Levitae, were not. This paper explores this phenomenon in Innocent’s letters and notes particularly that the concern over clerical marriage saw the application of the Levitical model of priesthood to the presbyterate in the Roman church, with a concomitant focus on their sacrificial ministry, in contrast with the understanding of priesthood found in the New Testament, especially Hebrews. When Innocent referred to other aspects of their ministry the word presbyter was the standard one used.
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While our knowledge of the role of and relationships between and among deacons and presbyters in the church of Rome in the late fourth century, during the time of Damasus (366-384), is relatively extensive given that we have first-hand... more
While our knowledge of the role of and relationships between and among deacons and presbyters in the church of Rome in the late fourth century, during the time of Damasus (366-384), is relatively extensive given that we have first-hand evidence from two presbyters active in Rome during this time, Ambrosiaster and Jerome, the situation in the next generation, in the early fifth century, is quite different. Our source of information is almost exclusively the letters of Roman bishops and their correspondents, in which reference may be made to deacons and presbyters, and therefore the perspective provided to us is quite dissimilar. This paper surveys what may be gleaned from the Roman episcopal epistles of the early fifth century from Innocent I (402-417), Zosimus (417-418), and Boniface I (418-422) about the life and responsibilities about the local lower clergy. The argument advanced here is that while the letters do slant the evidence in one particular direction, in presenting deacons and presbyters as letter-bearers and diplomatic representatives, there are glimpses, sometimes quite significant ones, of other aspects of clerical life. Innocent’s letter to Decentius of Gubbio provides us with insight into the liturgical life of the Roman clergy. In addition, we may observe how the conflict between deacons and presbyters, commented upon in the previous generation by Ambrosiaster and Jerome, continued to play an appreciable part in some of the major internal tensions of the Roman church in the early fifth century, especially in the last months of the episcopate of Zosimus, when we have some evidence of a fracturing within the clergy. Quite likely this splintering continued after Zosimus’ death at the end of 419 in the electoral controversy between Eulalius and Boniface over choosing his successor, where we do get one piece of evidence from the presbyters of Rome themselves. The information filtered through all these letters about the local clergy of Rome in the first decades of the fifth century is varied and only provides a partial insight into their activities, whether of the everyday kind or something more unusual.
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Peter appears frequently in New Testament apocrypha (or pseudepigrapha, depending upon one’s religious tradition), such as Acts of Peter (Actus Petri cum Simone), Acts of Peter and Andrew, Gospel of Peter, Acts of Peter and the Twelve (in... more
Peter appears frequently in New Testament apocrypha (or pseudepigrapha, depending upon one’s religious tradition), such as Acts of Peter (Actus Petri cum Simone), Acts of Peter and Andrew, Gospel of Peter, Acts of Peter and the Twelve (in the Nag Hammadi collection), Acts of Peter and Paul/Passion of Peter and Paul, the Coptic Apocalypse of Peter (in the Nag Hammadi collection), Apocalypse of Peter, Letter of Peter to James, and The Preaching of Peter. Interest in this literature has been reawakened in recent years by the 2003 publications of Bart Ehrman (Lost Scriptures and Lost Christianities). If nothing else these early Christian texts witness to the importance of Peter for early Christians. Approaching these texts has been made difficult by many of them being tainted as forgeries and/or heretical. This presentation examines Acts of Peter, a late second-century text preserved in the important fourth-century Codex Vercellensis evangeliorum, the oldest manuscript of the Old Latin gospels and the Euthalian apparatus, attributed to Eusebius of Vercelli (found in PL 12). These acts, as in the pseudo-Clementine literature, tell of a miracle contest between Peter and Simon Magus as well as the tradition of Peter’s martyrdom. The argument presented here concerns the extent to which this document contributes to the idea of Peter’s founding of the church of Rome and just what that entailed.
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The council of Nicaea met in 325 to find solutions to the Arian controversy about the nature of the Son within the Trinity, the date to celebrate Easter each year, the Meletian controversy in Egypt, and to rule on certain disciplinary... more
The council of Nicaea met in 325 to find solutions to the Arian controversy about the nature of the Son within the Trinity, the date to celebrate Easter each year, the Meletian controversy in Egypt, and to rule on certain disciplinary matters. Within a decade and a half it came to be called ecumenical (a statement more about its universal reception rather than universal participation) and in later generations its pronouncements were held in the highest authority. This paper investigates the authority the council held in the minds of bishops of Rome in the fifth century, starting with the confusion of the canons of the 343 synod of Sofia (Serdica) as Nicene. The argument is advanced that the council, particularly its canons, were appealed to by Roman bishops and declared inviolable, especially when later bishops or synods sought to undermine Rome’s prestige as the Roman bishops believed it had been recognised at Nicaea.
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Flavius Constantius married Galla Placidia, half-sister to Emperor Honorius (395-423) at the beginning of 417, the year in which he celebrated his second consulship. About a year later a daughter was born to them and then in July 419 a... more
Flavius Constantius married Galla Placidia, half-sister to Emperor Honorius (395-423) at the beginning of 417, the year in which he celebrated his second consulship. About a year later a daughter was born to them and then in July 419 a son, who would soon succeed as Valentinian III (425-455), under the regency of his mother until 437. Constantius would become emperor in 421 for several months until his death. In her recent volume Meaghan McEvoy ascribes Constantius’ success to his own ambition (p. 214). However, in his biography of Galla Placidia, Stewart Oost pointed to the fact that Placidia was equally ambitious. We know from Olympiodorus (frag. 33.1) that Placidia was behind the bestowing of the title of nobilissimus (a ceremony described in the tenth-century De ceremoniis 1.44[53]) by Honorius (and not Theodosius II, as claimed by Eileen Rubery) on the infant Valentinian (depicted in the Romulus Sardonyx in the Hermitage Museum). This paper explores not only this event but the names given to these children to argue that, since they highlight both Placidia’s paternal and maternal ancestry (and reflect nothing of Constantius), she was making a strong claim not only for Valentinian to be the childless Honorius’ heir, but about her own eminence as the scion of two imperial dynasties.
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One letter from Flavius Constantius, the dominant power during the second half of Honorius' reign (395-423) survives int he sixth-century Collectio Avellana, and concerns the disputed episcopal election in Rome in December 418 between the... more
One letter from Flavius Constantius, the dominant power during the second half of Honorius' reign (395-423) survives int he sixth-century Collectio Avellana, and concerns the disputed episcopal election in Rome in December 418 between the deacon Eulalius and teh presbyter Boniface. It is his reply (Ep. 30) to the urban prefect, written when Eulalius, contrary to imperial instructions, re-entered Rome before the dispute was resolved. It directs the prefect to follow the emperor's attached instructions (ep. 31). Scholars agree that Constantius' wife, Galla Placidia, supported one candidate, but disagree as to whom that was. This paper argues that Constantius, who determined the emperor's position on this and other affairs of state, remained neutral, only being concerned that the matter be resolved peacefully. In other words, there was no particular preference for either candidate, so long as the city was not disturbed. This is in line with a recent interpretation of his involvement in religious affairs in Gaul earlier in the decade and contrasts to some degree, to the extent that the information allows us to determine, what was developing in Constantinople
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In the Collectio Quesnelliana, a late fifth- or early sixth-century collection of conciliar canons and papal letters, is a letter from Flavius Constantius (who would become Constantius III in 421) to Volusianus, praefectus urbi (Quae cum... more
In the Collectio Quesnelliana, a late fifth- or early sixth-century collection of conciliar canons and papal letters, is a letter from Flavius Constantius (who would become Constantius III in 421) to Volusianus, praefectus urbi (Quae cum - Ep. 19) in 418 and the prefect's reply (Hactenus Caelestium - Ep. 20) relating to the Pelagian controversy. These letters are not found in other dossiers of material on the controversy, such as the Collectio Avellana. The letters in the Collectio Quesnelliana mark imperial intervention in the controversy. The letter from Constantius directs the prefect to banish Pelagians from the city. In a 2013 publication Mar Marcos considers this little-studied letter to be an example of Constantius' interest in ecclesiastical matters and his religious zeal, similar to that expressed in Constantius' letter to Symmachus, Volusianus' successor, on the Roman episcopal electoral dispute between Boniface and Eulalius. In this paper, however, I shall argue that, as with the letter to Symmachus and with his involvement in Gaul, Constantius' interest was more with preventing civil unrest in Rome than it was with theological niceties. Indeed, this paper will argue that the law issued from Ravennna on 30 April 418 in Honorius' name (Ad conturbandam - Ep. 14) should be regarded as having been written by Constantius (and a comparison between the law and letter will illustrate this) and that he wrote the subsequent letter in how own name to let its recipient know that he, who was the power behind the throne, was serious about its implementation.
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With the discovery of a new homily in Erfurt in 2007, the number of homilies Augustine preached on the feast of Cyprian now numbers 19 (Serm. 308A, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 313A, 313B, 313C, 313D, 313E, 313F, 313G, Enarr. in Ps. 32/2, 72,... more
With the discovery of a new homily in Erfurt in 2007, the number of homilies Augustine preached on the feast of Cyprian now numbers 19 (Serm. 308A, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 313A, 313B, 313C, 313D, 313E, 313F, 313G, Enarr. in Ps. 32/2, 72, 85, 86, 88/2, and 96). Cyprian is a figure of great importance for Augustine as someone who, in Augustine's De baptismo contra Donatistas needed to be rescued from the Donatists' claims that they were the living embodiment of his legacy rather than Caecilianists like Augustine. This focus is not evident in these homilies, where Cyprian himself could be little more than a launching pad for preaching on any topic at all, or where the Carthaginian bishop's conversion and martyrdom could be presented as of imitative value for the local community. This paper will examine the images of Cyprian presented in Augustine's homily, particularly 313E, where the Donatists are the object of Augustine's preaching and where something more akin to what is found in De baptismo could have been expected.
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The fragments of Rutilius Namatianus’ De reditu suo discovered in 1973 provide further evidence to that found in Prosper of Aquitaine, Olympiodorus, and Orosius for the interests of Flavius Constantius (consul in 414 and 417 and emperor... more
The fragments of Rutilius Namatianus’ De reditu suo discovered in 1973 provide further evidence to that found in Prosper of Aquitaine, Olympiodorus, and Orosius for the interests of Flavius Constantius (consul in 414 and 417 and emperor briefly as Constantius III in 421) in Gaul. In a 1986 article Hagith Sivan suggested that the unnamed city connected with Constantius in one of the fragments was Arles and that the date of Rutilius’ composition must have been 417. This paper will add to her arguments by considering the possibility that what has come to be known as the council of the seven provinces that met in Arles in 418 (called by the constitution Saluberrima magnificentiae of Emperor Honorius) was the brainchild of Constantius and that Rutilius was returning to Gaul to participate in that council. I shall place Constantius’ political interests in Gaul in the light of arguments I have advanced about the extent of his religious interests in Gaul.
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The letters preserved in the Collectio Thessalonicensis reveal that the first clash between Rome and Constantinople over ecclesiastical authority arose over the question of which church had responsibility for overseeing the churches of... more
The letters preserved in the Collectio Thessalonicensis reveal that the first clash between Rome and Constantinople over ecclesiastical authority arose over the question of which church had responsibility for overseeing the churches of Illyricum Orientale. The early letters indicate that Rome considered the area to remain part of its supervisory jurisdiction even though political control had been transferred from West to East by the end of the fourth century. The letters in the collectio from Boniface I (418-422) show that it was the disputed election of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth that sparked the first actual conflict between Rome and Constantinople over this region as some of the local Greek bishops had appealed to Atticus of Constantinople to have Perigenes’ election declared null when Boniface had supported it. Both Atticus and Boniface appealed to imperial authority (as Cod. Theod. 16.2.45 of 421 and some of the letters in the Collectio Thessalonicensis demonstrate). This paper will examine Boniface’s Ep. 14 to the Greek bishops (Institutio uniuersalis = Coll. Thess. Ep. 10 = JK 364), one of three he wrote on 11 March 422, in which he argued that his Petrine position gave him a superior authority, and that those to whom the dissident bishops had appealed lacked the authority they had asserted with which to intervene. The argument advanced here is that the ultimate success of Perigenes in remaining in Corinth was due more to diplomatic efforts involving the two emperors than any assertion of Rome’s apostolic primacy. Such a result, as further letters of the Collectio Thessalonicensis reveal, however, was only temporary.
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Following the appointment of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth in 419, some Illyrian bishops, upset that this seemed to be a violation of the Nicene canon against the translation of bishops from one church to another and upset that Boniface... more
Following the appointment of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth in 419, some Illyrian bishops, upset that this seemed to be a violation of the Nicene canon against the translation of bishops from one church to another and upset that Boniface I, bishop of Rome from 418 to 422, had supported Perigenes’ election, managed to secure a law from the eastern emperor, Theodosius II to the praetorian prefect for Illyricum that asserted that judicial appeals were to be heard at Constantinople (Cod. Theod. 16.2.45). The innovation that Theodosius condemned was undoubtedly the practice of Illyrian bishops appealing through the bishop of Thessaloniki to Rome, a system that had flourished under several of Boniface’s predecessors, especially Innocent I, and which is documented in the letters of the Collectio Thessalonicensis. Boniface’s response was to enlist the support of Honorius, the western emperor, to appeal to his imperial nephew to reverse this decision as itself being an innovation ([Boniface I], Ep. 10 [PL 20.769-770]). Theodosius agreed ([Boniface I], Ep. 11 [PL 20.770-771]). This paper examines these documents in the light of the history of the vicariate of Thessaloniki and Boniface’s own relationship with imperial authority, which is demonstrated in ultimately definitive involvement of Ravenna in settling the electoral controversy that surrounded Boniface’s own election in Rome. It argues that the whole Perigenes affair was one of the first examples of what has come to be called papal primacy, in that it was an exercise of ecclesiastical authority over an area that no longer belonged to his supervision, that Honorius was compliant to Roman episcopal wishes, and that Roman success (albeit a temporary one) was dependent upon the personal relationship between imperial uncle and nephew.
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The Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association (JAEMA) is a double-blind peer reviewed journal published annually (ISSN 1449-9320) distributed to members and institutional subscribers. The JAEMA publishes articles, reviews and... more
The Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association (JAEMA) is a double-blind peer reviewed journal published annually (ISSN 1449-9320) distributed to members and institutional subscribers. The JAEMA publishes articles, reviews and short notes relating to all aspects of the early medieval period from late antiquity and the end of the Roman empire to about the end of the eleventh century. The JAEMA seeks engaging, original work, that contributes to a collective understanding of the early medieval period. It welcomes papers on any theme, such as history, art history, archaeology, literature, linguistics, music and theology, and from any interpretive angle – memory, gender, historiography, medievalism, consilience and beyond. The whole of the JAEMA's content (from 2005 onwards) is available for purchase from the Association's online content publisher Informit.
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