Patristic Exegesis

Dopo l'edizione di M. Simonetti 1 , gli studi sul De opere et eleemosynis si sono concentrati per la maggior parte sul contenuto dell'opera e sulle circostanze storiche cui essa accenna, lasciando in secondo piano gli aspetti più propriamente testuali. L'edizione di M. Poirier, pubblicata in Francia nel 1999 e tradotta in italiano nel 2009 2 , mette in evidenza vari problemi relativi a questo testo, alcuni dei quali sono oggetto della presente indagine.

Origen’s exegesis of the Song of Songs, despite the praise it generally raised both in antiquity and in modern times, still awaits for deeper investigation as far as the literary project of the Alexandrian and its output are concerned. In this respect, it is difficult not only to exactly define the mutual relations between the Commentary and the Homilies on the Song of Songs, apart from the evident similarity of their themes, but more specifically to catch the particular nature of Origen’s interpretation at the first level of the biblical text against his well-known allegorism. Viewing the «littera» or «historia» of the Song as a theatrical piece, as especially shown in the Commentary, Origen delivers a dramatical interpretation which by its careful description of the successive scenes develops into a proper script for the stage. Though this explanation is meant to guide the reader to a further level of interpretation, the ‘letter’ cannot here be appreciated simply as the provisional step leading to the ‘spirit’, i.e. the spiritual intelligence of the Song which is in principle the only one permitted for Origen in this biblical love poetry. Instead of that, through the discourse engaged by the dramatic interpretation, on the one hand, there is an overlapping of both the ‘historical’ and the ‘spiritual’ explanation and, on the other hand, the dramatic exegesis also delivers a surplus of sense which is not totally subsumed in the spiritual interpretation. At moments the Song as ‘play’ seems therefore to gain in Origen’s perceptive reading a life of its own.

ta da Dio in Gesù Cristo. In lui culmina e si completa, raggiungendo la sua pienezza, il processo mediante il quale Dio si è fatto conoscere all'uomo. Il suo inizio si trova nella creazione, per passare poi alla manifestazione di Dio nella storia no alla missione del Figlio che ha comunicato all'essere umano, fatto a immagine e somiglianza divina, il mistero del suo amore. Ciò permette di fare un paragone fra i libri delle due alleanze, e capire l'esigenza della nuova legge di fronte alla tolleranza veterotestamentaria da parte di Dio. L'introduzione al Nuovo Testamento e ai Vangeli che viene dopo, aiuta ad approfondire la rivelazione divina nel suo insieme e a capire il senso e la ragione delle abbondanti note spiegative che conformano la Bibbia di Navarra.

Taft R. F. The Great Entrance. A History of the Transfer of Gifts and other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom. [A History of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, vol. II]. Roma, 1975. (Orientalia Christiana Analecta; 200).

This essay was published in The Bible and Early Trinitarian Theology, edited by Christopher A. Beeley and Mark E. Weedman, for the CUAP Studies in Early Christianity (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 2018); this is the uncorrected proofs. Exploring the humanity and divinity of Jesus, the Son's relation to the Father, and the agency of the Holy Spirit, it is one of five essays suggesting Johannine contributions to trinitarian discussions in the early church.

Der folgende Aufsatz versucht, eine zusammenfassende Darstellung aller orthodoxen
Stellungnahmen bezüglich der historisch-kritische Methode sowie aller westlicher
Positionen dem kirchenväterlichen Bibelverständnis gegenüber. Zumindest auf der Ebene
der orthodoxen Bibelwissenschaftler stellt man heutzutage eine schwer erklärbare Tendenz
fest: die meisten Orthodoxen lehnen grundsätzlich alle vom Westen gekommenen
Einflusse ab, obwohl sie in deren Arbeiten stark auf die im Westen entwickelten Werke
rekkurieren. Andererseits zeigen sich die meisten westlichen Biblizisten eher skeptisch
im Gegenüber zu der hermeneutischen und auslegerischen Funktion der Kirchenväter,
obwohl sie etwas darstellen, was im Westen fast verlorengegangen ist – die Aktualisierung
der Textbotschaft. Allmählich aber setzten sich die Orthodoxen, auf einer wissenschaftlicher
Manier, mit der historisch-kritischen Methode oder mit deren Arbeitsschritten
auseinander, während die westlichen Bibelwissenschaftler allmählich Zeichen der Wiederentdeckung patristischen Erbes setzten. Ist eine konstruktive Wechselwirkung
zwischen diesen beiden hermeneutischen Polen zu postulieren? Wenn ja, unter
welchen Umständen? Was schlagen die beiden involvierten Teilen vor?

The Pelagian controversy has secured an enduring place for Pelagius in the history of Western Christian thought. Few of Pelagius' writings, however, have been preserved, and until recently none was available in English translation. This volume presents Pelagius' commentary on Romans for the first time in English. The commentary, one of thirteen on the Pauline epistles, dates from the time when Pelagius was active in Rome, before he became embroiled in controversy, but already there are adumbrations of the later debate and signs of different currents of thought in Italy and beyond. In his introduction Theodore de Bruyn discusses the context in which Pelagius wrote the commentary and the issues which shaped his interpretation of Romans. He also takes up questions about the edition of the commentary. The translation is annotated with references to Pelagius' contemporaries, and a new recension of Pelagius' text of Romans is presented in an appendix.

The first point in Celsus’ argument against the biblical truth is the origin of the Jewish people and Christian faith. Celsus presents Jews and Christians as descendants of the rebellion against ancient peoples, who held and practiced an ancient account, the True Doctrine. Secondly, the biblical writers are susceptible according to Celsus. Because they are descendants of the rebels, their doctrine must be wrong. This is because in Celsus’ view the doctrine (logos) and the way of living (nomos) are in a mutual relation – a change in the one affects also the other. Thirdly, Celsus points out that Judaism and Christianity are in conflict with the True Doctrine. This is not because of their particular teaching but of their claim for universality, which, according to Celsus, has no universal basis. As Jews and Christians take only their scriptures and holy men into account, their faith is not universal but particular. Finally, on account of previous arguments, Celsus insists that the unreliability of the Bible concerning the universal truth is now proven and there is no divine inspiration in the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. Therefore they cannot be interpreted allegorically.

Anastasius the Sinaite's homily on the Transfiguration discloses the meaning of Tabor by weaving together several theophanic texts. His exegesis exemplifies a specific type of christological interpretation of biblical theophanies that has close parallels in Ps.-Ephrem Syrus and John of Damascus. This is neither the spiritualizing Tabor exegesis of an Origen or Maximus the Confessor, nor a 'typological' linking of foreshadowing and fulfilment, but rather representative of what has been described in recent years as the 'Re-written Bible' approach of the Byzantine hymnographic tradition.

In his Commentary on John, St. Cyril of Alexandria follows the divine Apostle in understanding Christ’s body – or more specifically, His assumed human nature – as the true Temple, the fulfillment of the Mosaic Tabernacle and Jerusalem Temple, which were but shadows and types. For Cyril, the Temple of Christ’s body becomes the central image for understanding not only His incarnation, but the meaning of worship in spirit and truth and the redemption and deification of fallen humanity. Though writing before the Nestorian controversy, Cyril nonetheless stresses that while Christ’s Temple is a real human body and soul, it is not a separate person and in no way divides Him. Jesus sanctifies His Temple through the Holy Spirit in order to sanctify all of human nature –and indeed all of creation – and through this sanctification He affords created nature the potential to become a temple of the Holy Spirit and to participate in God Himself. When the veil of the Temple was torn asunder, worship according to the Law ended and a new era of spiritual worship was inaugurated, which is carried out in the “temple” of each believer. Yet spiritual worship is also ecclesial and sacramental, being figuratively connected with the blood and water that flowed from Christ’s side on the Cross and marked the inauguration of the Christian Sacraments. For by partaking of the body of the Son of God Himself in the Holy Eucharist and receiving the Holy Spirit in Baptism, the faithful become temples of God, the very places where true worship is offered, and are thereby united to God and to one another.

In the biblical theophanies of Isaiah 6 and Daniel 3, divine condescension and human ascent constitute reciprocal ecstatic moves towards a divine–human encounter. The christological interpretation, widespread in early Christian reception history, further discerns in Isaiah 6 and Daniel 3 an anticipation of the radical condescension of the Logos-made-human and, conversely, an anticipation of the deifying ascent of humanity in Christ. Finally, the early Christian reading of Isaiah 6 and Daniel 3 as ‘christophanies’ – that is, as manifestations of the Logos-to-be-incarnate – also allows us a glimpse into the performative aspect and experiential claims of early Christian exegesis, broadly construed to also incorporate hymnography, iconography and ritual.

Cyrille, archevêque d'Alexandrie en Égypte (vers 375-444), est un des plus grands exégètes et théologiens de son temps. Il est également un des plus célèbres représentants de l'école théologique alexandrine. Il nous a légué un immense héritage écrit, dont la majeure partie est constituée d‘analyses exégétiques. Dans ses nombreuses oeuvres, il polémique avec les ariens, les païens, les juifs et les nestoriens. Le Commentaire de Cyrille d’Alexandrie sur l’Épître aux Hébreux (CPG 5209 (3)) ne nous est parvenu que dans les fragments contenus dans des chaînes bibliques, des florilèges dogmatiques et chez des auteurs postérieurs. Nous avons traduit de manière critique du grec ancien en français les fragments grecs et latins du Commentaire de Cyrille d’Alexandrie sur l’Épître aux Hébreux tels que les présente l‘édition de P.E. Pusey. Nous avons également traduit en français, à partir de la traduction latine, les fragments arméniens du Commentaire publiés par J. Lebon, qui contribuent beaucoup à l‘étude des fragments grecs et latins.

This chapter examines in detail the Homilia 48 on Matthew delivered by John Chrysostom at Antioch in the year 390. This homily, dealing with the biblical personages of John the Baptist, Herod and his wife Herodias is especially interesting in the context of the later life of John Chrysostom. Elevated to the episcopal see of Constantinople, he is reported to have verbally abused the empress Eudoxia, equating her with wicked female characters from the Bible, an assault that resulted in his banishment from the imperial capital. The homily is representative of a mental framework that enabled a swift translation of biblical characters and episodes into a contemporary setting, where the audience could be asked to both imitate the biblical heroes and to abstain from vices of the villains of old. While John’s audience acclaimed his preaching and was prepared to be challenged, some at Constantinople found both his preaching and his habits unacceptable. That in turn contributed to the polarisation of the ecclesiastical milieu in the capital and opened the way for the fall of John. While the sources on John’s exile and death are far from being unanimous, a verbal confrontation with the empress Eudoxia that sealed his fate is likely to have happened. Having failed to correctly identify and adequately approach the person upon whose favour his position depended, John approached the empress with the very biblically-loaded rhetoric he used habitually as a preacher.

The paper deals with Commentary on the Song of Songs by Theodoret of Cyrus. It presents its structure and exegetical method used by the exegete as well as its dependence on Origen’s commentary and its polemical emphasis directed most likely at Theodore of Mopsuestia. It analyses in more detail the reasoning of Theodoret’s polemic against Theodore’s historical interpretation of the text and points out struggle of both exegetes with the corporeal and erotic content of the Song of Songs, which, however, each of them addressed in a different way. Theodore was faithful to his methodological criteria and denied the text its canonicity whereas Theodoret was faithful to the tradition of Song of Songs being divinely inspired and refused its literal and historical meaning.

In this article, I analyze Irenaeus’s hermeneutical and theological tendencies in the context of second-century Christianity and its interaction with Graeco-Roman culture.  I relate my findings in Irenaean theology to contemporary concerns in theological reflection of the Majority World.

Exegesegeschichtlich ist die Erklärung von Ps 140 (141) 2 ein methodisches Musterbeispiel patristischer Schriftauslegung: Nach der Vergewisserung über den auszulegenden Text einschließlich textkritischer Varianten bietet Chrysostomus eine historische Sacherklärung des alttestamentlichen Phänomens, auch wenn er dieses nicht nur im Lichte allgemeiner Kultterminologie, sondern auch der neutestamentlichen Rezeption vor allem im Hebräerbrief, aber auch zum Beispiel in 1 Petr 2,5 erschließt und somit zumindest für biblisch informierte Ohren bereits in der historisch-sachlichen Interpretation auch metaphorische Resonanzen anklingen läßt. Im dritten Schritt folgt die paränetische Aktualisierung für das Auditorium in Form jener anthropologischen Allegorese, die schon im biblischen Vergleich des Gebets mit Weihrauch und des Erhebens der Hände mit dem Abendopfer angelegt ist und im vierten Schritt in den direkten Imperativ mündet; 1 Petr 2,5 mit seiner kultmetaphorischen Ekklesiologie und die paulinische Rede von den Christen als Tempel und Leib Christi sind wichtige Intertexte dieser abschließenden Anwendung.
Liturgiehistorisch bezeugt schon die Einleitung zur ganzen Homilie die auch sonst breit belegte Verwendung von Ps 140 (141) als Abend- und Ps 62 (63) als Morgenpsalm der Tagzeitenliturgie in Antiochien; bemerkenswert ist der Hinweis darauf, daß die ganze Gemeinde psalliert und sich nicht etwa nur durch einen Kehrvers an der Psalmodie beteiligt.
Theologisch bedeutsam ist die Erklärung, durch den Gesang dieser Psalmen würden die Sünden des Tages getilgt; es handelt sich um eine Auffassung, die umso klarer der Überzeugung des Chrysostomus entspringt, als sie nicht wirklich aus dem biblischen Text zu gewinnen ist. Der Tagzeitenliturgie Bußcharakter zuzuschreiben, lag im Zug der Zeit und war wohl auch ein Grund für die seit dieser Epoche – wenn auch nicht im Antiochien des Chrysostomus – bezeugte Verbreitung von Ps 50 (51) als Morgenpsalm; auch die Dimension der Versöhnung wird gelegentlich angesprochen. Der Psalmodie selbst wird freilich nirgends so deutlich die sakramentliche Wirkung der Sündenvergebung zugeschrieben wie in der vorliegenden Homilie zum täglichen Abendpsalm 140 (141), welcher nach Johannes Chrysostomus von den Vätern angeordnet wurde, damit er „als ein Heilmittel gesagt werde, das rettet und von Sünden reinigt“ (PG 55, 427) – ein Höhepunkt der altkirchlichen Auffassung von der Wirksamkeit des Wortes Gottes.

This study aims to systematize St. Basil the Great's view of the evil and set it into the larger framework covering similar concerns within the field of religious studies. The permanent reference to the broader scope of this research subject matter has the advantage of highlighting more suitably the merits of Basil's thinking pattern. The metaphysical, personal and moral aspects of the evil are dwelt upon, and projected on the background of the intellectual tensions of the time, while their benchmark value for the Eastern Christianity is emphasized up until today. From the point of view of the history of religions, understanding Basils's view of the evil is an endeavour that is both necessary and useful to its own inherent academic discourse.

Dans cette conférence, j'ai proposé un parcours transversal dans l’exégèse des premiers siècles (chez Irénée de Lyon, Origène, Eusèbe de Césarée et Hilaire de Poitiers) à propos des "impies", les "pécheurs" et les "pestiférés" nommés dans le Ps 1,1 : « Heureux l´homme qui n´est pas allé dans une assemblée d´impies, ne s´est ni tenu sur un chemin de pécheurs ni assis sur un siège malsain ! »

Oi Christianoi - Sezione antica, n. 27 ----- Avendo spaziato in molti campi e trovandosi all'incrocio di tante strade sulle quali ha lasciato la sua originale impronta, Agostino d'Ippona (354-430) occupa un posto centrale e, per certi aspetti, unico nella storia del pensiero, della teologia e della spiritualità occidentale. Se le sue opere maggiori sono ben conosciute, tuttavia gran parte dei suoi scritti rimane nell'ombra, anche quando si tratta di scritti importanti per l'esegesi, la dottrina e la morale. Proponendo una sintesi dei contenuti di ciascuno di essi, questo Dizionario offre un quadro completo di tutta la vastissima produzione di Agostino, permettendo ad un vasto pubblico di lettori di avere a disposizione uno strumento utile di consultazione e di orientamento.

Fondé sur une double approche iconographique et textuelle, ce livre situe pour la première fois les sirènes antiques et médiévales au sein d'une histoire globale. Cette mise en perspective qui inclut aussi une approche anthropologique, permet d'appréhender cette figure archétypale dans son unité profonde tout en rendant compte des formes paradoxales qu'elle a pu revêtir. Mais au-delà de l'histoire du mythe et de ses variantes, des croyances magico-religieuses qui y sont associées et des interprétations philosophiques et morales dont il a fait l'objet, cette étude présente surtout l'originalité d'évoquer le passage de l'Antiquité païenne au Moyen Âge occidental chrétien au moyen d'une image-symbole qui apparaît comme un révélateur de mentalités particulièrement éclairant.

Intéressé par les mécanismes subtils qui ont permis la transmission et l'assimilation d'une bonne partie de la culture antique au Moyen Âge, l'auteur s'est notamment attaché à montrer l'étonnante continuité du discours savant tel qu'il s'exprime essentiellement dans l'oeuvre exégétique des Pères de l'Eglise et dans la littérature didactique des moines et des clercs qui s'en sont inspirés. Une place importante n'en a pas moins été faite à l'apport des cultures germanique et celtique qui semblent très impliquées dans le maintien des sirènes au sein d'une certaine forme de réalité, et surtout dans leur métamorphose en femme-poisson intervenue au VIIIe siècle au plus tard. L'apparition de "bonnes sirènes" aux côtés des sirènes vampiriques toujours craintes par les masses en plein Moyen Âge, paraît aussi devoir leur être imputée.

A cette enquête complexe mais combien passionnante s'ajoute une iconographie généreuse et de qualité qui permet de découvrir comment on représenta les sirènes durant toutes ces époques. La sculpture sur pierre du XIe et du XIIe siècle y est particulièrement bien représentée car la sirène y apparaît comme un motif privilégié. Un chapitre consacré aux sirènes dans la stylistique romane tente d'expliquer cette faveur, sur base d'arguments uniquement stylistiques.

Earlier scholarship faced a number of limitations in classifying catena manuscripts on the Acts of the Apostles. This study makes a comparison of exegetical scholia in selected text passages (Acts 2:1-16, 8:9-25, 28:19-31) in order to determine the different types of catena and how they relate to each other. This survey reveals the diversity of the tradition: some manuscripts are merely copies, which repeat the same text with only small variations, but others are unique and cannot be directly identified with a particular catena type. It is therefore necessary to expand the classification of catenae on Acts in the Clavis Patrum Graecorum so as to mark subdivisions within the individual types. Keywords catena-manuscript-Acts of the Apostles-Clavis Patrum Graecorum-scholia-Andreas the Presbyter Recent years have seen a significant increase in the study of patristic exegesis of the New Testament, especially with regard to biblical catenae.1 Detailed research on the catenae on the Acts of the Apostles, however, is yet to be Vigiliae Christianae 76 (2022) 281-305 Table 1 List of catena manuscripts on acts and type identification Catena type Shelfmark GA Acts folios Century C150

Der Kommentar Cyrills von Alexandrien († 444) zum 1. Korintherbrief des Apostels Paulus gehörte bisher wohl zu den unbekanntesten Schriften der patristischen Literatur. Die vorliegende Studie stellt die erste umfassende wissenschaftliche Untersuchung dieses fast vergessenen Werkes dar. Sie präsentiert erstmalig alle Handschriften, in denen griechische Fragmente des Kommentars überliefert sind, und bietet die erste kritische Edition der Schrift sowie deren erste Übersetzung in eine moderne Sprache. Sie unternimmt darüber hinaus zum ersten Mal den Versuch, anhand einer eingehenden Analyse der hierfür maßgeblichen Stellen die Abfassungszeit des Werkes zu bestimmen sowie dessen sprachlich-stilistische Merkmale zu benennen. Im Mittelpunkt der Studie steht - neben der Edition der erhaltenen griechischen Fragmente des Kommentars - eine detaillierte exegetisch-theologische Analyse der Schrift. Die Untersuchung schließt mit einer komprimierenden Darstellung der von Cyrill im analysierten Kommentar behandelten Themen sowie mit einer zusammenfassenden Präsentierung der exegetisch-hermeneutischen Prinzipien der Bibelauslegung des alexandrinischen Patriarchen. Als Kurzsynthese der vorliegenden Studie kann festgehalten werden: Der Kommentar Cyrills von Alexandrien zum 1. Korintherbrief ist ein Werk von hoher inhaltlicher Komplexität, eine hervorragende Fundgrube für jeden, der erfahren und lernen möchte, was es konkret bedeutet, die biblische Botschaft aktualisierend auszulegen.

La figure du berger est sans doute celle qu'on rencontre le plus fréquemment dans l'art paléochrétien : on a pu en recenser jusqu'à 892 représentations1. Elle a suscité de nombreuses études parvenant aux conclusions les plus opposées. Pour les uns, les images pastorales de l'art chrétien ne seraient pas substantiellement différentes des représentations bucoliques aimées des païens à la même époque ; pour d'autres, le berger portant la brebis sur les épaules ne représenterait pas autre chose que la vertu de "philanthropia", comme dans le paganisme ; certains encore voient dans le berger des catacombes un Psychopompe qui, tel Hermès (berger lui aussi) conduit l'homme vers l'au-delà ; pour d'aucuns, l'image renverrait au baptême ou à la pénitence ; quelques uns enfin pensent qu'elle est une figure abstraite du salut, somme toute très générale2. Après cela, qui oserait encore écrire avec J. P. Kirsch que ?3 1. Existence d'un enseignement catéchétique ancien sur la parabole.

Quali misteri religiosi sono contenuti nella preghiera del Signore! Quanti e quanto grandi! Riuniti nella brevità del discorso, ma spiritualmente abbondanti nella virtù, tanto che niente sia trascurato e ignorato nelle nostre preghiere e suppliche, come in un compendio della dottrina celeste.

The way in which Paul exercises his authority in the Letter to Philemon has been studied from various angles, but as far as could be determined, the reception of this aspect of his letter by its interpreters in the fourth and 5th centuries CE. has not yet received much attention. Accordingly, this aspect is addressed in this study. The views of the following six  interpreters are discussed (in chronological order):  Ambrosiaster, Jerome, Pelagius, John Chrysostom, Theodore of
Mopsuestia, and Theodoret of Cyrus. It is shown that each of them has his own view in this regard, but that two general trends can nevertheless be identified: Firstly, all of these writers
accept that Paul had authority over Philemon; and secondly, the commendable way in which Paul exercised this authority is a regular theme in their works.

로마서를 읽고 회심한 아우구스티누스는 일평생 성경을 주석하고 설교했다. 『기독교의 가르침』이라는 작품은 아우구스티누스의 성경해석학과 설교론을 잘 보여준다. 아우구스티누스는 여러 편의 성경주석을 썼으며 주석에 대한 명확한 이해가 있었다. 그는 초기에 신플라톤주의의 영향을 받았지만 점차로 성경적 가르침을 더욱 분명하게 고수했다. 아우구스티누스는 주석의 목적이 하나님 사랑과 이웃 사랑이라는 사랑의 이중계명에 있다고 보았다. 그는 믿음, 소망, 사랑이라는 기독교의 삼주덕(三主德)을 촉진시키고 완성하는 것이 주석과 설교의 목적이라고 보았다. 그는 또한 그리스-로마의 기호론을 성경적 가르침에 맞게 변용하여 자신의 주석에 적용했다. 아우구스티누스는 신앙의 규칙과 보편교회의 권위를 존중하면서 주석에 임했다. 무엇보다 그는 자신의 신앙 성숙을 위해서 성경을 주석했으며, 건전한 성경 이해를 통하여 자신의 시대에 응답하였다. 아우구스티누스의 성경해석학은 그리스도 중심적이며, 교회를 위해 기여한다는 특징을 가진다. 그는 이단들을 배격하였고, 바른 목회를 위해 성경을 주석했다.

아우구스티누스의 주석법은 그의 설교론과 긴밀한 연관성을 지닌다. 그는 목회자의 임무 중에 가장 중요한 것이 말씀의 사역이라고 보았다. 그는 수천 편의 설교를 전했으며, 그중에 562편이 현재까지도 남아 있다. 아우구스티누스는 설교자는 그리스도에 의해 치료 받아야 할 환자이며 동시에 말씀으로 신자들의 영적 질병을 고치는 의사와 같다고 했다. 아우구스티누스는 설교를 통하여 성도들이 자신의 삶을 성경의 언어로 설명할 수 있도록 도와주었다. 그는 청중의 마음을 움직이는 설교를 추구했다. 비록 그가 원고 없이 즉석에서 설교했지만 그렇다고 해서 준비 없이 설교에 임한 것은 결코 아니다. 그의 설교는 언제나 영적으로 깊이가 있었고, 참된 신앙의 원리를 잘 설명했다. 아우구스티누스의 설교는 그의 성경주석과 마찬가지로 사랑을 강조했다. 탁월한 수사학자로서 아우구스티누스는 설교의 전달 방식에 대해서도 깊이 연구했다. 하지만 여전히 그에게 중요한 것은 전달 방식이 아니라 전달되는 내용이었다. 특별히 그는 설교의 내용을 스스로 실천하기를 원했다. 설교자의 삶과 유리된 설교는 성도들에게 아무런 유익을 줄 수 없기 때문이다. 아우구스티누스는 성찬식과 기도와 송영이 들어있는 예배의 한 부분으로서 설교를 인식했다. 그에게 설교란 그리스도를 전파하며, 성령의 도우심을 바라보게 하며, 하나님 아버지께로 인도하는 영적 도구였다.

** Abstract **
Augustine, who was converted through his reading of the book of Romans, interpreted and preached the Bible all his life. His work, On the Christian Teaching (De Doctrina Christiana) shows Augustine’s biblical hermeneutics and homiletics. He wrote several Bible commentaries and had a clear understanding of biblical exegesis. Although initially influenced by Neoplatonism, he became more and more explicitly biblical in his thought. Augustine argued that the purpose of biblical exegesis lay in the dual commandment of the love of God and neighbor. He regarded it as the purpose of exegesis and preaching to promote and fulfill the Christian triad of faith, hope and love. He also applied the Greco-Roman theory of signs to his biblical exegesis and adapted it to biblical teachings. Augustine interpreted the Bible in honor of the rules of faith (regula fidei) and the authority of the universal church. Above all, he commented on the Bible for the maturity of his own faith and responded to his own age through sound biblical understanding. His biblical hermeneutic is Christ-centered and has the characteristic of contributing to the church. He rejected the heretics and commented on the Bible for well-formed church ministry.

Augustine’s exegesis is closely related to his homiletics. He considered the ministry of the Word to be the most important mission of the pastor. He delivered thousands of sermons, of which 562 remain to this day. Augustine said that the preacher is a patient to be healed by Christ, and at the same time, a doctor to repair the spiritual disease of believers through the Word. Throughout his sermons, Augustine helped the believer to explain their lives using the language of the Bible. He sought preaching that moved the hearts of the audience. Though he preached extempore without a manuscript, he by no means preached without preparation. His sermons were always spiritually deep, and he explained well the principles of true faith. Augustine’s sermons emphasized love just like his biblical commentary. As a prominent rhetorician, Augustine also studied deeply how sermons should be delivered. But what was still important to him was the content of the message, not just the method of delivery. Specifically, he wanted to practice the content of his sermon by himself. He believed that when the life of the preacher was separated from the preaching, it would not benefit the audience at all. Augustine recognized the sermon as a part of the worship which was composed of the sacraments, prayer, and doxology. To him, the sermon was a spiritual tool that delivers Christ, makes people seek the help of the Holy Spirit, and leads them to the Father.

Pairis/.ica el Mcdúwvalúi, XXV (2004) BUENAVENTURA: TRASCENDENTALES DEL SER Y CAUSALIDAD DIVINA COMO FUNDAMENTO ONTOLÓGICO GEnALJ, Cm:sTA ' 1 ' l. La idea de Ser como constitutivo metafísico de la esencia divina El modo de concebir la esencia divina se desarrolla en Buenaventura bajo la perspectiva de la idea misma de Ser. Desde la antigüedad clásica, existieron siempre dos posibilidades: o bien bajo la influencia de la idea de Ser, o bien bajo la influencia de la idea ele Bien. Lo que se presenta aquí corno problema intermedio es el correspondiente a la diferencia entre el llamado constitutivo metafísico de la esencia y el constitutivo metafísico de la naturaleza divina. Si bien los autores modernos no se detienen en esta diferenciación, las diferencias formales entre naturaleza y esencia son tenidas en cuenta desde antiguo por la metafísica. Se trata, en definitiva, de resolver concc"ptualmente aquello que le conviene a Dios bajo la razón formal de esencia y lo que le conviene en razón ele naturaleza. Nos ocuparemos en primer término del constitutivo metafísico de la esencia divina.

Ambrose of Milan (d. 397) composed his voluminous Commentary on Psalm 118 as a means to provide his audience, the Church of Milan, with a deeper formation, which would be a continuation of previously conferred mystagogical catechesis to the newly baptised immediately after their baptism. This work is addressed to the specific audience of the Christians in Milan in a singular moment of the life of the Church tormented not only by her inner struggles with Arianism and other heresies but also by the religious clashes with the pagans and the Jews. This spatiotemporal setting of the book is the key to reading Ambrose’s writing as a speaking of the Bishop’s heart submerged into the sea of Scriptures to the hearts of the believers that receive this word. Ambrose is presented as a mystagogical theologian who tries to bring his flock to the mystery of Christ not only through the sacraments or biblical exegesis but through many other ways: the Bible read in the Church, personal following of Christ, prayer and theological reflection in the light of the Nicene faith in Christ, the Son of God. Ambrose does not limit his catechesis to the liturgical mystagogy, but he tries to open his audience to much wider horizon, namely to introduce them to the mystery of Christ in all situations of their life. In this way, his Commentary on Psalm 118 is presented as a series of post-baptismal catecheses by the means of a personal interpretation of the Scripture in the context of the liturgical cele- bration of the Church of Milan as a kind of “profound” mystagogy and a help on the way to Christ. Psalm 118, considered a post-Easter psalm, and Song of Song, exalting the relation of two spouses, which is interpreted by the ancient Church as the relation of Christ and the Church or the Word and the believer’s soul, is the Bishop’s way of introduction to this “mystery of Christ”.
Part One presents the Expositio psalmi CXVIII and its historical context including the issues of its composition, datation, literary genre, structure and cultural-religious situation. Part Two is an exposition of the history and meaning of mystagogy in the ancient Church. This permits to define mystagogy and its characteristics so that, in Part Three, the post-Easter, pedagogical and bridal characteristics of the Expositio could be studied together with an ancient practice known as disciplina arcani. Part Four then illustrates in which diverse moments of Christian life Ambrose is able to see the mystery of Christ and to transmit this knowledge to his listeners and readers.
The book comes to several conclusions. In his Commentary on Psalm 118, Ambrose presents a course of formation and catechesis that initiates his audience to the “school” of Christ, the Teacher. It does not only transmit some teaching or practice, but it has even a purgative and redemptive value. By adapting the meaning of the Psalm 118, the assembly learned to know and to appreciate the presence of Christ in his Church and in the hearts of his faithful. A special key to this process is Ambrose’s idea of faith-trust that is opening between a Christian and Christ. The disciplina arcani is not only applied to the singular realities kept by the Church (Creed, Baptism, Eucharist and Our Father), but the Christian believer himself, his virtues, his spiritual reading of the Bible, his spiritual struggles and his “heart” become realities of the faith which are not to be spread easily but are to be kept as a treasure. This view of man as a revelation of God’s action and as a “sacrament” of God’s mystery present in the Expositio is very original and modern. The justified man becomes, by God’s grace, a martyr-witness of Christ and an instrument of evangelisation of the fellowship of faith and of the society as such. This testimony is rooted in the faithfulness of God that lasts even in the moments of temptation, persecution and even of sin because God always acts for the salvation of man. In such a way, Ambrose succeeds in drawing his audience to the heart of theology, focusing on man in his life situation. His figurative and symbolic language permits him to speak on God and his action that transcends human experience and possibilities of language, and so he promotes a meeting with transcendent God and his action in the present here and now. This approach, where theology, preaching and the real Christian life are brought together, remains very inspiring for the renewal of theology and for the pastoral care in any Church and in any time.