Cavidan Soykan
Keele University, School of Political, Social and Global Studies, Department Member
- Sociology, Political Science, Human Rights, Ethnography, Human Rights Law, Refugee Studies, and 26 moreForced Migration, Ethnic and Racial Studies, Human Rights Theory, Citizenship Theory, European Immigration and Asylum Law, Irregular Migration, Asylum, Sociology of Law, Refugees, Socio-legal studies, Law and Society, Citizenship, Immigration Status & Nationality, Qualitative Research Methods, Feminist Research Methods, Asylum seekers, Immigrant Detention, No borders, Anthropology of Law, Legal Anthropology, Human Rights/legal Anthropology, International Refugee Law, Transnational migration, Migration Studies, Sociology of Migration, and Modern Turkeyedit
- Cavidan Soykan completed her PhD in Sociology at the University of Essex. She has a background in political science a... moreCavidan Soykan completed her PhD in Sociology at the University of Essex. She has a background in political science and law as well. For her doctoral studies, she conducted a legal ethnography on the Turkish asylum system based on the experiences of asylum applicants from different backgrounds living in transit in Turkey. She worked at the currently closed down Human Rights Centre of the Faculty of Political Science of Ankara University for 12 years. She taught human rights at the undergraduate and human rights methods at the graduate level. She worked for an independent research company as a country-context expert for a UNICEF Turkey project on Syrian refugee children. She also completed a gender equality monitoring report on women refugees in Turkey with a colleague from Sabancı University for an EU funded project. She acted as a consultant for Dissensus Research's qualitative study on racism and refugees in Turkey in collaboration with Humboldt University in Berlin in February 2021.
From November, 2020 to December 2021 she was a virtual visiting fellow of IMIS at Osnabrück University.
Dr. Soykan is now a honorary fellow at the School of Political, Social and Global Studies of Keele University in the UK.
Her main research interests are feminist politics of forced migration, sociology of rights, sociology of law and critical disability studies.edit
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Dieses Working Paper befasst sich mit den Asylverläufen von irakischen, iranischen, afghanischen und afrikanischen Asylantragstellenden im türkischen Asylsystem seit 2011. Trotz der Änderung der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen im Zuge des... more
Dieses Working Paper befasst sich mit den Asylverläufen von irakischen, iranischen, afghanischen und afrikanischen Asylantragstellenden im türkischen Asylsystem seit 2011. Trotz der Änderung der rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen im Zuge des nationalen Gesetzes ‚über die Ausländer und den internationalen Schutz‘ 2013, verdeutlichen die Erzählungen der nicht-europäischen Asylantragstellenden in diesem Paper, dass die Probleme der Vergangenheit fortbestehen. Ein Grund dafür ist die Beibehaltung der geographischen Beschränkung des Geltungsbereichs der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention von 1951 auf Geflüchtete aus Europa. Als Nachbar- und Kandidatenstaat der EU bestimmt die Türkei also selbst, wer im Land Asyl beantragen darf. Viele dieser Menschen wollen dabei die Türkei als Zwischenstopp nutzen, um nach Westeuropa zu gelangen. Die ‚Flüchtlingskrise’ von 2015 und die Geschehnisse in Edirne Anfang 2020 zeigen, dass die Rolle der Türkei als Transitland sich auch nach dem Inkrafttreten des Gesetzes...
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ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the global governance of migration and the problem of migrant representation and migration-related problems within its framework. It concerns an analysis of the participation of civil society organizations... more
ABSTRACT This paper focuses on the global governance of migration and the problem of migrant representation and migration-related problems within its framework. It concerns an analysis of the participation of civil society organizations (CSOs) in the summit of Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) which took place in Istanbul in 2015. The authors analyse the Turkish chair’s presentation of migration-related problems and how this relates to the representation of migrants in Turkey by Turkish CSOs. Thus, the 2015 GFMD in Turkey is utilized as a case to reflect upon problems of representation. Furthermore, its democratizing potential as an informal, multi-sited framework for deliberations on new global migration governance avenues is recognized. Based on the participant observation, the authors maintain a critical stance concerning the inherent problems of the GFMD framework as a space for representing civil society in general and migrants and their organizations in particular.
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Bu yazıya bu başlığı seçmemin bir nedeni var: Politikasızlık. Geçtiğimiz yaz aylarını siyasette ve toplumsal yaşamda yoğun bir göçmen ve mülteci karşıtlığı ile geçirdik. Kastım sadece sosyal medyada paylaşılanlar veya siyasilerin... more
Bu yazıya bu başlığı seçmemin bir nedeni var: Politikasızlık. Geçtiğimiz yaz aylarını siyasette ve toplumsal yaşamda yoğun bir göçmen ve mülteci karşıtlığı ile geçirdik. Kastım sadece sosyal medyada paylaşılanlar veya siyasilerin söylemleri ve eylemleri değil. Amacım ırkçı boyutlardaki bu söylemleri ve saldırıları analiz etmek de değil. Ya da ırkçı bir linç girişimi sonrası o mahallede yaşayanlara ne olduğunu sizlere anlatmak da…Tüm bu yaşananlar bu toprakların hiç de yabancısı olmadığı ve samimi bir toplumsal yüzleşme girişiminde bulunmadığı tarihsel geçmişinden ayırt edilemeyecek sayfalardan biri. Son on yılda adı konulmamış yeni bir sayfa ile daha karşı karşıyayız ve artık adını koymamız gerekiyor. Bu yazıda siyasi partiler düzeyinde güncel siyasette yapılan hatalara odaklanmayacağım. Öyle sanıyorum ki, Türkiye’de göç gündem olduğunda ve sonrasında hemen hızlıca tüketildiğinde hiç konuşulmayan konular politikasızlık, uygulanmayan kurallar ve sürekli hale gelen mülteci/insan hakları ihlalleri oluyor. Geçmişten bugüne onların neler olduğunu sizlere aktarmaya çalışacağım.
Tüm Sayının PDFsi için link: https://www.sosyaldemokratdergi.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/127128129.pdf
Tüm Sayının PDFsi için link: https://www.sosyaldemokratdergi.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/127128129.pdf
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Mülteci çalışmaları alanında, mülteci kadınlar üzerine söylem, uygulama ve akademik araştırmalar 1990’lara dek erkek egemen bir paradigmaya dayanmıştır. Ülkeden kaçış, mülteci statüsü kazanma, sığınılan ülkede her türlü şiddetten korunma... more
Mülteci çalışmaları alanında, mülteci kadınlar üzerine söylem, uygulama ve akademik araştırmalar 1990’lara dek erkek egemen bir paradigmaya dayanmıştır. Ülkeden kaçış, mülteci statüsü kazanma, sığınılan ülkede her türlü şiddetten korunma ve ayrımcılık yasağı konularında kadın ve erkek mülteciler arasında bir ayrım yapılmamıştır (Indra 1987, 2008; Edwards, 2010). Hukuki açıdan bu durumun en açık örneği 1951 Mültecilerin Hukuki Statüsüne İlişkin Sözleşme’nin yaptığı ‘mülteci’ tanımıdır. Tanımın orijinali İngilizcedeki erkeği işaret eden he/his ifadeleri kullanılarak yazılmıştır. II. Dünya Savaşı sonrası iki kutuplu dünya düzenine ve hakim patriyarkal sisteme uygun olarak siyasi zulüm ancak erkeklerin başına gelebilir diye düşünülmüştür. Kadınların da politik olarak aktif olabileceği ve bu nedenle şiddet ve tehdide maruz kalabilecekleri düşünülmemiştir. Sözleşme tanımında mülteci statüsü kazanmak için zulme uğrayacağından haklı sebeplerle korku duymak için temel alınabilecek beş kriter (ırk, din, tabiiyet, belli bir sosyal gruba mensubiyet ve siyasi düşünce) arasında cinsiyet sayılmamıştır.
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Mültecilerin haklarını koruyan bir sözleşme var olmakla birlikte, göçmenler için bağlayıcı bir sözleşme yoktur. Peki biz ne yapabiliriz? Türkiye hem AK üyesi hem de BM üyesi olarak göçmenlere uygulanabilir pek çok tematik sözleşmeye... more
Mültecilerin haklarını koruyan bir sözleşme var olmakla birlikte, göçmenler için bağlayıcı bir sözleşme yoktur. Peki biz ne yapabiliriz? Türkiye hem AK üyesi hem de BM üyesi olarak göçmenlere uygulanabilir pek çok tematik
sözleşmeye taraftır. Bu yüzden diğer BM sözleşmelerine bakarak pek çok hak çıkarmak ve o sözleşmelerin denetim mekanizmalarını bu ihlallere karşı kullanmak mümkündür.
Bu sözleşmeler ve onların denetim mekanizmalarıyla göçmen hakları ihlalleri konusunda atılabilecek çok fazla hukuki adım vardır. Örneğin, 2020 Şubat’ında Edirne-Meriç sınırında olanları hatırlarsak, Türkiye batı sınırlarını açtığını ilan etti ve binlerce göçmen ve mülteci Yunanistan-Türkiye kara sınırına yığıldı. Sonuçta iki kişi vuruldu, bir Suriyeli kadın kayboldu. Covid-19 pandemisi nedeniyle son bulan süreç boyunca başta yaşam hakkı ve işkence olmak üzere pek çok insan hakkı ihlali yaşandı.
sözleşmeye taraftır. Bu yüzden diğer BM sözleşmelerine bakarak pek çok hak çıkarmak ve o sözleşmelerin denetim mekanizmalarını bu ihlallere karşı kullanmak mümkündür.
Bu sözleşmeler ve onların denetim mekanizmalarıyla göçmen hakları ihlalleri konusunda atılabilecek çok fazla hukuki adım vardır. Örneğin, 2020 Şubat’ında Edirne-Meriç sınırında olanları hatırlarsak, Türkiye batı sınırlarını açtığını ilan etti ve binlerce göçmen ve mülteci Yunanistan-Türkiye kara sınırına yığıldı. Sonuçta iki kişi vuruldu, bir Suriyeli kadın kayboldu. Covid-19 pandemisi nedeniyle son bulan süreç boyunca başta yaşam hakkı ve işkence olmak üzere pek çok insan hakkı ihlali yaşandı.
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This paper is an updated version of the author's one of the PhD thesis chapters where she explains the asylum trajectories and the decision making processes of non-European applicants before the adoption of the first asylum law in Turkey.... more
This paper is an updated version of the author's one of the PhD thesis chapters where she explains the asylum trajectories and the decision making processes of non-European applicants before the adoption of the first asylum law in Turkey. Although the field work data covers the period between 2008 and 2012, the papers' arguments remain valid to understand the present conditions of the Turkish asylum system. It shows that as long as the geographical limitation to the 1951 Refugee Convention is not lifted by Turkey, the asylum system will continue to create its own applicants. Without an integration option in law, the system will always be temporary and the applicants are destined to leave Turkey for another country. For this reason, the author discusses the early 2020 Edirne incident and its consequences alongside the legal changes that were made during the State of Emergency (2016-2018). She claims that these changes together with the EU policy effects of the 2016 EU-Turkey Statement has turned the country into a deportation regime rather than a safe destination as is contrarily claimed by the Turkish lawmakers.
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Rigo, Roma hukuku ve kolonyal sistemlere bakarak, sınırların hukuk ile toprak ve hukuk ile kişiler arasındaki ilişkilerin yakınsandığı ama aynı zamanda da benzeşmez hale geldiği yerler olduğunu ve pozitif hukukun legal/illegal ikiliğinin... more
Rigo, Roma hukuku ve kolonyal sistemlere bakarak, sınırların hukuk ile toprak ve hukuk ile kişiler arasındaki ilişkilerin yakınsandığı ama aynı zamanda da benzeşmez hale geldiği yerler olduğunu ve pozitif hukukun legal/illegal ikiliğinin sınırlarının kendini, tam da buralarda sergilediğini iddia eder. Ulus-devletin teritoryal sisteminin dünya çapındaki başarısı, teritoryal ve siyasi sınırların diğer tüm anlamlarını gölgede bırakarak, her genişleme çeperini homojen ve simetrik siyasi birimler arasındaki bir bağa dönüştürmesidir. Ancak Rigo sınırların sadece bölmediğini, bağladığını da söylemektedir. Onların temel işlevi ayırmak değil, farklılaştırmaktır. Sınırları, ilişki üretiminin araçları olarak kabul eden Luhmann’a referansla Rigo, aslında sınırların modern toplumların farklılaşmasına ve karmaşıklaşmasına izin veren yapılar olduğunu iddia eder. Ona göre sınırlar sadece devletler arasındaki ilişkileri değil, aynı zamanda siyasal sistemin dışından gelen kişiler (göçmenler) üzerindeki ilişkileri de yeniden üretip, düzenlerler.
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Turkey is currently the biggest refugee hosting country in the world without granting refugee status to any of its asylum applicants (UNHCR 2017: 3). This is without a doubt a direct result of the ongoing Syrian conflict that started in... more
Turkey is currently the biggest refugee hosting country in the world without granting refugee status to any of its asylum applicants (UNHCR 2017: 3). This is without a doubt a direct result of the ongoing Syrian conflict that started in 2011 and the Eu-ropean Union's attempts to contain the onward movements of migrants further west. In addition to being a country with a long history of immigration and emigration, Turkey is still an EU candidate and a crucial partner in the process of externalization of the current EU migration and refugee regime. It is also a country where authori-tarianism is escalating, featuring a new record of human rights violations of citizens and noncitizens alike gathered over the course of the last 15 years of uninterrupted single party rule of the AKP, turning Turkey again into a refugee producing country as well. Turkey's unpromising EU accession process, its NATO membership as well as its geopolitical position makes it a unique case of cooperation on migration and border ›management‹ that distinguishes it from other unstable political regimes in the Balkans, MENA, and Eastern Europe. So how and ›where‹ can we situate Turkey within the larger context of migration and border studies after the beginning of the Syrian conflict? What are the implications of the European border regime's formation and its dominant policy of ex-ternalization in the case of Turkey? And vice versa: What effects do the Turkish border regime and migration policies have? How do the global and regional migration policies and institutions affect migrant groups in Turkey, who in return challenge, contest, and negotiate the current migration and border regimes? What are the consequences of legal and institutional ambiguities with regard to refugee protection in Turkey? And how do the continuing anti-democratic and authoritarian developments affect the field of migration? As a collaborative work of migration scholars and ac-movements | Vol. 3, Issue 2/2017 | www.movements-journal.org
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Kesk Kadın Dergisi, sayı: 94, s. 26-28
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PERIPHERIE Nr. 142/143, 36. Jg. 2016, Verlag Barbara Budrich, Leverkusen, S. 354-359
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Evrensel Kültür, sayı: 275, s.69-72
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Oxford Monitor of Forced Migration, Volume 2 Number 2 p 38-47
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Enquire 3(1): 1-18
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After the 2016 EU-Turkey agreement, it is claimed that the land and sea crossings from Turkey to Western Europe have been reduced (IOM, EU). The fact is that people on the move were stuck on the Greek islands and violent pushbacks in the... more
After the 2016 EU-Turkey agreement, it is claimed that the land and sea crossings from Turkey to Western Europe have been reduced (IOM, EU). The fact is that people on the move were stuck on the Greek islands and violent pushbacks in the Aegean Sea have increased. We, the researchers working on borders and migration know that if the state security apparatus attempts to block a route, a new way always emerges. Since late 2015 the Balkan Route has been in wider public discourse with the tactics put in place for the securitization of the Schengen Zone such as the introduction of new technologies, smart fences, drones, usa of dogs, ill- treatment by the state agents amounting to torture and the involvement of Frontex with its funds.
Considering that the Balkan Route has also become not a unidirectional journey towards Europe, but a "circuit" (Stojić Mitrović & Vilenica 2019) where people are "caught in mobility" (Hess 2011), we claim that Turkey is also a part of this circular movement by the cooperation with Bulgaria and Greece that involve "illegal returns," pushbacks, detention, and undercover border operations. The new form of governance of the country, i.e., the Presidency since 2017 allows Turkey to easily navigate between different roles: either as a transit country that lets people move on or a country that quasi-blocks the route according to its own national interests in return for a political incentive/advancement. In this regard, we will look at the socio-economic and political – hostility and hatred towards refugees – factors that have an impact on people's decision- making processes before they take this route from Turkey.
Considering that the Balkan Route has also become not a unidirectional journey towards Europe, but a "circuit" (Stojić Mitrović & Vilenica 2019) where people are "caught in mobility" (Hess 2011), we claim that Turkey is also a part of this circular movement by the cooperation with Bulgaria and Greece that involve "illegal returns," pushbacks, detention, and undercover border operations. The new form of governance of the country, i.e., the Presidency since 2017 allows Turkey to easily navigate between different roles: either as a transit country that lets people move on or a country that quasi-blocks the route according to its own national interests in return for a political incentive/advancement. In this regard, we will look at the socio-economic and political – hostility and hatred towards refugees – factors that have an impact on people's decision- making processes before they take this route from Turkey.
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Turkey’s withdrawal from the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence should not be viewed as only a national backlash against women’s and LGBTI+ rights but be seriously considered as a symptom... more
Turkey’s withdrawal from the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence should not be viewed as only a national backlash against women’s and LGBTI+ rights but be seriously considered as a symptom of a global problem. The right-wing authoritarian governments around the world, for example in Hungary and Poland, have targeted gender equality politically and at the level of academic studies and gender programmes in the name of preserving “culture/traditions and family values” .The rights and the definition of “gender” in the Convention have also been made a topic of discussion in public discourse by the AKP due to the strong street resistance and the rise of feminist movements long before the State of Emergency period (2016-2018) which is remembered for the police violence and torture.
Using Turkey as a case study, we aim to show if and how feminist activism and its strategies to keep the Convention alive have had an impact on legal
practice. Women’s persistence to uphold the rights and values gained by the Convention has challenged the traditional treaty arrangements by enforcing a law that the State has withdrawn from. Feminists’ denial of the withdrawal creates new possibilities and new pathways of engagement with international law. A campaign called ‘The Istanbul Convention Keeps Us Alive’ initiated in 2019 by feminist organisations had a huge impact despite the pandemic restrictions and impediments. Since Turkey’s withdrawal from the Convention on 20 March 2021, social resistance formed new national and transnational alliances that aim for the annulment of this withdrawal. We will interview the representatives of established and newly-founded alliances; ‘We Will Stop Femicide Platform’ and ‘Women’s Platform for Equality’ that brought 300 women and LGBTI+ organisations together in 2020.
Using Turkey as a case study, we aim to show if and how feminist activism and its strategies to keep the Convention alive have had an impact on legal
practice. Women’s persistence to uphold the rights and values gained by the Convention has challenged the traditional treaty arrangements by enforcing a law that the State has withdrawn from. Feminists’ denial of the withdrawal creates new possibilities and new pathways of engagement with international law. A campaign called ‘The Istanbul Convention Keeps Us Alive’ initiated in 2019 by feminist organisations had a huge impact despite the pandemic restrictions and impediments. Since Turkey’s withdrawal from the Convention on 20 March 2021, social resistance formed new national and transnational alliances that aim for the annulment of this withdrawal. We will interview the representatives of established and newly-founded alliances; ‘We Will Stop Femicide Platform’ and ‘Women’s Platform for Equality’ that brought 300 women and LGBTI+ organisations together in 2020.
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In a vox pop interview recorded in Esenler neighbourhood of Istanbul on 17 October 2021, someone from public claimed that the Syrians are financially well off compared to the Turks and he cannot afford bananas while Syrian refugees can... more
In a vox pop interview recorded in Esenler neighbourhood of Istanbul on 17 October 2021, someone from public claimed that the Syrians are financially well off compared to the Turks and he cannot afford bananas while Syrian refugees can have kilos of them. Among the group there was a young Syrian woman who responded that ‘I am a student here. If there wasn't a war in Syria, we wouldn't have to be here...’ This video went viral in Turkey. As a form of protest many young Syrian refugees shared video clips of themselves having bananas on social media. Seven refugees who shared one of these videos on the Internet were apprehended and put into immigration detention. Ten days after this incident, the Directorate General of Migration Management of Turkey made a statement and announced that those ‘foreign nationals who performed the provocative action of eating bananas on social media’ would be deported. The number of Syrians in return centres rose to forty-five shortly afterwards.
Since the 2016 failed coup attempt, Turkey’s asylum system has turned into an expulsion regime. The Syrian and the non-Syrian refugee populations in Turkey have been faced with the risk of legal or illegal removal from the Turkish territory based on (domestic or foreign) political interests of the ruling party, AKP. Turkey is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention as well as numerous UN Human Rights Treaties that ban refoulement. The banana case is not a one time only incident regarding the removal of Syrians. For instance, in 2019 more than 300,000 people were sent back to Syria under false pretences that the country was safe. That was the time for local elections in which AKP lost its long-term hegemony for Istanbul, the biggest city in Turkey. In this presentation, I will argue that due to the political and economic instability in the country, refugees are now used as an instrument and forced to leave for Syria by the AKP regime in order not to lose its twenty year long power in a possible snap election.
Since the 2016 failed coup attempt, Turkey’s asylum system has turned into an expulsion regime. The Syrian and the non-Syrian refugee populations in Turkey have been faced with the risk of legal or illegal removal from the Turkish territory based on (domestic or foreign) political interests of the ruling party, AKP. Turkey is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention as well as numerous UN Human Rights Treaties that ban refoulement. The banana case is not a one time only incident regarding the removal of Syrians. For instance, in 2019 more than 300,000 people were sent back to Syria under false pretences that the country was safe. That was the time for local elections in which AKP lost its long-term hegemony for Istanbul, the biggest city in Turkey. In this presentation, I will argue that due to the political and economic instability in the country, refugees are now used as an instrument and forced to leave for Syria by the AKP regime in order not to lose its twenty year long power in a possible snap election.
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Afganistan’da yaşananlar sonrası Taliban’dan kaçan birçok Afgan’ın Türkiye‘ye sığınmasına değinen Cavidan, bu konuda ciddi bir bilgi eksikliği olduğunu söyledi. Cavidan şöyle devam etti: “Tabii bunda iktidarın bu konuda şeffaf olmayışı... more
Afganistan’da yaşananlar sonrası Taliban’dan kaçan birçok Afgan’ın Türkiye‘ye sığınmasına değinen Cavidan, bu konuda ciddi bir bilgi eksikliği olduğunu söyledi. Cavidan şöyle devam etti: “Tabii bunda iktidarın bu konuda şeffaf olmayışı ve saydığım sebepler nedeniyle göç ve göçmenlere karşı uzun vadede oluşan negatif algının da etkisi büyük. İktidarın Suriye dış politikası çok eleştirildi. Bu politika ile bağlantılı izlediği mülteci politikası da çöktü. 2011 sonrası dönemde kısa bir süre içerisinde Suriye’de yönetimin değişeceği hesabını yapan AKP yanıldı ve Türkiye giderek daha fazla mülteci kabul etmek zorunda kaldı. Misafir ve kardeşlerimiz söylemi Türkiyelilerde Suriye’den gelenlerin geçici olduğu yönünde yanlış bir algı yarattı. Bu söylem zamanla, özellikle de 2015 sonrası AB ile yapılan pazarlık sonucu yerini ‘Suriyeli mülteciler’ ifadesine bıraksa da, sonuçta Türkiye dünyada en fazla mülteci nüfusuna sahip ülke haline geldi.
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Afganistan'da Taliban'dan kaçan mültecilerle ilgili tartışmalar sürerken, Altındağ'da Suriyeli mültecilerin ev ve iş yerleri ateşe verildi. Mülteciler için "Biz şimdi neyiz?" sorusu baki kalırken, Dr. Cavidan Soykan'a Türkiye vatandaşları... more
Afganistan'da Taliban'dan kaçan mültecilerle ilgili tartışmalar sürerken, Altındağ'da Suriyeli mültecilerin ev ve iş yerleri ateşe verildi. Mülteciler için "Biz şimdi neyiz?" sorusu baki kalırken, Dr. Cavidan Soykan'a Türkiye vatandaşları olarak "peki bu bizi ne yapar"ı da sorduk.
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‘İktidar ve muhalefet için mülteciler
bir araçtan ibaret’
bir araçtan ibaret’
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Stiffperson Hastalığı dünyada milyonda bir görülen nadir hastalıklardan biri. 15 Mart Dünya Stiffperson Sendromu Günü'nde çalışmalarını, hastalığını ve ihraç edildikten sonraki seyrini konuştuğumuz akademisyen Cavidan Soykan, hastalığa... more
Stiffperson Hastalığı dünyada milyonda bir görülen nadir hastalıklardan biri. 15 Mart Dünya Stiffperson Sendromu Günü'nde çalışmalarını, hastalığını ve ihraç edildikten sonraki seyrini konuştuğumuz akademisyen Cavidan Soykan, hastalığa yakalandıktan sonra sürekli hastalığını anlatmak ve ispat etmek durumunda kaldığını belirterek, "Geçici olması için mücadele verdiğim, kendimi doktorlara bile anlatmakta zorladığım nadir bir hastalık ile uğraşırken, keşke bir yardıma ihtiyacım olduğunu insan hakları örgütlerine ve en yakın çalışma arkadaşlarıma ispat etmek zorunda kalmasaydım." diyor.
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Cavidan Soykan is an academic who has dedicated much of her career to refugee rights. She is one of the Academics for Peace being judicially targeted for signing the "We will not be party to this crime!" petition, which opposed the... more
Cavidan Soykan is an academic who has dedicated much of her career to refugee rights. She is one of the Academics for Peace being judicially targeted for signing the "We will not be party to this crime!" petition, which opposed the military violence perpetrated by the Turkish state in the predominantly Kurdish southeast region. Sustained attention and a proactive strategy by the EU and its Member States is needed to defend Cavidan Soykan and other human rights defenders and journalists in Turkey, from further criminalization and reprisals for their work.
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İktidarın son iki yıl içindeki söylem değişikliği oldukça çarpıcı. Irkçı saldırılara baktığımızda, İçişleri Bakanı’ndan gelen Suriyelilere yönelik açık bir sınırdışı tehdidi, haddinizi bilin uyarısı vardı. Bu açık ve üst perdeden... more
İktidarın son iki yıl içindeki söylem değişikliği oldukça çarpıcı. Irkçı saldırılara baktığımızda, İçişleri Bakanı’ndan gelen Suriyelilere yönelik açık bir sınırdışı tehdidi, haddinizi bilin uyarısı vardı. Bu açık ve üst perdeden tehditler iç politikaya yönelikti, oy kaygısı nedeniyleydi.
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Dawn Chatty claims that today the world is far away from ensuring a fundamental right to all that was once guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: the right to seek asylum. Refugee Studies as a multi-disciplinary project... more
Dawn Chatty claims that today the world is far away from ensuring a fundamental right to all that was once guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: the right to seek asylum. Refugee Studies as a multi-disciplinary project and specifically anthropology as a discipline can tell us an insider’s view of those migrants’ journeys and their exile in other societies. According to her, although refugees are stripped of their agency and depicted as needy by the humanitarian aid regime, there is a growing scholarship on their plight and of their problems. Since Syrians’ hope of being able to return to their country has rather been dashed, Chatty argues that a type of temporary protection
would be the best solution to provide basic social and economic rights to Syrians. This type of protection should guarantee the right to work and basic education for Syrian youth as well.
would be the best solution to provide basic social and economic rights to Syrians. This type of protection should guarantee the right to work and basic education for Syrian youth as well.
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Turkey currently represents the largest refugee-hosting country in the world. However, human rights organizations have raised serious questions on whether its asylum policies abide by international agreements. What does the Turkish asylum... more
Turkey currently represents the largest refugee-hosting country in the world. However, human rights organizations have raised serious questions on whether its asylum policies abide by international agreements. What does the Turkish asylum system look like? And how are refugees treated?
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Saha Dergisi, Sayı 2, s. 90, Helsinki Yurttaşlar Derneği Yayını
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Bu ikinci program medyada kadın mültecilerin nasıl temsil edildiğine odaklanıyor.
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Bu ilk programda onyedi yıllık AKP iktidarı boyunca Türkiye'nin göç politikalarının iç ve dış politikayla bağlantılı olarak nasıl şekillendiği ve bu onyedi yılı nasıl dönemselleştirebileceğimiz tartışılıyor.
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Omuz dayanışmasını yaratan koşulları tanımlamaya niyetlenmiş, günün içinden türeyen bir kelime dağarcığı oluşturan Sözlük; “Omuz Konuşuyor” etkinlik serisi, sözlüğün dağarcığını oluşturmak için düşünülmüş bir format. Serinin üçüncü... more
Omuz dayanışmasını yaratan koşulları tanımlamaya niyetlenmiş, günün içinden türeyen bir kelime dağarcığı oluşturan Sözlük; “Omuz Konuşuyor” etkinlik serisi, sözlüğün dağarcığını oluşturmak için düşünülmüş bir format. Serinin üçüncü konuşması, 4 Kasım Perşembe günü saat 17:00‘da “Dayanışma ve Belirsizlik” başlığı ile Yelta Köm moderatörlüğünde Cavidan Soykan, Malaz Usta ve Tuba İnal Çekiç‘i ağırlıyor.
Cavidan Soykan, devletler tarafından yaratılan uluslararası göç politikalarının sunduğu “belirsizlik” ortamının, yine devletlerin lehine, ucuz iş gücü, muğlak statüler ve gelir eşitsizliği olarak geri döndüğünü anlatacak ve pandeminin tüm dünyada, göçmenlerin ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel üretimlerinin sömürüsünü daha da kolaylaştırdığından bahsedecek. Tuba İnal Çekiç, dayanışmacı bir araya gelme pratiklerini, alternatif güzergahlar oluşturma olasılıklarını ve belirsiz koşullarla mücadele yöntemlerini, risk altındaki akademisyenleri desteklemek üzere yola çıkmış bir inisiyatif olan Off-University deneyimi üstünden aktaracak. Malaz Usta ise, kendi sinema pratiği üzerinden göçmenlerin deneyimini ele alan bir konuşma gerçekleştirecek. Türkiye’de yaşayan bir göçmen olarak, toplumun genelindeki göçmenleri ötekileştirme yönelimini ve nedenleri ve medyanın, bu dışlayıcı algının kurulmasındaki rolü üstüne sorular soracak.
Cavidan Soykan, devletler tarafından yaratılan uluslararası göç politikalarının sunduğu “belirsizlik” ortamının, yine devletlerin lehine, ucuz iş gücü, muğlak statüler ve gelir eşitsizliği olarak geri döndüğünü anlatacak ve pandeminin tüm dünyada, göçmenlerin ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel üretimlerinin sömürüsünü daha da kolaylaştırdığından bahsedecek. Tuba İnal Çekiç, dayanışmacı bir araya gelme pratiklerini, alternatif güzergahlar oluşturma olasılıklarını ve belirsiz koşullarla mücadele yöntemlerini, risk altındaki akademisyenleri desteklemek üzere yola çıkmış bir inisiyatif olan Off-University deneyimi üstünden aktaracak. Malaz Usta ise, kendi sinema pratiği üzerinden göçmenlerin deneyimini ele alan bir konuşma gerçekleştirecek. Türkiye’de yaşayan bir göçmen olarak, toplumun genelindeki göçmenleri ötekileştirme yönelimini ve nedenleri ve medyanın, bu dışlayıcı algının kurulmasındaki rolü üstüne sorular soracak.
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Webinar, 16 Günlük Aktivizmin bitiş etkinliği olarak 10 Aralık İnsan Hakları Günü’nde saat 16:30’da Genç Mültecileri Destekleme Programı ve Birleşmiş Milletler Nüfus Fonu (UNFPA) Türkiye Ofisi Youtube hesabından gerçekleşecektir.... more
Webinar, 16 Günlük Aktivizmin bitiş etkinliği olarak 10 Aralık İnsan Hakları Günü’nde saat 16:30’da Genç Mültecileri Destekleme Programı ve Birleşmiş Milletler Nüfus Fonu (UNFPA) Türkiye Ofisi Youtube hesabından gerçekleşecektir. Webinarda genç mültecilerin toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı şiddet konusundaki durumu, hakları ve konuya ilişkin iyileştirme önerileri yer alacaktır.
Webinar Katılımcıları:
Moderatör: Simge Fıstıkoğlu
Zeynep Başarankut Kan - Birleşmiş Milletler Nüfus Fonu (UNFPA) Türkiye Temsilci Yardımcısı
Dr. Cavidan Soykan - Osnabrück Üniversitesi IMIS Misafir Araştırmacı
Av. Şahin Antakyalıoğlu - ÇAÇAv Genel Koordinatörü, ECPAT Derneği Genel Başkanı
Simay Sönmezateş - Erkekler ve Oğlan Çocukları Projesi, Proje Koordinatörü
M. Bahri Telli - Genç Mülteciler Destekleme Programı, Program Yöneticisi
Webinar Katılımcıları:
Moderatör: Simge Fıstıkoğlu
Zeynep Başarankut Kan - Birleşmiş Milletler Nüfus Fonu (UNFPA) Türkiye Temsilci Yardımcısı
Dr. Cavidan Soykan - Osnabrück Üniversitesi IMIS Misafir Araştırmacı
Av. Şahin Antakyalıoğlu - ÇAÇAv Genel Koordinatörü, ECPAT Derneği Genel Başkanı
Simay Sönmezateş - Erkekler ve Oğlan Çocukları Projesi, Proje Koordinatörü
M. Bahri Telli - Genç Mülteciler Destekleme Programı, Program Yöneticisi
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25 Kasım Kadına Yönelik Şiddete Karşı Uluslararası Mücadele Gününde BM ve AK Sözleşmeleri ile uluslararası hukukta korunan göçmen ve mülteci kadınların haklarını konuşuyoruz.
Research Interests: International Human Rights Law, Violence Against Women, International Refugee Law, İnsan Haklarının Uluslararası Korunması, CEDAW, and 4 moreUluslararası Göç, Göçmen, Suriyeli Mülteciler, and Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention)
Sosyal Hukuk’un 151. bölümünde Büşra Çakır’ın konuğu Dr. Cavidan Soykan’dı.
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Zorunlu Göç ve Mülteciler
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In 2015, the world has seen the biggest human displacement since World War II. As the observation of the refugee experience has increased, more academic attention has been paid to this so-called 'crisis'. Turkey, the largest... more
In 2015, the world has seen the biggest human displacement since World War II. As the observation of the refugee experience has increased, more academic attention has been paid to this so-called 'crisis'. Turkey, the largest refugee-hosting country, in response to growing numbers, has seen a proliferation of studies that are being conducted on Syrians from different disciplines. Yet, how much of this research has a holistic approach rather than a macro-level structural analysis is questionable. Voutira and Donâ, in their editorial introduction for a special issue on refugee research methodologies, underlined three tendencies in the field: the securitization of migration, replacement of permanent protection with temporary protection in the global refugee regime, and the lack of doctoral research, specifically on a group of refugees. After nine years, today we can still claim that these three assertions remain valid.
The tendency towards policy-oriented research on refugees and migrants may connect to the short-term migration management goals of states and, in general methodological nationalism in social science. A critical stand rather should take social transformation as an interaction between global, national, regional, and local levels, while investigating the human agency of refugees and the way this agency interacts with macro-social structures.
Studies on refugees and migrants focus on understanding human experiences. Understanding these experiences requires an analysis of both the state and non-state actors' responses to forced migration that aim at alleviating human suffering and defending the rights of refugees. Acknowledging this fact brings the responsibility of undertaking research that aims to empower the agency of migrants and refugees. Only a theoretically informed bottom-up approach can empower refugees and migrants as agents.
The tendency towards policy-oriented research on refugees and migrants may connect to the short-term migration management goals of states and, in general methodological nationalism in social science. A critical stand rather should take social transformation as an interaction between global, national, regional, and local levels, while investigating the human agency of refugees and the way this agency interacts with macro-social structures.
Studies on refugees and migrants focus on understanding human experiences. Understanding these experiences requires an analysis of both the state and non-state actors' responses to forced migration that aim at alleviating human suffering and defending the rights of refugees. Acknowledging this fact brings the responsibility of undertaking research that aims to empower the agency of migrants and refugees. Only a theoretically informed bottom-up approach can empower refugees and migrants as agents.
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The Input submitted to the Office of the Higher Commissioner for Human Rights on the protection of the human rights of persons living with rare diseases and their families and carers in Turkey This input was prepared by the Association... more
The Input submitted to the Office of the Higher Commissioner for Human Rights on the protection of the human rights of persons living with rare diseases and their families and carers in Turkey
This input was prepared by the Association for the Fight against Hypophosphatasia Disease to be submitted to the Higher Commissioner’s Office regarding its call on the situation of persons living rare diseases and their families and carers in Turkey.
Introduction
A. Common Problems of Patients,
Their Families and Carers
I. Problems related to the Late and/or
Wrong Diagnosis
II. After the Diagnosis
III. The Treatment
Stage
IV. Disability Issue
V. Key Human Rights Challenges
B. Structural Problems Related to the
Health System/Ministry
This input was prepared by the Association for the Fight against Hypophosphatasia Disease to be submitted to the Higher Commissioner’s Office regarding its call on the situation of persons living rare diseases and their families and carers in Turkey.
Introduction
A. Common Problems of Patients,
Their Families and Carers
I. Problems related to the Late and/or
Wrong Diagnosis
II. After the Diagnosis
III. The Treatment
Stage
IV. Disability Issue
V. Key Human Rights Challenges
B. Structural Problems Related to the
Health System/Ministry
Research Interests:
The main objective of this report is that although there is a legal gap in implementation of the 1951 Refugee Convention due to Turkey’s geographical limitation, international standards and norms that ensure gender equality and combat... more
The main objective of this report is that although there is a legal gap in
implementation of the 1951 Refugee Convention due to Turkey’s geographical limitation, international standards and norms that ensure gender equality and combat gender discrimination must apply to refugee women and girls and in some respects to LGBTI+ refugees in Turkey. Secondly, another objective of the report is to develop indicators specific to Turkey that are needed for monitoring this field according to the present legislation and the adopted public policies by civil society organizations. This will first facilitate the monitoring job of civil society organizations
in Turkey and strengthen their institutional capacity while ensuring equal access to rights by refugee women and girls; combating discrimination and ensuring gender equality for them. In addition, stronger advocacy work by civil society organizations will create opportunities for intervening to public policies regarding refugee women and girls and the cooperation with public agencies and institutions in the field.
The most fundamental argument of this work is as follows: Where asylum
legislation remains insufficient in protecting women and girls, in eliminating discrimination and in preventing sexual and gender-based violence, international human rights law must be immediately introduced and implemented.
implementation of the 1951 Refugee Convention due to Turkey’s geographical limitation, international standards and norms that ensure gender equality and combat gender discrimination must apply to refugee women and girls and in some respects to LGBTI+ refugees in Turkey. Secondly, another objective of the report is to develop indicators specific to Turkey that are needed for monitoring this field according to the present legislation and the adopted public policies by civil society organizations. This will first facilitate the monitoring job of civil society organizations
in Turkey and strengthen their institutional capacity while ensuring equal access to rights by refugee women and girls; combating discrimination and ensuring gender equality for them. In addition, stronger advocacy work by civil society organizations will create opportunities for intervening to public policies regarding refugee women and girls and the cooperation with public agencies and institutions in the field.
The most fundamental argument of this work is as follows: Where asylum
legislation remains insufficient in protecting women and girls, in eliminating discrimination and in preventing sexual and gender-based violence, international human rights law must be immediately introduced and implemented.
Research Interests:
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Raporda; AKP'nin iktidara geldiği 2002 yılından bugüne dek, Türkiye'ye yönelen göç hareketliliği, geçici veya kalıcı olarak Türkiye'nin çeşitli şehirlerine yerleşen göçmenlerin durumları ve yerli nüfusla ilişkileri, Türkiye'nin göç... more
Raporda; AKP'nin iktidara geldiği 2002 yılından bugüne dek, Türkiye'ye yönelen göç hareketliliği, geçici veya kalıcı olarak Türkiye'nin çeşitli şehirlerine yerleşen göçmenlerin durumları ve yerli nüfusla ilişkileri, Türkiye'nin göç politikası ve göçmenlerin faili veya mağduru olarak sunuldukları olaylar, durumlar Sözcü, Hürriyet ve Yeni Akit gazeteleri taranarak takip edildi. Bu gazetelerde göç süreçleri, göçmenler ve Türkiye'nin göç politikalarının nasıl çerçevelendiği, temsil edildiği tespit edilmeye çalışıldı.
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Bu çalışma 2011 yılı ve sonrasında ülkelerindeki giderek artan şiddet sonucu Suriye’den Gaziantep’e göç etmek zorunda kalmış; farklı sınıfsal, etnik, dinsel ve dilsel gruplardan kadın ve erkeklerin yerinden edilme ve Gaziantep’te kurmaya... more
Bu çalışma 2011 yılı ve sonrasında ülkelerindeki giderek artan şiddet sonucu Suriye’den Gaziantep’e göç etmek zorunda kalmış; farklı sınıfsal, etnik, dinsel ve dilsel gruplardan kadın ve erkeklerin yerinden edilme ve Gaziantep’te kurmaya çalıştıkları yeni hayata dair yer edinme pratiklerine odaklanmaktadır. Çalışma geride bıraktıkları savaşa rağmen, Suriye’ye sınır olan bir şehirde Suriyelilerin hukuki özne olarak, yaşadıkları zaman
ve mekanda hayat kurabilmelerinin ne derece ve nasıl mümkün olduğunu incelemeyi hedeflemektedir.
ve mekanda hayat kurabilmelerinin ne derece ve nasıl mümkün olduğunu incelemeyi hedeflemektedir.
Research Interests:
"Economic globalization, poverty, and ethnic conflicts around the world have increased the number of people fleeing persecution. Some of these migratory flows headed to Europe through illegal means such as smugglers and illegal border... more
"Economic globalization, poverty, and ethnic conflicts around the world have increased
the number of people fleeing persecution. Some of these migratory flows headed to Europe
through illegal means such as smugglers and illegal border crossings. This made
the distinction between irregular migrants and asylum seekers blurry. As European
states formulated solutions for the problem of unwanted flows, the international protection
provided to asylum seekers was loosened for the sake of national security. In fact,
the short history of migration in the European context shows that asylum was never seen
as a problem as long as it was consistent with national interests. When the European
Union member states initiated a policy towards common immigration and asylum standards
for Europe, control tools and prevention mechanisms were prioritized against the
refugee protection. Due to abolishing the internal borders and having common external
borders for Europe, attention was directed to neighbouring countries and their asylum
and immigration practices. This paper will focus on the development of common immigration
and asylum policy for the EU and its effects on third countries with a special
emphasis on Turkey."
the number of people fleeing persecution. Some of these migratory flows headed to Europe
through illegal means such as smugglers and illegal border crossings. This made
the distinction between irregular migrants and asylum seekers blurry. As European
states formulated solutions for the problem of unwanted flows, the international protection
provided to asylum seekers was loosened for the sake of national security. In fact,
the short history of migration in the European context shows that asylum was never seen
as a problem as long as it was consistent with national interests. When the European
Union member states initiated a policy towards common immigration and asylum standards
for Europe, control tools and prevention mechanisms were prioritized against the
refugee protection. Due to abolishing the internal borders and having common external
borders for Europe, attention was directed to neighbouring countries and their asylum
and immigration practices. This paper will focus on the development of common immigration
and asylum policy for the EU and its effects on third countries with a special
emphasis on Turkey."
Research Interests:
CEIM Eğitim Portalı üzerinden verilen online dersleri, her ders sonundaki soruları doğru yanıtlayarak tamamlayabilir ve bu konuda sertifika almaya hak kazanabilirsiniz.
Research Interests:
Tematik Alan Haritalama Raporları Seminerleri
Research Interests:
Kadın Çalışmaları Derneği'nin Avrupa Birliği ve BM Kadın Biriminin desteği ile yürüttüğü Sığınmacı Kadınlara Yönelik Şiddete Karşı Medya Dilini ve Zihniyetleri Değiştirebilmek projesi kapsamında geçici koruma rejimi ve bu rejimde sahip... more
Kadın Çalışmaları Derneği'nin Avrupa Birliği ve BM Kadın Biriminin desteği ile yürüttüğü Sığınmacı Kadınlara Yönelik Şiddete Karşı Medya Dilini ve Zihniyetleri Değiştirebilmek projesi kapsamında geçici koruma rejimi ve bu rejimde sahip olunan haklar üzerine hazırlanmıştır.
Research Interests:
Co-legislators in the EU Commission EU Council and EU Parliament are rushing towards political deals to close negotiations on the New Pact next month. This risks overlooking key safeguards and introducing dangerous loopholes in the... more
Co-legislators in the EU Commission EU Council and EU Parliament are rushing towards political deals to close negotiations on the New Pact next month. This risks overlooking key safeguards and introducing dangerous loopholes in the interest of expediency.
BVMN is hosting a webinar to explain precisely what this will look like in reality by looking at examples from Member States where they already exist.
Speakers and topics:
🔵Hope Barker- Overview of the Pact
🔵Eleonora Celoria from ASGI- Italy and Border procedures
🔵Marta Gorczynska from Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights- Poland and Instrumentalisation
🔵Minos Mouzourakis from Refugee Support Aegean- Greece and Screening procedures
🔵Dr Cavidan Soykan- Safe Third Countries in the APR, the EU-Turkey Agreement
BVMN is hosting a webinar to explain precisely what this will look like in reality by looking at examples from Member States where they already exist.
Speakers and topics:
🔵Hope Barker- Overview of the Pact
🔵Eleonora Celoria from ASGI- Italy and Border procedures
🔵Marta Gorczynska from Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights- Poland and Instrumentalisation
🔵Minos Mouzourakis from Refugee Support Aegean- Greece and Screening procedures
🔵Dr Cavidan Soykan- Safe Third Countries in the APR, the EU-Turkey Agreement
Research Interests: Human Rights Law, Border Studies, Migration Studies, International Refugee Law, Modern Turkey, and 4 moreEU Law (EU legal order: EU legal sources, institutions, remedies, relations with national laws); General Principles of EU Law; EU Migration and Asylum Law, EU Antidiscrimination Law, EU Fundamental Rights and links with the ECHR, European Migration Policy, Migration Policy In EU Countries, and European Pact on Migration and Asylum
Research Interests:
Date & Time: Thursday, July 28th, 10 AM CET Venue: Online (Registration required) Almost a year ago, tens of thousands of people started leaving Afghanistan in fear of the Taliban offensive. Their number increased after the Taliban... more
Date & Time: Thursday, July 28th, 10 AM CET Venue: Online (Registration required)
Almost a year ago, tens of thousands of people started leaving Afghanistan in fear of the Taliban offensive. Their number increased after the Taliban insurgency took over Kabul on August 15th. Only a few thousands could be evacuated. As most international organizations left the country, Afghans were left to face an increasingly dire and unprecedented economic and humanitarian crisis. Many found shelter in Pakistan and Iran. However, the two countries enforced ever-stricter border policies and even pushed refugees back to Afghanistan.
Do Afghans still have a path to safety? What is the situation of those who left the country and where can they find shelter?
We invite you to participate in discussing these matters in an online roundtable with experts from Afghanistan, Turkey, and the UK, who have first-hand insights into the situation of Afghan refugees.
If you are a journalist and interested in taking part, you can email us at: anmeldung@mediendienst-integration.de until Wednesday, July 27th 2022.
Almost a year ago, tens of thousands of people started leaving Afghanistan in fear of the Taliban offensive. Their number increased after the Taliban insurgency took over Kabul on August 15th. Only a few thousands could be evacuated. As most international organizations left the country, Afghans were left to face an increasingly dire and unprecedented economic and humanitarian crisis. Many found shelter in Pakistan and Iran. However, the two countries enforced ever-stricter border policies and even pushed refugees back to Afghanistan.
Do Afghans still have a path to safety? What is the situation of those who left the country and where can they find shelter?
We invite you to participate in discussing these matters in an online roundtable with experts from Afghanistan, Turkey, and the UK, who have first-hand insights into the situation of Afghan refugees.
If you are a journalist and interested in taking part, you can email us at: anmeldung@mediendienst-integration.de until Wednesday, July 27th 2022.
Research Interests:
İzmir Barosu tarafından 20 Haziran Dünya Mülteciler Günü nedeniyle düzenlenen panelde yapılan konuşma
Research Interests:
Karşılıksız kaynak paylaşımının aciliyetine ve dayanışmaya inanan bir grup kültür sanat emekçisinin başlattığı gönüllü bir hareket olan Omuz, COVID-19 sürecinde daha da görünür hâle gelen ekonomik eşitsizlik ve güvencesizlik ortamında... more
Karşılıksız kaynak paylaşımının aciliyetine ve dayanışmaya inanan bir grup kültür sanat emekçisinin başlattığı gönüllü bir hareket olan Omuz, COVID-19 sürecinde daha da görünür hâle gelen ekonomik eşitsizlik ve güvencesizlik ortamında dayanışma ağını güçlendirmek amacıyla kuruldu. Görsel sanatlar alanında çalışan ve üretenler arasında bir paylaşım ağı olan Omuz, maddi destek talep edenleri destek sağlamak isteyenlerle bir araya getiriyor.
Yaşanmış deneyimlere dayalı tanımlarla beslenen Omuz Sözlüğü, Omuz dayanışmasını yaratan koşulları tanımlamaya niyetlenmiş bir kelime dağarcığı. “Omuz Konuşuyor”, sadece kültür sanat alanı değil ama farklı alanlardan kişileri bir araya getirip, sözlüğün peşine düştüğü kavramları birlikte tartışmayı ve boyutlandırmayı hedefleyen bir konuşmalar dizisi. Omuz Sözlüğü var olan sorunlar çevresinde bir söylem üretme niyetini taşıyor ve biriken kelime dağarcığının bir mücadele aracı olarak işlev görebileceğine dair bir umut taşıyor.
Cavidan Soykan, devletler tarafından yaratılan uluslararası göç politikalarının sunduğu “belirsizlik” ortamının, yine devletlerin lehine, ucuz iş gücü, muğlak statüler ve gelir eşitsizliği olarak geri döndüğünü anlatacak ve pandeminin tüm dünyada, göçmenlerin ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel üretimlerinin sömürüsünü daha da kolaylaştırdığından bahsedecek. Tuba İnal Çekiç, dayanışmacı bir araya gelme pratiklerini, alternatif güzergahlar oluşturma olasılıklarını ve belirsiz koşullarla mücadele yöntemlerini, risk altındaki akademisyenleri desteklemek üzere yola çıkmış bir inisiyatif olan Off-University deneyimi üstünden aktaracak. Malaz Usta ise, kendi sinema pratiği üzerinden göçmenlerin deneyimini ele alan bir konuşma gerçekleştirecek. Türkiye’de yaşayan bir göçmen olarak, toplumun genelindeki göçmenleri ötekileştirme yönelimini ve nedenleri ve medyanın, bu dışlayıcı algının kurulmasındaki rolü üstüne sorular soracak. Konuşmanın moderatörlüğünü Yelta Köm yapacak.
Yaşanmış deneyimlere dayalı tanımlarla beslenen Omuz Sözlüğü, Omuz dayanışmasını yaratan koşulları tanımlamaya niyetlenmiş bir kelime dağarcığı. “Omuz Konuşuyor”, sadece kültür sanat alanı değil ama farklı alanlardan kişileri bir araya getirip, sözlüğün peşine düştüğü kavramları birlikte tartışmayı ve boyutlandırmayı hedefleyen bir konuşmalar dizisi. Omuz Sözlüğü var olan sorunlar çevresinde bir söylem üretme niyetini taşıyor ve biriken kelime dağarcığının bir mücadele aracı olarak işlev görebileceğine dair bir umut taşıyor.
Cavidan Soykan, devletler tarafından yaratılan uluslararası göç politikalarının sunduğu “belirsizlik” ortamının, yine devletlerin lehine, ucuz iş gücü, muğlak statüler ve gelir eşitsizliği olarak geri döndüğünü anlatacak ve pandeminin tüm dünyada, göçmenlerin ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel üretimlerinin sömürüsünü daha da kolaylaştırdığından bahsedecek. Tuba İnal Çekiç, dayanışmacı bir araya gelme pratiklerini, alternatif güzergahlar oluşturma olasılıklarını ve belirsiz koşullarla mücadele yöntemlerini, risk altındaki akademisyenleri desteklemek üzere yola çıkmış bir inisiyatif olan Off-University deneyimi üstünden aktaracak. Malaz Usta ise, kendi sinema pratiği üzerinden göçmenlerin deneyimini ele alan bir konuşma gerçekleştirecek. Türkiye’de yaşayan bir göçmen olarak, toplumun genelindeki göçmenleri ötekileştirme yönelimini ve nedenleri ve medyanın, bu dışlayıcı algının kurulmasındaki rolü üstüne sorular soracak. Konuşmanın moderatörlüğünü Yelta Köm yapacak.
Research Interests:
Kaçma hakkının kendisi politik bir eylem değil midir? (Mezzadra 2004) Her nedense mülteci, iki çatışan, ama kimi zaman da örtüşen çelişkili rejimler arasında sıkışıp kalır: Hümanitarizm ve güvenlikleştirme. Bir yanda tel örgüler önünde... more
Kaçma hakkının kendisi politik bir eylem değil midir? (Mezzadra 2004) Her nedense mülteci, iki çatışan, ama kimi zaman da örtüşen çelişkili rejimler arasında sıkışıp kalır: Hümanitarizm ve güvenlikleştirme. Bir yanda tel örgüler önünde bekleyen ve sınır geçmeye çalışan savunmasız mülteciler imajı, bize onlara karşı insancıl ama hiç de politik olmayan bir yerden bakmayı öğütlerken; güvenlikleştirme siyaseti ve söylemi olmayan sınırları örmeyi, olanları da yükseltmeyi korkutarak bize empoze eder. Çünkü göç; egemenliğe, hayali politik topluluğa, içerisi/dışarısı ayrımına, biz ve onlar ikiliğine karşı bir tehdit oluşturur. Sınır kontrol mekanizmaları, kişilerin hukuki statüsünü değiştirerek onları piyasa için daha da kırılgan bir hale getirir. Düzensiz göçmenler, sınır kontrolünü (güvenlikleştirme siyasetini) aşabildiklerinde, ülke içinde sınırdışı edilebilirlikleri ile daha az hakka sahip ucuz emek gücüne dönüştürülürler (De Genova 2002, 2009).
Halbuki ‘göçün otonomisi’ yaklaşımı, göçmenin failliğini, hareketin göçmen tarafından kullanılan bir kaynak olarak kabul edilmesini önerir. Göç, sosyal gücün sınırlandırmasının ve dağıtımının istikrarını bozucu ve hatta yıkıcı bir kapasiteye sahip, potansiyel olarak yaratıcı sosyal bir harekettir (Walters 2008). Hareketin sınır kontrolleri ile düzenlenmesi ise, vatandaşlığın dile getirilişinde ve kimin vatandaş olup olamayacağında kilit bir rol oynar. Göçün otonomisi yaklaşımı hareketi merkeze alır. Göçmenler bulundukları yerdeki varlıkları ile, bu ister şehir olsun, isterse de küresel bir mekan, hak talebinde bulunarak aslında vatandaş olarak eylemde bulunurlar. Analizimizin merkezine sınırı, ulus devleti, ve kontrollerini değil de, hareketi koymak göçmen failliğini ve bu failliğin politik yanını bize gösterir. Onları adaletsizlik ve eşitsizliğe karşı kolektif bir mücadelede bulunan politik özneler olarak görmemizi sağlar.
Online katılım için kayıt formu: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeTcTbClHUrFy0f1Li0e-2i7VZFD8_QDXgA2cF7a9gnxws02Q/viewform
Halbuki ‘göçün otonomisi’ yaklaşımı, göçmenin failliğini, hareketin göçmen tarafından kullanılan bir kaynak olarak kabul edilmesini önerir. Göç, sosyal gücün sınırlandırmasının ve dağıtımının istikrarını bozucu ve hatta yıkıcı bir kapasiteye sahip, potansiyel olarak yaratıcı sosyal bir harekettir (Walters 2008). Hareketin sınır kontrolleri ile düzenlenmesi ise, vatandaşlığın dile getirilişinde ve kimin vatandaş olup olamayacağında kilit bir rol oynar. Göçün otonomisi yaklaşımı hareketi merkeze alır. Göçmenler bulundukları yerdeki varlıkları ile, bu ister şehir olsun, isterse de küresel bir mekan, hak talebinde bulunarak aslında vatandaş olarak eylemde bulunurlar. Analizimizin merkezine sınırı, ulus devleti, ve kontrollerini değil de, hareketi koymak göçmen failliğini ve bu failliğin politik yanını bize gösterir. Onları adaletsizlik ve eşitsizliğe karşı kolektif bir mücadelede bulunan politik özneler olarak görmemizi sağlar.
Online katılım için kayıt formu: https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeTcTbClHUrFy0f1Li0e-2i7VZFD8_QDXgA2cF7a9gnxws02Q/viewform
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After more than four decades of displacement, Afghan refugees constitute one of the largest refugee situations in the world. There are nearly 6 million Afghans who have been forcibly displaced from their homes. Iran has been a critical... more
After more than four decades of displacement, Afghan refugees constitute one of the largest refugee situations in the world. There are nearly 6 million Afghans who have been forcibly displaced from their homes. Iran has been a critical destination for more than a million Afghan refugees in the last several decades and since the fall of the Afghan government in August 2021, thousands of Afghans have arrived in Turkey, many more are on their way. This roundtable brings together scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds to discuss this timely topic with its past, present, and future, and not only for those who left the country but also for those who are still in Afghanistan.
For registration:
https://nyu.zoom.us/meeting/register/tJEvf-yqqTkpGNMGesBHktbNxdiJKgnAjSVc
For registration:
https://nyu.zoom.us/meeting/register/tJEvf-yqqTkpGNMGesBHktbNxdiJKgnAjSVc
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Afghanistan is on everyone's lips after the takeover by the Taliban. This workshop discusses the situation not only in the country but also the question of migration, border politics and national discourses on (long-term) migration from... more
Afghanistan is on everyone's lips after the takeover by the Taliban. This workshop discusses the situation not only in the country but also the question of migration, border politics and national discourses on (long-term) migration from Afghanistan to countries in the region. Our speakers will pay attention to the situation of Afghan migrants, deported, returned or stuck at the borders or in neighboring countries, and the situation of Afghan activists involved in migrant solidarity work after the Taliban takeover. They will also address the German/Turkish discourses prompted by the "fear of Afghan refugees" seeking exodus from the country. Moreover, they will dwell on gender speeches triggered by this takeover and how Afghan women and children are particularly affected and address networks of transnational solidarity and their work and possibilities in the current situation:
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On the 1st of July, Turkey officially withdrew from the Istanbul Convention. This withdrawal must be seen in the context of right-wing conservative and patriarchal sociopolitical movements that threaten women's and human rights worldwide.... more
On the 1st of July, Turkey officially withdrew from the Istanbul Convention. This withdrawal must be seen in the context of right-wing conservative and patriarchal sociopolitical movements that threaten women's and human rights worldwide. Under the cover of so-called "family policy" and "preservation of tradition," right-wing conservatives are provoking trouble in society and politics. Meanwhile, all those who move beyond the heteronormative nuclear family are attacked.
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Since the Arab Spring, governmental encroachments on the actions of faculty members and students to engage in intellectual debate without fear of censorship or retaliation have flared up in many countries, most notable in Turkey in recent... more
Since the Arab Spring, governmental encroachments on the actions of faculty members and students to engage in intellectual debate without fear of censorship or retaliation have flared up in many countries, most notable in Turkey in recent months. These developments raise concern about the implications of restrictions on scholars, universities and students for democracy, and the rule of law across many societies in the MENA region.
Webster University Geneva's MENA Center for Peace and Development is pleased to announce that it is organizing a panel discussion with the participation of several experts on the important and timely topic. The panel will bring together perspectives on research regarding academic freedom, voices from scholars at risk, and activists who bridge academia with civil society through journalism and research. At the core of the discussion will be the dual obligation of universities and civil society to advance a global charter for academic freedom. The event will also aim to promote the explicit protection of academic freedom in international human rights treaty law.
Webster University Geneva's MENA Center for Peace and Development is pleased to announce that it is organizing a panel discussion with the participation of several experts on the important and timely topic. The panel will bring together perspectives on research regarding academic freedom, voices from scholars at risk, and activists who bridge academia with civil society through journalism and research. At the core of the discussion will be the dual obligation of universities and civil society to advance a global charter for academic freedom. The event will also aim to promote the explicit protection of academic freedom in international human rights treaty law.
Research Interests:
PUBLIC LECTURE SERIES AT OSNABRÜCK UNIVERSITY This seminar series will cover a broad range of key issues related to contemporary Turkey and guest lecturers are experts in areas which are crucial to an understanding of the features of... more
PUBLIC LECTURE SERIES AT OSNABRÜCK UNIVERSITY
This seminar series will cover a broad range of key issues related to contemporary Turkey and guest lecturers are experts in areas which are crucial to an understanding of the features of Turkey’s current transformation. These areas include the rise in authoritarianism and one-man regime, the replacement of secularism by religious institutionalisation and content, the refugee issue, urban transformation, to name a few. Each lecturer, including the organiser of the series, Dr. Bediz Yılmaz, is a scholar who has been dismissed from her/his position at a university in Turkey following the purge of Academics for Peace, a group of scholars who signed a petition that demanded the government to bring the violence towards Kurdish cities to an end.
This seminar series will cover a broad range of key issues related to contemporary Turkey and guest lecturers are experts in areas which are crucial to an understanding of the features of Turkey’s current transformation. These areas include the rise in authoritarianism and one-man regime, the replacement of secularism by religious institutionalisation and content, the refugee issue, urban transformation, to name a few. Each lecturer, including the organiser of the series, Dr. Bediz Yılmaz, is a scholar who has been dismissed from her/his position at a university in Turkey following the purge of Academics for Peace, a group of scholars who signed a petition that demanded the government to bring the violence towards Kurdish cities to an end.
Research Interests:
15 Ağustos itibariyle Taliban’ın Afganistan’da yönetimi ele geçirmesinin birinci yılı dolmuş durumda. Rusya’nın Ukrayna’ya saldırısınedeniyle AB ülkelerine yönelen zorunlu göç, Afganistan’daki durumu perdeledi. Henüz herhangi bir devlet... more
15 Ağustos itibariyle Taliban’ın Afganistan’da yönetimi ele geçirmesinin birinci yılı dolmuş durumda. Rusya’nın Ukrayna’ya saldırısınedeniyle AB ülkelerine yönelen zorunlu göç, Afganistan’daki durumu perdeledi. Henüz herhangi bir devlet ve BM, Afganistan’daki Taliban iktidarını tanımış değil. Taliban üst düzey yöneticileri geçen sene Dışişleri Bakanı Çavuşoğlu'nun davetiyle ilk resmi ziyaretlerini Türkiye'ye gerçekleştirdi. Bu sene ise taraflar Mart ayında Antalya Diplomasi Forumu’nda buluştu. Bu yakın ilişki, ortada resmi bir tanıma olmamasına rağmen, her hafta yüzlerce Afganistanlının nasıl usule uygun olmayan bir şekilde sınırdışı edilebildiğini bize açıklıyor. Geri gönderme merkezlerinde tutulan kişiler sığınma başvurusunda bulunamadan ve adli yardımdan yararlanamadan usulsüz bir şekilde sınırdışı ediliyorlar.
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16 Aralık 2021 tarihinde bir ilk gerçekleşti. Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) Genel Kurulu 10 Kasım'da Brezilya, İspanya ve Katar'ın başını çektiği bir grup ülke tarafından sunulan Nadir Bir Hastalık ile Yaşayan Bireyler ve Ailelerinin Yaşadığı... more
16 Aralık 2021 tarihinde bir ilk gerçekleşti. Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) Genel Kurulu 10 Kasım'da Brezilya, İspanya ve Katar'ın başını çektiği bir grup ülke tarafından sunulan Nadir Bir Hastalık ile Yaşayan Bireyler ve Ailelerinin Yaşadığı Zorlukların Dikkate Alınması (1) başlıklı öneriyi, aralarında Türkiye'nin de bulunduğu 193 üye ülke ile birlikte kabul eden bir karar aldı.
Türkiye'de SMA hastalığı ile bilinirlilik kazanan nadir hastalıklar nedir önce ona bakalım. Görülme sıklığı nüfusun geneline göre çok az olan, hastayı güçten düşüren, ilerleyici ve sıklıkla kişinin hayatını tehdit eden kronik hastalıklar olarak tanımlamak mümkün.
Nadir hastalıkların 72% si genetik kaynaklı ve çocuklukta başlıyor. Ama benim tanım gibi otoimmün kaynaklı olanları ve nadir görülen kanser türleri de bu tanım içerisinde sayılıyor.
Türkiye'de SMA hastalığı ile bilinirlilik kazanan nadir hastalıklar nedir önce ona bakalım. Görülme sıklığı nüfusun geneline göre çok az olan, hastayı güçten düşüren, ilerleyici ve sıklıkla kişinin hayatını tehdit eden kronik hastalıklar olarak tanımlamak mümkün.
Nadir hastalıkların 72% si genetik kaynaklı ve çocuklukta başlıyor. Ama benim tanım gibi otoimmün kaynaklı olanları ve nadir görülen kanser türleri de bu tanım içerisinde sayılıyor.
Research Interests:
Türkiye ihlalde şampiyon mu yoksa en iyi "ev sahibi" mi? Türkiye'nin sığınma sistemine bakmak ve gerçekten de uluslararası örgütler-BM-ve özellikle de AB tarafından ülkenin neden dünyaya "iyi örnek" olarak reklamının yapıldığını düşünmek... more
Türkiye ihlalde şampiyon mu yoksa en iyi "ev sahibi" mi? Türkiye'nin sığınma sistemine bakmak ve gerçekten de uluslararası örgütler-BM-ve özellikle de AB tarafından ülkenin neden dünyaya "iyi örnek" olarak reklamının yapıldığını düşünmek gerek.
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The Refugee Convention was designed for an earlier era, but there seems little will to update its provisions to meet today's reality.
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The legal framework of the Statement with respect to returns was the bilateral readmission protocol concluded between Turkey and Greece in 2002. However, the parties failed to finalise the legal process aiming to advance the applicability... more
The legal framework of the Statement with respect to returns was the bilateral readmission protocol concluded between Turkey and Greece in 2002. However, the parties failed to finalise the legal process aiming to advance the applicability of the provisions of the 2014 dated EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement on the readmission of third-country nationals by 1 June 2016. This failure rendered the protocol between Greece and Turkey to be the sole legal basis for the implementation of the readmission provisions of the EU-Turkey Statement. Although as per the Agreement, the provisions relating to the third country nationals were envisioned to enter into force by 1 October 2017, in its 2018 Turkey Report, the European Commission reported Turkey, citing the EU’s failure to take necessary steps towards visa liberalisation, has not implemented the Agreement. Yet, the said report of the Commission also noted the implementation of the Protocol between Turkey and Greece had also deteriorated.Indeed, Turkish Minister of Foreigner Affairs Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, also stated this Protocol, which constitutes the legal basis for the implementation of readmissions based on the Statement, had been suspended.
Research Interests:
As a candidate country to the European Union, Turkey adopted its first asylum and migration law, the Law on Foreigners and International Protection in 2013 in order to meet the requirements of the EU Acquis. This was a consequence of the... more
As a candidate country to the European Union, Turkey adopted its first asylum and migration law, the Law on Foreigners and International Protection in 2013 in order to meet the requirements of the EU Acquis. This was a consequence of the attempt to incorporate candidate countries into a ‘European area of freedom, security and justice’. As a part of this policy transfer, Turkey incorporated the strictest elements of the migration control policy of the EU while not meeting the condition of lifting the geographical limitation to the 1951 Refugee Convention. Contrary to what was expected by the refugee rights advocates in Turkey, the 2013 Law did not improve the situation of migrants in need of protection but rather curbed asylum applications by the introduction of concepts of control such as ‘a first country of asylum’, ‘a safe third country’, ‘manifestly ill-founded application’, ‘immigration (administrative) detention’ in addition to fast-track process that is usually ended up with ‘deportation’.
The adoption of this law was part and parcel of the EU membership for Turkey. With the expectation of having a full membership, Turkey fulfilled this requirement in the area of migration and asylum. However, Turkey’s membership process did not go smooth and the negotiations were suspended due to the Cyprus issue. For the EU side opposition to Turkey’s membership is still in place towards the end of 2022. The EU-Turkey Statement of 2016 that involved six billion Euros in return of stopping 'irregular' migration to Europe was also the role the EU wanted Turkey to play in the field.
After the failed coup attempt of 2016 and the changes in the Constitution in 2017, the President Erdogan has nearly gained the full control of the state. Turkey will have general and presidential elections next spring. The political opposition has started the election campaign and it is on the same page with AKP regarding only one issue: the fight against so-called irregular migration. There is no political debate on the current return and deportation policy of the Ministry of Interior. There is no pull factor by the EU regarding the membership, yet the Turkish state exactly follows the expected and the wanted policy of the member states and EU institutions.
Turkey is breaching its 1951 Convention obligations by returning newly arriving Afghans by charter flights on a daily basis and, forcedly deporting Syrian refugees to Syria. At the beginning of the Pandemic, it was like a political game between Turkey, Greece and the EU (Frontex) that the three of which would breach international human rights law. There were financial and political incentives for the AKP to stop or not to stop the migrants’ crossings to Greece in 2019-2020. At present the EU and Turkey politically drifted apart except the mutually beneficial, but at the same, the most controversial issue of 'irregular migration'.
The adoption of this law was part and parcel of the EU membership for Turkey. With the expectation of having a full membership, Turkey fulfilled this requirement in the area of migration and asylum. However, Turkey’s membership process did not go smooth and the negotiations were suspended due to the Cyprus issue. For the EU side opposition to Turkey’s membership is still in place towards the end of 2022. The EU-Turkey Statement of 2016 that involved six billion Euros in return of stopping 'irregular' migration to Europe was also the role the EU wanted Turkey to play in the field.
After the failed coup attempt of 2016 and the changes in the Constitution in 2017, the President Erdogan has nearly gained the full control of the state. Turkey will have general and presidential elections next spring. The political opposition has started the election campaign and it is on the same page with AKP regarding only one issue: the fight against so-called irregular migration. There is no political debate on the current return and deportation policy of the Ministry of Interior. There is no pull factor by the EU regarding the membership, yet the Turkish state exactly follows the expected and the wanted policy of the member states and EU institutions.
Turkey is breaching its 1951 Convention obligations by returning newly arriving Afghans by charter flights on a daily basis and, forcedly deporting Syrian refugees to Syria. At the beginning of the Pandemic, it was like a political game between Turkey, Greece and the EU (Frontex) that the three of which would breach international human rights law. There were financial and political incentives for the AKP to stop or not to stop the migrants’ crossings to Greece in 2019-2020. At present the EU and Turkey politically drifted apart except the mutually beneficial, but at the same, the most controversial issue of 'irregular migration'.
Research Interests:
Scholars in the Global South: Scholactivists or Interlopers? The theme of the proposed International Research Collaborative (IRC) is the study of a particularly Global South phenomenon of scholars interloping between academia, praxis and... more
Scholars in the Global South: Scholactivists or Interlopers?
The theme of the proposed International Research Collaborative (IRC) is the study of a particularly Global South phenomenon of scholars interloping between academia, praxis and activism. Although academia and praxis are often assumed to be operating in functional silos, in Global South, these spaces are structured in ways that necessitate innovation; thereby causing the scholar to ally with social movements or invest their energies towards the production of counterhegemonic knowledge and events which may not always be done through the traditional route of the academy. Research purely through the scholar-academic model loses sight of other sites of knowledge-production and interventions in the Global South. These scholars make strategic use of the law and provide important links between national and global institutional spaces and political processes that ultimately help advance movements or produce knowledge that is untethered from the imperial or authoritarian structures under which they operate. The role of such lawyers as agents, researchers and practitioners in the global South, therefore, ought to be understood against a complex backdrop of historical factors, professionalization and means of knowledge production. The proposed IRC presents an opportunity to bridge the hemispheric divide in understanding the phenomenon of the prevalence of these scholars and the field in which they operate across various geographical, sociopolitical and temporal contexts.
The theme of the proposed International Research Collaborative (IRC) is the study of a particularly Global South phenomenon of scholars interloping between academia, praxis and activism. Although academia and praxis are often assumed to be operating in functional silos, in Global South, these spaces are structured in ways that necessitate innovation; thereby causing the scholar to ally with social movements or invest their energies towards the production of counterhegemonic knowledge and events which may not always be done through the traditional route of the academy. Research purely through the scholar-academic model loses sight of other sites of knowledge-production and interventions in the Global South. These scholars make strategic use of the law and provide important links between national and global institutional spaces and political processes that ultimately help advance movements or produce knowledge that is untethered from the imperial or authoritarian structures under which they operate. The role of such lawyers as agents, researchers and practitioners in the global South, therefore, ought to be understood against a complex backdrop of historical factors, professionalization and means of knowledge production. The proposed IRC presents an opportunity to bridge the hemispheric divide in understanding the phenomenon of the prevalence of these scholars and the field in which they operate across various geographical, sociopolitical and temporal contexts.
Research Interests:
The aim of this panel is to reveal the ongoing pressure and attacks against the democratic forces of Turkey after 2016 from within. Although Turkey is party to the most of the UN human rights treaties (mechanisms) as well as the ECHR,... more
The aim of this panel is to reveal the ongoing pressure and attacks against the democratic forces of Turkey after 2016 from within. Although Turkey is party to the most of the UN human rights treaties (mechanisms) as well as the ECHR, there has been a long tradition of non-compliance by the Turkish state. With this panel, we would like present you an insightful analysis of the recent ‘modern Turkey’ by looking at the situation of judiciary, refugee rights, Turkish civil society and the country’s environmental justice issues. While doing so, each paper will show you the connection or the collaboration between Turkey’s national human rights violations and its international or regional partners in crime.
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İlticanın kendisinin uluslararası hukukta hiç bir zaman bir tanımı yapılmamıştır. II. Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonra kabul edilen uluslararası insan hakları hukukunun en temel belgesi BM İnsan Hakları Evrensel Beyannamesi’ne 14. Madde ile giren... more
İlticanın kendisinin uluslararası hukukta hiç bir zaman bir tanımı yapılmamıştır. II. Dünya
Savaşı’ndan sonra kabul edilen uluslararası insan hakları hukukunun en temel belgesi
BM İnsan Hakları Evrensel Beyannamesi’ne 14. Madde ile giren iltica hakkı, ‘herkesin
zulüm karşısında başka memleketlere iltica etmek ve bu memleketler tarafından
mülteci muamelesi görmek hakkına haiz olduğunu’ söylemektedir. Burada tanımlanan şekli ile iltica aramak bir haktır ama bu hakkın tanınması ve mülteci statüsü verilmesi
ulus devletin egemenlik yetkisine bırakılmıştır.
Buna rağmen, uluslararası insan hakları hukukundaki sözleşmelerden doğan denetim
organları, vatandaş olmayanlar açısından –giriş, ikamet, haklara erişim, sınırdışı edilmeden korunma- gibi geniş bir alanda zamanla bağlayıcı olan kararlar, tematik yorumlar ve ilkeler geliştirmişlerdir. Bunlardan en önemlisi de kaynağını uluslararası hukukta mutlak bir yasak olan işkence yasağından alan geri göndermeme -non-refoulement- ilkesidir. 2010’lu yıllara geldiğimizde ise artık insan hakları hukukunun bireyleri koruma adına devlet egemenliğine karşı daha fazla istisna getirdiğine tanık oluyoruz. Uluslararası içtihattaki gelişmeler, devletin geri göndermeme ilkesine uymasını sağlamanın ötesine geçip, ona artık birtakım pozitif ödevler de yüklemeye doğru evrilmiştir. Bunlardan başta gelen kazanımlara örnek olarak, kadınlar ve kız çocuklarının ‘hassas grup’ tanımı içerisinde yer alması ve vatandaş olmayanlara koruma amaçlı mültecilik dışında hukuki statülerin tanınması verilebilir.
Savaşı’ndan sonra kabul edilen uluslararası insan hakları hukukunun en temel belgesi
BM İnsan Hakları Evrensel Beyannamesi’ne 14. Madde ile giren iltica hakkı, ‘herkesin
zulüm karşısında başka memleketlere iltica etmek ve bu memleketler tarafından
mülteci muamelesi görmek hakkına haiz olduğunu’ söylemektedir. Burada tanımlanan şekli ile iltica aramak bir haktır ama bu hakkın tanınması ve mülteci statüsü verilmesi
ulus devletin egemenlik yetkisine bırakılmıştır.
Buna rağmen, uluslararası insan hakları hukukundaki sözleşmelerden doğan denetim
organları, vatandaş olmayanlar açısından –giriş, ikamet, haklara erişim, sınırdışı edilmeden korunma- gibi geniş bir alanda zamanla bağlayıcı olan kararlar, tematik yorumlar ve ilkeler geliştirmişlerdir. Bunlardan en önemlisi de kaynağını uluslararası hukukta mutlak bir yasak olan işkence yasağından alan geri göndermeme -non-refoulement- ilkesidir. 2010’lu yıllara geldiğimizde ise artık insan hakları hukukunun bireyleri koruma adına devlet egemenliğine karşı daha fazla istisna getirdiğine tanık oluyoruz. Uluslararası içtihattaki gelişmeler, devletin geri göndermeme ilkesine uymasını sağlamanın ötesine geçip, ona artık birtakım pozitif ödevler de yüklemeye doğru evrilmiştir. Bunlardan başta gelen kazanımlara örnek olarak, kadınlar ve kız çocuklarının ‘hassas grup’ tanımı içerisinde yer alması ve vatandaş olmayanlara koruma amaçlı mültecilik dışında hukuki statülerin tanınması verilebilir.
Research Interests: Gender Studies, Human Rights Law, Human Rights, Gender Equality, Violence Against Women, and 15 moreTurkey And Europe, International Refugee Law, Asylum seekers, Civil Society, Migrants rights, Non-Refoulement, European Convention on Human Rights, Toplumsal Cinsiyet, Kadın çalışmaları, CEDAW, UN Convention against torture, United Nations Human Rights Treaty Bodies, Women's and Gender Studies, Mülteci, and Refugee Convention-1951.
The first Return Coordinator of the EU was appointed after the announcement of the New EU Pact in March 2022 by the EU Commission. She was interestingly the head of ‘Vulnerability Assessment' Unit at the FRONTEX, and prior to that had... more
The first Return Coordinator of the EU was appointed after the announcement of the New EU Pact in March 2022 by the EU Commission. She was interestingly the head of ‘Vulnerability Assessment' Unit at the FRONTEX, and prior to that had been the First Officer at the Europol responsible for the security of major international events. The New Pact was introduced as a solution to create a fairer, efficient, and more sustainable migration to Europe in 2020. The aim was establishing a common approach to migration and asylum that prioritizes solidarity, responsibility, and respect for human rights.
However, migrants rights NGOs now claim that the proposed changes to migration and asylum system are deviating from the best human rights standards protected by the UN system, the European Court of Human Rights and the Fundamental Rights Agency for people on the move, i.e. potential asylum seekers. The proposals to be voted at the end of 2023 mean two things: more detention and faster deportation. Under the new Asylum Procedure Regulation, individuals whose applications are rejected based on another new Regulation called the Screening Regulation, would be directly send to return facilities. This takes us to the Greek example of pre-removal detention centers. While the formal deportation and return rates are steadily declining since 2018, it becomes irrational to adopt such a policy development in which there will be more unauthorized/irregularised people within the EU (Schengen)zone or most probably in detention. In the Greek case, although the readmissions to Turkey has been suspended since 2020, thousands of people continue to be detained and become stuck on the Hot Spots based on the notion of inadmissible application related to the safe third country concept (BVMN, September 2023). On the other hand, Turkey cannot be considered a safe third country for returns and readmissions according to the numerous human rights reports, such as the latest by the Medico International (August 2023).
There is a huge discrepancy between the new policy that will be put into place by the New Pact in early 2024 and the current reality on the ground regarding returns and readmissions. Looking at the Turkey-Greece readmissions, the cases of Italy, Malta and the North African countries as well as Libya regarding readmissions and returns, it is impossible to explain this manoeuvre of the EU with respect to human rights and for better migration management. The rationale behind this policy shift can only be explained by the political interests of some of the member states and the rising authoritarianism within the EU itself and the right-wing politics of its institutions.
This paper will look at these latest developments and analyze the New Pact with regard to third countries those deemed 'safe' for returns by taking the 2016 EU-Turkey Statement/Agreement as an example. The paper argues that the new changes the Pact brings will cause more pushbacks at the external borders and more people stuck in detention that will make returns less possible.
However, migrants rights NGOs now claim that the proposed changes to migration and asylum system are deviating from the best human rights standards protected by the UN system, the European Court of Human Rights and the Fundamental Rights Agency for people on the move, i.e. potential asylum seekers. The proposals to be voted at the end of 2023 mean two things: more detention and faster deportation. Under the new Asylum Procedure Regulation, individuals whose applications are rejected based on another new Regulation called the Screening Regulation, would be directly send to return facilities. This takes us to the Greek example of pre-removal detention centers. While the formal deportation and return rates are steadily declining since 2018, it becomes irrational to adopt such a policy development in which there will be more unauthorized/irregularised people within the EU (Schengen)zone or most probably in detention. In the Greek case, although the readmissions to Turkey has been suspended since 2020, thousands of people continue to be detained and become stuck on the Hot Spots based on the notion of inadmissible application related to the safe third country concept (BVMN, September 2023). On the other hand, Turkey cannot be considered a safe third country for returns and readmissions according to the numerous human rights reports, such as the latest by the Medico International (August 2023).
There is a huge discrepancy between the new policy that will be put into place by the New Pact in early 2024 and the current reality on the ground regarding returns and readmissions. Looking at the Turkey-Greece readmissions, the cases of Italy, Malta and the North African countries as well as Libya regarding readmissions and returns, it is impossible to explain this manoeuvre of the EU with respect to human rights and for better migration management. The rationale behind this policy shift can only be explained by the political interests of some of the member states and the rising authoritarianism within the EU itself and the right-wing politics of its institutions.
This paper will look at these latest developments and analyze the New Pact with regard to third countries those deemed 'safe' for returns by taking the 2016 EU-Turkey Statement/Agreement as an example. The paper argues that the new changes the Pact brings will cause more pushbacks at the external borders and more people stuck in detention that will make returns less possible.