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This article argues that, like many in Southeast Asia, the Philippine government's COVID-19 response was marked by policy experimentation and incremental adaptation, having been caught off-guard by the pandemic. Examining 16,281... more
This article argues that, like many in Southeast Asia, the Philippine government's COVID-19 response was marked by policy experimentation and incremental adaptation, having been caught off-guard by the pandemic. Examining 16,281 government press releases related to COVID-19 issued by the Philippine News Agency between February 2020 and April 2021, we find that in its policy narratives the government panders initially to citizen demand, highlighting social amelioration as a pandemic strategy. However, as citizens’ economic anxiety further intensifies, the government's framing of the crisis response becomes pragmatic and turns towards promoting mass inoculation, ostensibly in a bid to convince citizens to choose health over short-term palliative economic measures. The findings nuance policymaking in an illiberal democracy, beyond the conventional populist description of seeking easy solutions or spectacularizing crisis response.
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This article argues that fiscal decentralization hinged on unconditional central to local transfers, as in the case of the Philippines, induces overreliance on central government support and defeat...
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Can elections serve as vector of good public policy in fledgling democracies where electorally persistent elites circumvent institutional safeguards? Examining legislative productivity for each member of the Philippine House of... more
Can elections serve as vector of good public policy in fledgling democracies where electorally persistent elites circumvent institutional safeguards? Examining legislative productivity for each member
of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1992 to 2016, we
argue that while electoral persistence can be short-run welfare enhancing
by inducing legislative attention on particularistic policies, it is
ultimately electoral competition and the prospect of ouster that determine
overall legislative behaviour. Using various measures of electoral
competition, our panel estimates suggest that district incumbents
who faced competitive elections, regardless of political pedigree, are
more likely to work for the passage of their legislative proposals into
legislation. The results lend credence to the disciplining effect of
elections, even in precarious political settings where competition is
between equally persistent political elites. Overall, incumbents who
fought competitive elections are generally more likely to produce laws
as a legislative preoccupation – a commitment they are likely to pursue
even in the presence of institutional and political uncertainties.
of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1992 to 2016, we
argue that while electoral persistence can be short-run welfare enhancing
by inducing legislative attention on particularistic policies, it is
ultimately electoral competition and the prospect of ouster that determine
overall legislative behaviour. Using various measures of electoral
competition, our panel estimates suggest that district incumbents
who faced competitive elections, regardless of political pedigree, are
more likely to work for the passage of their legislative proposals into
legislation. The results lend credence to the disciplining effect of
elections, even in precarious political settings where competition is
between equally persistent political elites. Overall, incumbents who
fought competitive elections are generally more likely to produce laws
as a legislative preoccupation – a commitment they are likely to pursue
even in the presence of institutional and political uncertainties.
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This paper examines speechmaking on a contentious policy by arguably one of the most controversial figures to have assumed the Philippine presidency. Drawing on quantitative textual approaches on a corpus of 845 presidential speeches... more
This paper examines speechmaking on a contentious policy by arguably one of the most controversial figures to have assumed the Philippine presidency. Drawing on quantitative textual approaches on a corpus of 845 presidential speeches delivered between June 2016 and July 2020, we provide evidence that Rodrigo Duterte's evocative utterances against drug lords and criminals are not just deliberate illocutionary acts intended to court public support, but also priming tactics aimed towards a politically and economically significant audience whose acquiescence gives symbolic legitimacy to a controversial anti-crime policy. Using quantitative textual approaches and econometric analysis, we find that violent-crime rhetoric is more likely to accompany public pronouncements made before a political audience consisting of law enforcement authorities and government officials, as well as an economic audience made up of business chambers, overseas Filipino workers, and labor groups. Overall, t...
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In economically and politically volatile polities, do disaster mitigation policies create resilient communities? Both conventional wisdom and academic literature suggest that the presence of disaster related legislation create resilient... more
In economically and politically volatile polities, do disaster mitigation policies create
resilient communities? Both conventional wisdom and academic literature suggest that the presence of disaster related legislation create resilient communities by institutionalizing preparation and planning as a component of day to day governance (Ndille and Belle 2014; Jiang 2013, Ye et al 2012; Shi 2012; Norio et al 2011). This view, however, is more an ideal than praxis in many states, particularly in fledgling democracies that have yet to contend with stabilizing economic and political institutions, as well as in polities with preexisting vulnerabilities such as poverty and social marginalization. This paper argues that the presence of disaster risk reduction legislation per se is not what mitigates the negative impact of disasters but the basics such as mechanisms that empower people and redistribute assets across social structures, infrastructures that spur economic activities and create livelihood,
and institutions that ensure the accountability of those who create and implement policies. I show this by examining the evolution, adoption, and implementation of the Philippine disaster risk reduction framework encompassed in the RA10121 and related policies that mainstream DRRM into decision making and encourage or promote the use of modern technology such as ICT. I analyze these efforts and point out the inconsistencies and disconnects in RA10121 and extant policies—disconnects that make the whole attempt towards a holistic approach towards DRRM fall short of resilience. The paper concludes with some recommendations to harmonize and consolidate these efforts towards a more adaptive, resilient and responsive disaster framework
resilient communities? Both conventional wisdom and academic literature suggest that the presence of disaster related legislation create resilient communities by institutionalizing preparation and planning as a component of day to day governance (Ndille and Belle 2014; Jiang 2013, Ye et al 2012; Shi 2012; Norio et al 2011). This view, however, is more an ideal than praxis in many states, particularly in fledgling democracies that have yet to contend with stabilizing economic and political institutions, as well as in polities with preexisting vulnerabilities such as poverty and social marginalization. This paper argues that the presence of disaster risk reduction legislation per se is not what mitigates the negative impact of disasters but the basics such as mechanisms that empower people and redistribute assets across social structures, infrastructures that spur economic activities and create livelihood,
and institutions that ensure the accountability of those who create and implement policies. I show this by examining the evolution, adoption, and implementation of the Philippine disaster risk reduction framework encompassed in the RA10121 and related policies that mainstream DRRM into decision making and encourage or promote the use of modern technology such as ICT. I analyze these efforts and point out the inconsistencies and disconnects in RA10121 and extant policies—disconnects that make the whole attempt towards a holistic approach towards DRRM fall short of resilience. The paper concludes with some recommendations to harmonize and consolidate these efforts towards a more adaptive, resilient and responsive disaster framework
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What makes corrupt investment locations still attractive to investing economies? This article examines whether states’ tendency to ignore corruption in investment targets is due to their being accustomed to corruption at home, or is... more
What makes corrupt investment locations still attractive to investing economies? This article examines whether states’ tendency to ignore corruption in investment targets is due to their being accustomed to corruption at home, or is instead due to a perception that despite flaws institutions can be counted on to remain functional. We argue that economies where corruption is viewed permissively would still likely invest in states equally perceived as corrupt but not necessarily due to shared collective tolerance. Rather, a perception of institutional dependability motivates the selection of investment locations, regardless of how people in investing states view corruption. To test our conjecture, we analyzed bilateral foreign direct investment outflows for 96 countries between 2001 and 2012 using exponential random graph models alongside value-based typologies for corruption and institutional confidence. Our results suggest that, overall, it is trust in institutions and not necessari...
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This article argues that fiscal decentralization hinged on unconditional central to local transfers, as in the case of the Philippines, induces overreliance on central government support and defeat...
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ABSTRACT Extending the litigation selection hypothesis to labor regulations in fledgling democracies, we argue that distributive rules, such as social justice policies create a selection process in the litigation and resolution of... more
ABSTRACT Extending the litigation selection hypothesis to labor regulations in fledgling democracies, we argue that distributive rules, such as social justice policies create a selection process in the litigation and resolution of workplace claims. Specifically, rules protective of labor increase the expectation of litigation success among otherwise resource-constrained parties, narrowing the suits actually brought to action to those that are close to the standard of labor legislations. The theory implies that workers in labor actions are more likely to win compared to corporations, a premise we test using a unique dataset of 3,601 Supreme Court decisions on labor issues from 1987 to 2016. Our findings suggest that individuals and unions are likely to emerge victorious, whether as petitioners or respondents, but only when issues involve compensation related claims, illegal dismissal, or unfair labor practices. We do not find evidence of similar predilection toward workers when issues involve the exercise of management prerogatives and discipline of employees, suggesting prudence by the high court to balance social justice with rational fairness.
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Examining the determinants of legislative success at the Philippine House of Representatives, this study shows empirically why continuous entrenchment by political families can be detrimental to political institutions. Using count... more
Examining the determinants of legislative success at the Philippine House of Representatives, this study shows empirically why continuous entrenchment by political families can be detrimental to political institutions. Using count regression models, the study analyzes the patterns of law production in the Philippine Lower House beginning from the opening of the first post-Marcos Congress (8th Congress) in 1987 to the adjournment of the 15th Congress in 2013. The study finds that successive terms in office facilitate the ability of legislators to engage in legislative activities but only up to a point. Neophyte legislators who have yet to gain a foothold in their districts appear to be more proactive in concretizing proposals into actual legislation, at least initially. Over time, when legislative districts have become family turfs, incumbents cease to invest in vote courting activities such as legislation, lending credence to the unhealthy effect of political persistence on accountability.
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This article analyzes lawmaking in presidential systems where legislative roll call votes do not reflect policy or ideological stance, taking the Philippines as a case study. As an alternative to roll call analysis, this study suggests... more
This article analyzes lawmaking in presidential systems where legislative roll call votes do not reflect policy or ideological stance, taking the Philippines as a case study. As an alternative to roll call analysis, this study suggests that the time from when a bill is filed until its passage can be a gauge not only of policy preferences but executive-legislative dynamics. This is tested through an event history analysis of bills filed in the Philippine House of Representatives from the 8th to the 14th Congress. The propensity for approval of a bill is modeled as a function of institutional and political resources available to both the chief executive and members of the House of Representatives. The results indicate that a bill certified as urgent by the president generally has a higher likelihood of passage, but the effect changes over time and at some point being part of the president's so-called legislative agenda actually increases the risk of non-approval.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Political Science, Philippines, Survival Analysis, Event history analysis, and 13 moreInstitutionalism, Agenda Setting, Congressman, President, Executive Powers, House of Representatives, Philippine Congress, Executive Legislative Relations, Lawmaking, Philippine President, Certified Urgent Bills, Alicor Panao, and Roll Call
Can a president’s high public approval, vis-à-vis competing coordinate institutions, shape press coverage of political events? Testing theories of executive scandals, this paper argues that in the context of Philippine presidential... more
Can a president’s high public approval, vis-à-vis competing coordinate institutions, shape press coverage of political events? Testing theories of executive scandals, this paper argues that in the context of Philippine presidential democracy, presidential satisfaction shapes the production of political events more than the presence of other policy issues competing for broadsheet space. Using logistic regression models to analyse the news headlines appearing in two major broadsheets in the Philippines from 1992 to 2016, the study finds that presidents whose approval ratings are low compared to Congress are an easy target for the opposition and a much more attractive topic for sensational news by the press. With a much smaller circle of supporters for the president, there is also less risk for the opposition and the press collaborating or colluding in the production of political events. The press, in contrast, tends to be conservative in reporting political events when the public mood...
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Does political entrenchment lower the quality of policies Congress legislates? Conventional wisdom holds that particularistic legislation congeals electoral success and, in the case of the Philippines, there is evidence that... more
Does political entrenchment lower the quality of policies Congress legislates? Conventional wisdom holds that particularistic legislation congeals electoral success and, in the case of the Philippines, there is evidence that well-entrenched politicians can afford to be unproductive (for instance, see Panao 2016; Capuno and Panganiban 2012). Politicians who bring home the bacon, are supposedly rewarded with their constituencies’ approval in the polls. Does this notion apply in fledgling democracies where patronage and family politics gives politicians little incentive to engage in vote-seeking behavior? This paper argues that the electoral connection between particularistic legislation and vote-seeking is not what it seems in the Philippines. Examining bills deliberated and approved by the Philippine House of Representatives from 1987 to 2016, I show that while the crafting of particularistic policies is a common preoccupation among legislators, it is not the case for well-entrenched...
How does the Philippine Senate fare as an institutional check to the policy proposals made by the House of Representatives? The study examines a facet of bicameral policymaking by analyzing the type of measures likely to receive attention... more
How does the Philippine Senate fare as an institutional check to the policy proposals made by the House of Representatives? The study examines a facet of bicameral policymaking by analyzing the type of measures likely to receive attention in the Philippine Senate, and the propensity by which these measures are passed into legislation. Contrary to views that portray deliberative processes in second chambers as redundant and time-consuming, the paper argues that this prerogative is institutionally functional as it affords a mechanism for checking the informational quality of legislative policies skewed by particularistic demands at the lower house. Analyzing the event histories of 10,885 bills filed and deliberated at the Philippine Senate between the 13th and the 16th Congresses, we find that policy proposals pertaining to education, health, and public works – the most frequent areas of particularistic legislative measures at the lower house – are less likely to be passed into law in...
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What makes corrupt investment locations still attractive to investing economies? This article examines whether states' tendency to ignore corruption in investment targets is due to their being accustomed to corruption at home, or is... more
What makes corrupt investment locations still attractive to investing economies? This article examines whether states' tendency to ignore corruption in investment targets is due to their being accustomed to corruption at home, or is instead due to a perception that despite flaws institutions can be counted on to remain functional. We argue that economies where corruption is viewed permissively would still likely invest in states equally perceived as corrupt but not necessarily due to shared collective tolerance. Rather, a perception of institutional dependability motivates the selection of investment locations, regardless of how people in investing states view corruption. To test our conjecture, we analyzed bilateral foreign direct investment outflows for 96 countries between 2001 and 2012 using exponential random graph models alongside value-based typologies for corruption and institutional confidence. Our results suggest that, overall, it is trust in institutions and not necessarily trepidation about corruption that mediates the selection of investment locations.
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This article argues that fiscal decentralization hinged on unconditional central to local transfers, as in the case of the Philippines, induces overreliance on central government support and defeats the principle of fiscal autonomy.... more
This article argues that fiscal decentralization hinged on unconditional central to local transfers, as
in the case of the Philippines, induces overreliance on central government support and defeats
the principle of fiscal autonomy. Examining Philippine fiscal and electoral data from 1992 to 2016,
two empirical observations are made. First, unconditional transfers in the form of internal revenue
allotments (IRA) crowd out local revenue generation and creates fiscal dependency among local
government units. Second, local government units that rely less on IRA not only tend to be more
active in raising their own income sources but also tend to allocate more for public welfare. As an
implication, the findings suggest that federalism as a mode of decentralization will not necessarily
create a more efficient and equitable system of fiscal governance if its institution is abrupt and if it
does not take into account the coordination of subsidiary units as direct stakeholders.
in the case of the Philippines, induces overreliance on central government support and defeats
the principle of fiscal autonomy. Examining Philippine fiscal and electoral data from 1992 to 2016,
two empirical observations are made. First, unconditional transfers in the form of internal revenue
allotments (IRA) crowd out local revenue generation and creates fiscal dependency among local
government units. Second, local government units that rely less on IRA not only tend to be more
active in raising their own income sources but also tend to allocate more for public welfare. As an
implication, the findings suggest that federalism as a mode of decentralization will not necessarily
create a more efficient and equitable system of fiscal governance if its institution is abrupt and if it
does not take into account the coordination of subsidiary units as direct stakeholders.
Research Interests:
How does the Philippine Senate fare as an institutional check to the policy proposals made by the House of Representatives? The study examines a facet of bicamer-al policymaking by analyzing the type of measures likely to receive... more
How does the Philippine Senate fare as an institutional check to the policy proposals made by the House of Representatives? The study examines a facet of bicamer-al policymaking by analyzing the type of measures likely to receive attention in the Philippine Senate, and the propensity by which these measures are passed into legislation. Contrary to views that portray deliberative processes in second chambers as redundant and time-consuming, the paper argues that this prerogative is institutionally functional as it affords a mechanism for checking the informational quality of legislative policies skewed by particularistic demands at the lower house. Analyzing the event histories of 10,885 bills filed and deliberated at the Philippine Senate between the 13th and the 16th Congresses, we find that policy proposals pertaining to education, health, and public works-the most frequent areas of particularistic legislative measures at the lower house-are less likely to be passed into law in the Senate even though overall they comprise the bulk of legislative proposals in the Philippine Congress. The findings are robust even when controlling for other political and institutional determinants of legislative attention. Keywords bicameralism-Congress-legislative policymaking-legislative delay-Philippine Senate * The author is a member of the Philippine Bar.
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Can elections serve as vector of good public policy in fledgling democracies where electorally persistent elites circumvent institutional safeguards? Examining legislative productivity for each member of the Philippine House of... more
Can elections serve as vector of good public policy in fledgling democracies where electorally persistent elites circumvent institutional safeguards? Examining legislative productivity for each member of the Philippine House of Representatives from 1992 to 2016, we argue that while electoral persistence can be short run welfare enhancing by inducing legislative attention on particularistic policies, it is ultimately electoral competition and the prospect of ouster that determine overall legislative behavior. Using various measures of electoral competition, our panel estimates suggest that district incumbents who faced competitive elections, regardless of political pedigree, are more likely to work for the passage of their legislative proposals into legislation. The results lend credence to the disciplining effect of elections, even in precarious political settings where competition is between equally persistent political elites. Overall, incumbents who fought competitive elections are generally more likely to produce laws as a legislative preoccupation—a commitment they are likely to pursue even in the presence of institutional and political uncertainties.
Keywords: electoral accountability, House of Representatives, legislative policymaking, Philippine Congress, particularistic legislation
Keywords: electoral accountability, House of Representatives, legislative policymaking, Philippine Congress, particularistic legislation
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Do states care about corruption when doing business overseas? The relationship between corruption and capital has long preoccupied academic investigations in economics and international political economy. In scholarly debates, corruption... more
Do states care about corruption when doing business overseas? The relationship between corruption and capital has long preoccupied academic investigations in economics and international political economy. In scholarly debates, corruption is largely perceived as adding financial barriers to the entry of foreign investment, if not incompatible with numerous business models. The study investigates whether an investing firm's country of origin—our proxy for culture—mediates the supposedly deterrent effect of corruption in foreign investment. We argue that, unlike their Western counterparts, Asian investments are less likely to be deterred by corruption incidence as they see this as either necessary " grease " , a mutually-beneficial relationship with corrupt governments, or as a continuation of conventional practices in their home countries. To test our conjecture, we construct a dyadic dataset that contains information on 180 states and their foreign direct investments (FDI) from 2001 to 2012. For each state in the dyad we attach political and socioeconomic characteristics pertaining to the country of origin and country of operation. The political variables include public and expert perceptions of corruption, business climate, as well as traditional gravity indicators such as population and per capita gross domestic output. We construe investment preferences as FDI ties between states, which we estimate using exponential random graph models (ERGM) for networks. We then conduct a micro level analysis of investment behavior among Asian economies and the magnitude of their FDI outflow using Heckman selection models to show how investing states' view of corruption mediates investment behavior. We do not find evidence of Asian economies necessarily preferring relatively corrupt states as investment locations, or being generally indifferent with respect to corruption in destination economies. Instead, our findings paint a layered picture of investment behavior where firms from moderately affluent investing economies that have yet to build their economic powerhouses generally take advantage of fledgling markets and invest in corruption prone locations that have lower economic output in the short run. However, as economies become more affluent, they also become more discriminate and prefer high income investment locations over volatile corrupt business environments.
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Extending the litigation selection hypothesis to labor regulations in fledgling democracies, we argue that distributive rules such as social justice policies create a selection process in the litigation and resolution of workplace claims.... more
Extending the litigation selection hypothesis to labor regulations in fledgling democracies, we argue that distributive rules such as social justice policies create a selection process in the litigation and resolution of workplace claims. Specifically, rules protective of labor increase the expectation of litigation success among otherwise resource-constrained parties, narrowing the suits actually brought to action to those that are close to the standard of labor legislations. The theory implies that workers in labor actions are more likely to win compared to corporations, a premise we test using a unique dataset of 3,601 Supreme Court decisions on labor issues from 1987 to 2016. Our findings suggest that individuals and unions are likely to emerge victorious, whether as petitioners or respondents, but only when issues involve compensation related claims, illegal dismissal, or unfair labor practices. We do not find evidence of similar predilection toward workers when issues involve the exercise of management prerogatives and discipline of employees, suggesting prudence by the high court to balance social justice with rational fairness.
Research Interests:
Examining the determinants of legislative success at the Philippine House of Representatives, this study shows empirically why continuous entrenchment by political families can be detrimental to political institutions. Using count... more
Examining the determinants of legislative success at the Philippine House of Representatives, this study shows empirically why continuous entrenchment by political families can be detrimental to political institutions. Using count regression models, the study analyzes the patterns of law production in the Philippine Lower House beginning from the opening of the first post-Marcos Congress (8th Congress) in 1987 to the adjournment of the 15th Congress in 2013. The study finds that successive terms in office facilitate the ability of legislators to engage in legislative activities but only up to a point. Neophyte legislators who have yet to gain a foothold in their districts appear to be more proactive in concretizing proposals into actual legislation, at least initially. Over time, when legislative districts have become family turfs, incumbents cease to invest in vote courting activities such as legislation, lending credence to the unhealthy effect of political persistence on accountability.
Research Interests:
Do disaster mitigation policies really reduce the impact of disasters and create more resilient cities? Both conventional wisdom and academic literature suggest that the presence of disaster related legislation create resilient... more
Do disaster mitigation policies really reduce the impact of disasters and create more resilient cities?
Both conventional wisdom and academic literature suggest that the presence of disaster related legislation create resilient communities by institutionalizing preparation and planning as a component of day to day governance (Ndille and Belle 2014; Jiang 2013, Ye et al 2012; Shi 2012; Norio et al 2011). This view, however, is more an ideal than praxis in many states, particularly in fledgling democracies that have yet to contend with stabilizing economic and political institutions, as well as in polities with preexisting vulnerabilities such as poverty and social marginalization.
This paper argues that the presence of disaster risk reduction legislation per se is not what mitigates the negative impact of disasters but the basics such as mechanisms that empower people and redistribute assets across social structures, infrastructures that spur economic activities and create livelihood, and institutions that ensure the accountability of those who create and implement policies. I show this by examining the evolution, adoption, and implementation of the Philippine disaster risk reduction framework encompassed in the RA10121 and related policies that mainstream DRRM into decision making and encourage or promote the use of modern technology such as ICT. I analyze these efforts and point out the inconsistencies and disconnects in RA10121 and extant policies—disconnects that make the whole attempt towards a holistic approach towards DRRM fall short of resilience. The paper concludes with some recommendations to harmonize and consolidate these efforts towards a more adaptive, resilient and responsive disaster framework.
Both conventional wisdom and academic literature suggest that the presence of disaster related legislation create resilient communities by institutionalizing preparation and planning as a component of day to day governance (Ndille and Belle 2014; Jiang 2013, Ye et al 2012; Shi 2012; Norio et al 2011). This view, however, is more an ideal than praxis in many states, particularly in fledgling democracies that have yet to contend with stabilizing economic and political institutions, as well as in polities with preexisting vulnerabilities such as poverty and social marginalization.
This paper argues that the presence of disaster risk reduction legislation per se is not what mitigates the negative impact of disasters but the basics such as mechanisms that empower people and redistribute assets across social structures, infrastructures that spur economic activities and create livelihood, and institutions that ensure the accountability of those who create and implement policies. I show this by examining the evolution, adoption, and implementation of the Philippine disaster risk reduction framework encompassed in the RA10121 and related policies that mainstream DRRM into decision making and encourage or promote the use of modern technology such as ICT. I analyze these efforts and point out the inconsistencies and disconnects in RA10121 and extant policies—disconnects that make the whole attempt towards a holistic approach towards DRRM fall short of resilience. The paper concludes with some recommendations to harmonize and consolidate these efforts towards a more adaptive, resilient and responsive disaster framework.
Research Interests:
Filipinos comprise the fourth largest group of foreigners in Japan (Statistics Bureau 2006) and the figure does not even take into account those who are undocumented. Japan is not really a country known for its friendliness to foreigners... more
Filipinos comprise the fourth largest group of foreigners in Japan (Statistics Bureau 2006) and the figure does not even take into account those who are undocumented. Japan is not really a country known for its friendliness to foreigners but the presence of Filipinos, according to some views, have not only hastened this cloistered country’s internationalization but transformed its civil society.
But exactly what support or interventions do these organizations provide? Are Filipino migrant organizations in Japan support organizations or advocacy organizations? Do these interventions actually fulfill the needs of their supposed stakeholders? How do Filipino migrants look at support organizations? And what conclusions can we draw from these activities with respect to civil society as a whole, as well as their potential to influence migration policies?
This paper draws from an ongoing study employing qualitative and quantitative approaches to determine whether Filipino support organizations actually play a role in Japan’s migration policy dynamics. It argues that the reason why Filipino support organizations find it difficult to shift into advocacy is because Filipino migrants in Japan are themselves indifferent stakeholders who cannot serve as a resource for collective action, and prefer provisional support services more than policy change.
But exactly what support or interventions do these organizations provide? Are Filipino migrant organizations in Japan support organizations or advocacy organizations? Do these interventions actually fulfill the needs of their supposed stakeholders? How do Filipino migrants look at support organizations? And what conclusions can we draw from these activities with respect to civil society as a whole, as well as their potential to influence migration policies?
This paper draws from an ongoing study employing qualitative and quantitative approaches to determine whether Filipino support organizations actually play a role in Japan’s migration policy dynamics. It argues that the reason why Filipino support organizations find it difficult to shift into advocacy is because Filipino migrants in Japan are themselves indifferent stakeholders who cannot serve as a resource for collective action, and prefer provisional support services more than policy change.
Research Interests:
The Japanese train is a microcosm of Japanese society and its fixation to things moving and transient. If Japan is a society that worships time, then the train stations are its concrete temples. Its inhabitants—Japanese and foreigners... more
The Japanese train is a microcosm of Japanese society and its fixation to things moving and transient. If Japan is a society that worships time, then the train stations are its concrete temples. Its inhabitants—Japanese and foreigners alike—are virtual passengers in a ride that is simultaneously dizzying and eye-opening as they go about struggling through their day to day existence. The train is both a platform where the Japanese reveal themselves to the “other,” as well as lens where the “other” is viewed.
Research Interests:
Research Interests: Political Economy, Philippines, Survival Analysis, Event history analysis, Institutionalism, and 12 moreAgenda Setting, Congressman, President, Executive Powers, House of Representatives, Philippine Congress, Executive Legislative Relations, Lawmaking, Philippine President, Certified Urgent Bills, Alicor Panao, and Roll Call
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Research Interests:
Does the size of a country's industrial sector constrain digital trade? Although there is growing recognition of the importance of data flows in enabling global value chains, little is known about digital trade and its implications on the... more
Does the size of a country's industrial sector constrain digital trade? Although there is growing recognition of the importance of data flows in enabling global value chains, little is known about digital trade and its implications on the domestic economy. It is widely assumed that digital trade, like investments, is determined by the extent by which economies are willing to liberalize markets and how institutions facilitate ease of transactions. However, incipient patterns based on new indicators seem to contradict this view. For instance, the digital trade restrictiveness index suggests that both China and India-despite having polarizing regime structures-are equally among the most restrictive. This paper argues that a country's openness or restrictiveness to digital trade is correlated with the size of its industrial sector, as does conventional determinants such as the overall size of its economy and its political system. Examining cross sectional fiscal, labor, and trade data in 64 economies, the study finds that countries with a relatively large industrial labor vis-à-vis its service sector also appear to impose strict regulations covering digital trade and network-based services. The findings nuance current understanding of the impact of digital trade, especially among emerging economies. Possibly, labor markets actually respond slower to globalization and restrictive policies are largely protracted measures intended to protect a vulnerable sector out to lose in the process (industrial sector). Consequently, policies purportedly seeking to promote digital trade must take into account its repercussions on workers and weigh whether a digital shift is worth the attendant economic dislocations.