- Northwest Mexico, Early Agriculture, Long distance Networks, Historical Archaeology, Paleoindians, Archaic Period, and 30 moreClimate Change Adaptation, Maize, Northern Mexico Archaeology, Southwestern Archaeology, Aztatlán archaeology, Prehistoric Archaeology, Ethnohistory, West Mexico, Casas Grandes archaeology, Linguistic Anthropology, Zooarchaeology, Etnohistoria, Sonoran Desert, Protohistoric Archaeology, Social Complexity, West and Northwest Mexican Archaeology, Paleoindian archaeology, West Mexico (Archaeology), Clovis, Social Structure, Arqueologia del norte de Mexico, Rock Art (Archaeology), Southwestern United States (Archaeology in North America), Sonora, Petroglyphs and Pictographs, Arte Rupestre, Jesuits, Subsistence systems (Archaeology), Human Ecology, and Sociopolitical organizationedit
- El arqueólogo John Philip Carpenter Slavens nació en el desierto de Sonora (aun en el lado de la cerca equivocado—en ... moreEl arqueólogo John Philip Carpenter Slavens nació en el desierto de Sonora (aun en el lado de la cerca equivocado—en Phoenix, Arizona—y ahora Mexicano por naturalización). Creció, en parte, en la reservación Navajo, experiencia que contribuyó al desarrollo de su interés en antropología y arqueología desde su niñez. En 1980, recibió el grado de BA (licenciatura) en las disciplinas de Estudios Griegos Clásicos y Antropología de la Universidad de Arizona, en Tucson, obteniendo la Maestría en Antropología, otorgado por la Universidad Estatal de Nuevo México, Las Cruces, en 1992, y su Doctorado en Antropología (con especialidad en arqueología, con énfasis menor en etnohistoria) de la Universidad de Arizona, en el año de 1996. Poco después, fue nombrado a la facultad de Antropología en la Universidad Estatal de Wichita (Kansas), donde también sirvió como el director del Museo de Antropología Lowell D. Holmes. Cuando la oportunidad de irse a México se presentó, renunció su plaza y se incorporó como miembro de la facultad en el Departamento de Antropología de la Universidad de las Américas, Puebla, en 2000, y finalmente, se hartó del fascismo y ambiente maquiavélico de ésta institución (al igual de una lista larga de investigadores, como Mario Aliphat, Suzanne Lewenstein, Manuel Gándara y Travis Stanton), entrando como profesor investigador en el Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) en 2004, asignado a la sección de arqueología del Centro INAH Sinaloa, y desde 2010, asignado al Centro INAH Sonora; es miembro del Sistema Nacional de Investigadores (SNI) desde el 2001, subiendo a SNI II en 2022, y desde 2006, miembro de la facultad del Posgrado en Arqueología y Profesor Co-responsable, de la línea de investigación de “Arqueología histórica, etnoarqueología y estudios de cultura material moderna” en la Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (ENAH).
El Dr. Carpenter Slavens ha participado en investigaciones arqueológicas en los estados de Arizona, California, Oregon, Nuevo México, Texas, y Utah en los EUA, y en México en los estados de Chiapas, Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Sonora y Zacatecas. Desde más que 30 años su interés primordial ha enfocado en la arqueología de la región del noroeste de la república mexicana, donde ha investigado los temas diversos de los primeros pobladores (Paleoindios), los grupos de recolectores-cazadores del periodo Arcaico (pre-cerámicos), la difusión hacía al norte del maíz y los inicios de la agricultura y sedentarismo, cambio climáticos, las fronteras culturales en el norte de Sinaloa, la historia cultural del valle del río Fuerte, Sinaloa y las rutas del intercambio entre el occidente de México y el noroeste de México/suroeste de los EUA .
Hasta la fecha, el Dr. Carpenter Slavens se ha presentada aproximadamente 200 ponencias invitadas en foros nacionales e internacionales, cuenta con dos libros y más de 45 publicaciones profesionales, y ha producido más de 80 informes técnicos relacionados a sus investigaciones arqueológicas.edit
Northwest Mexico, often characterized as a vast gulf (the so-called Chichimec Sea) between the complex societies associated with the Mesoamerican superarea and the middle-range societies of the American Southwest, remains poorly... more
Northwest Mexico, often characterized as a vast gulf (the so-called Chichimec Sea) between the complex societies associated with the Mesoamerican superarea and the middle-range societies of the American Southwest, remains poorly understood by both Mesoamericanists and Southwesternists. This research analyzes funerary remains in order to reconstruct aspects of social, political, economic and ideological organization of the Huatabampo/Guasave culture, a prehispanic complex in northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora, Mexico. The data are primarily derived from Gordon F. Ekholm's excavation of a large burial mound situated on an abandoned meander of the Río Sinaloa, approximately six kilometers from the modern town of Guasave, Sinaloa. Whereas previous models have traditionally considered this area as a marginal periphery of both Mesoamerica and the American Southwest, this study directs attention to the role of indigenous developments in culture change, inter-regional interaction and integration. The results suport the interpretation of this region as an environmentally, spatially and culturally intermediate area between West Mexico and the Southwest.
Research Interests:
The Aztatlán tradition of northwest Mesoamerica (AD 850/900–1350+) is one of the most understudied and enigmatic cultural developments in the Americas. This volume presents a spectrum of interdisciplinary research into Aztatlán societies,... more
The Aztatlán tradition of northwest Mesoamerica (AD 850/900–1350+) is one of the most understudied and enigmatic cultural developments in the Americas. This volume presents a spectrum of interdisciplinary research into Aztatlán societies, combining innovative archaeological methods with historical and ethnographic investigations. The results offer significant revelations about west Mexico’s critical role in over a millennium of cultural interaction between Indigenous societies in northwest and northeast Mexico, the Greater U.S. Southwest, Mesoamerica, lower Central America, and beyond.
Volume contributors show how those responsible for the Aztatlán tradition were direct ancestors of diverse Indigenous peoples such as the Náayeri (Cora), Wixárika (Huichol), O’dam (Tepehuan), Caz’ Ahmo (Caxcan), Yoeme (Yaqui), Yoreme (Mayo), and others who continue to reside across the former Aztatlán region and its frontiers. The prosperity of the Aztatlán tradition was achieved through long-distance networks that fostered the development of new ritual economies and integrated peoples in Greater Mesoamerica with those in the U.S. Southwest/Mexican Northwest.
https://uofupress.lib.utah.edu/reassessing-the-aztatlan-world/
Volume contributors show how those responsible for the Aztatlán tradition were direct ancestors of diverse Indigenous peoples such as the Náayeri (Cora), Wixárika (Huichol), O’dam (Tepehuan), Caz’ Ahmo (Caxcan), Yoeme (Yaqui), Yoreme (Mayo), and others who continue to reside across the former Aztatlán region and its frontiers. The prosperity of the Aztatlán tradition was achieved through long-distance networks that fostered the development of new ritual economies and integrated peoples in Greater Mesoamerica with those in the U.S. Southwest/Mexican Northwest.
https://uofupress.lib.utah.edu/reassessing-the-aztatlan-world/
Research Interests: Native American Studies, Latin American Studies, Archaeology, Prehistoric Archaeology, Indigenous Studies, and 15 moreSouthwestern United States (Archaeology in North America), Central America and Mexico, Mesoamerican Archaeology, North American archaeology, Southwestern Archaeology, US-Mexico Borderlands, Mesoamerican Ethnohistory, West Mexico (Archaeology), Arqueología, Mexico, Precolumbian Cultures, Casas Grandes archaeology, Ethnogenesis, Aztatlán archaeology, and Estudios Mesoamericanos
This volume presents a sampling of how documentary relations are employed in archaeological inference. We use the term documentary relations as an inclusive term for data sources outside of the material remains that are typically the... more
This volume presents a sampling of how documentary relations are employed in archaeological inference. We use the term documentary relations as an inclusive term for data sources outside of the material remains that are typically the focus of archaeological inquiry. These sources include historical texts, ethnographic observations, and oral histories. The contributors to this volume use these sources to various ends. A few examples include reconstructions of what might be traditionally considered historical events and periods. Most contributors primarily use these data sources as a means to “upstream” interpretations from historical contexts to precolonial periods through derivations of the direct historical approach.
The use of documentary relations as supporting evidence or a font of inference generation is certainly not new, as we will discuss below, but has grown substantially in popularity over the last three decades. This increased use of documentary relations is concurrent with a humanistic turn in archaeology that emphasizes historical, or narrative approaches to interpretation. However, the use of documentary relations (a data source), a humanistic narrative approach (a theoretical stance), and the direct historical approach (a methodology for inference generation) are not uniformly coincident in application. In fact, stark differences of opinion occur even among those who espouse a historical perspective on whether various forms of documentary relations are a hindrance or boon to accurate reconstructions of pre- and postcolonial societies (Lekson 2018; Smith 2011). This volume is thus a timely contribution to a discussion of both diverse methods and application case studies in the Borderlands (Borderlands is our inclusive term for northwest Mexico and the Southwest United States).
Our overarching goal in this chapter is to situate the
The use of documentary relations as supporting evidence or a font of inference generation is certainly not new, as we will discuss below, but has grown substantially in popularity over the last three decades. This increased use of documentary relations is concurrent with a humanistic turn in archaeology that emphasizes historical, or narrative approaches to interpretation. However, the use of documentary relations (a data source), a humanistic narrative approach (a theoretical stance), and the direct historical approach (a methodology for inference generation) are not uniformly coincident in application. In fact, stark differences of opinion occur even among those who espouse a historical perspective on whether various forms of documentary relations are a hindrance or boon to accurate reconstructions of pre- and postcolonial societies (Lekson 2018; Smith 2011). This volume is thus a timely contribution to a discussion of both diverse methods and application case studies in the Borderlands (Borderlands is our inclusive term for northwest Mexico and the Southwest United States).
Our overarching goal in this chapter is to situate the
Research Interests:
Este libro refleja/es el resultado de mi querer a poder “reencarnar los huesos” de las tradiciones arqueológicas del periodo prehispánico tardío en Sinaloa. Este estudio nació en mi reanálisis e interpretación de los datos del montículo... more
Este libro refleja/es el resultado de mi querer a poder “reencarnar los huesos” de las tradiciones arqueológicas del periodo prehispánico tardío en Sinaloa. Este estudio nació en mi reanálisis e interpretación de los datos del montículo funerario de El Ombligo (sitio Guasave) y mis investigaciones arqueológicas que continúan hasta el presente en elaborar una historia cultural por la región del norte de Sinaloa (y lo cual, debido a las escasas investigaciones sistemáticas, queda casi totalmente en blanco). También, este trabajo refleja mi formación en la disciplina materna de la antropología y un énfasis menor en la etnohistoria antropológica como manera de contar las historias de los grupos indígenas que no tenían su propia historia.
La parvedad de la documentación histórica que existe para el periodo de contacto en la región de Sinaloa es particularmente infortunada y frustrante ya que la planicie costera y su colindante zona serrana estaban siendo ocupadas por numerosos grupos cuya afinidad cultural y lingüística fue rápidamente obscurecida, o más bien obliterada, en el curso de la conquista. Los siguientes relatos de la conquista española y de las culturas indígenas de la planicie costera del Norte de México en la víspera del contacto se derivan de diferentes fuentes. Las fuentes históricas primarias más significativas para Sinaloa y sur de Sonora son una serie de testimonios anónimos presentados en el juicio contra Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán (Carrera Stampa 1955; García Icazbalceta 1866), las narrativas de Diego de Guzmán (Heredia 1960), las crónicas de la expedición de Francisco de Ibarra de Baltasar de Obregón (1988) y Antonio Ruiz (Nakayama 1974), los relatos de Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca (1944) y sus acompañantes, y la obra de Andrés Pérez de Ribas (1944) “Triunfos de nuestra santa Fe entre gentes lás más bárbaras y fieras del Nuevo Orbe.” Otras fuentes primarias adicionales incluyen los relatos del padre jesuita Martín Pérez (López Alanis 2005), fraile Marcos de Niza (1865) y Vásquez de Coronado (Hammond y Rey 1940), Alonso de la Mota y Escobar (1940), y varias Anuas de los misioneros jesuitas.
Entre las fuentes secundarias, la Crónica Miscelánea de la Sancta Provincia de Xalisco, del padre Antonio Tello permanece como el texto más comprehensivo. Las publicaciones posteriores, como la Historia del Reino de Nueva Galicia en la América Septentrional de Matías Mota Padilla y Conquista de la Nueva Galicia de Miguel López-Portillo y Weber, dependen principalmente en las descripciones de Tello. Sin embargo, cabe señalar que Antonio Tello, llegó de España en el año 1619, casi un siglo después de los eventos que describe, y su relato contiene información equivocada, fechas erróneas, y contradicciones irreconciliables (Brand 1971:651-653). Bancroft (1884, 1886), Beals (1933, 1943a, 1945), Brand (1971), Di Peso (1974), Reff (1991), Sauer (1932, 1934, 1935) y Sauer y Brand (1932) son fuentes que reconstruyen eventos de la conquista Española y de la población indígena del siglo XVI de la planicie costera del Norte de México de Sinaloa y el Sur de Sonora.
El presente texto elabora en su introducción, una discusión del impacto de las epidemias y un resumen de los primeros relatos españoles, y una descripción de la conquista española de la planicie costera norte del Pacifico. Con base en esos documentos, en continuación, se documenta unos datos de las características culturales de los varios grupos indígenas que habitaron esta región entre el norte de Nayarit y el sur de Sonora, como los Totorame, los Tahue, los Mocorito, y los Cahita del norte, en que se incluye los Guasave, Nío, Ocoroni, Caminito, Urique, Zoe, Zuaques, Sinaloas, Mayo, Yaqui. También se presenta una breve discusión de los grupos de las barrancas (e.g. Acaxee, Xixime, Tepaca, Pacaxe, Hume, Sabaibo, etc.) y los grupos costeros (Achire, Batucari, Comopori).
En seguida, se presenta una discusión y síntesis de la cultura indígena al momento de contacto español en el siglo XVI. Los temas incluyen la organización sociopolítica, la población y patrones de asentamientos, la organización económica, subsistencia, intercambio regional e interregional, organización ideológica/ritual, costumbres funerarias, la guerra, y lenguaje.
Finalmente, se ofrece un breve resumen y unas conclusiones preliminares. Con la posible excepción de algunas poblaciones costeras, probablemente los diversos grupos fueron hablantes de la rama Sonora de Yutoazteca. Desde el río Piaxtla hasta el río Yaqui, la planicie costera y la serrana adyacente fueron territorios ocupados por hablantes de varios dialectos de Cahita. De estos grupos, los Tahue son conocidos como el grupo más norteño con afinidad mesoamericana, mientras que los Yaquis y los Mayos (que son los únicos que sobreviven hasta tiempos presentes) se consideran como pertenecientes a las culturas del “Gran Suroeste,” o sea las tradiciones culturales del noroccidente de México y el suroeste de los Estados Unidos.
Si recapitulamos la información lingüística, con las altas estimaciones poblacionales, la extensa distribución regional y las bien desarrolladas estrategias económicas, se sugiere que las poblaciones encontradas por los españoles a principios del siglo XVI reflejan desarrollos indígenas con profundas raíces prehispánicas, y las interpretaciones que ilustran a los Cahitas como recientes emigrantes que desplazaron ya sea a grupos hablantes de Tepima ó hablantes de Nahuatl no pueden ser sostenidas por las evidencias.
Las relaciones documentales ofrecen una gran riqueza de información con respecto al patrón de asentamiento, arquitectura, cultura material, estrategias de subsitencia, y la interacción intra e intergrupal, incluyendo esclavitud, guerra, selección de cónyuge e intercambio, además de proveer algunos datos de la organización social/ideológica y política. Dado el poco trabajo arqueológico hasta la fecha conducido en la región, esta información puede proveer una invaluable base cultural para compararla con el registro arqueológico que se vaya recuperando.
Sin embargo, estos registros históricos deben ser leídos como textos que requieren una evaluación crítica. Aquí cuestionamos, las interpretaciones previas las interpretaciones de complejidad social a nivel de estado conferidas a un gran rango de organizaciones socio-políticas así como a las entidades lingüísticas, culturales y entidades geográficas.
Mientras que virtualmente todas las sociedades agrícolas sedentarias encontradas por los españoles reflejaban algún grado de jerarquía social, ninguna comunidad puede considerarse afuera del nivel de organización social de medio rango ni siquiera las villas autónomas o aquellas que tenían pueblos subordinados y extraían tributos de grupos vecinos. Considerar esta región como mesoamérica marginal, o marginalmente parte del “gran Noroeste/Suroeste” invoca los fantasmas del concepto de área cultural y finalmente obscurece su carácter indígena.
La parvedad de la documentación histórica que existe para el periodo de contacto en la región de Sinaloa es particularmente infortunada y frustrante ya que la planicie costera y su colindante zona serrana estaban siendo ocupadas por numerosos grupos cuya afinidad cultural y lingüística fue rápidamente obscurecida, o más bien obliterada, en el curso de la conquista. Los siguientes relatos de la conquista española y de las culturas indígenas de la planicie costera del Norte de México en la víspera del contacto se derivan de diferentes fuentes. Las fuentes históricas primarias más significativas para Sinaloa y sur de Sonora son una serie de testimonios anónimos presentados en el juicio contra Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán (Carrera Stampa 1955; García Icazbalceta 1866), las narrativas de Diego de Guzmán (Heredia 1960), las crónicas de la expedición de Francisco de Ibarra de Baltasar de Obregón (1988) y Antonio Ruiz (Nakayama 1974), los relatos de Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca (1944) y sus acompañantes, y la obra de Andrés Pérez de Ribas (1944) “Triunfos de nuestra santa Fe entre gentes lás más bárbaras y fieras del Nuevo Orbe.” Otras fuentes primarias adicionales incluyen los relatos del padre jesuita Martín Pérez (López Alanis 2005), fraile Marcos de Niza (1865) y Vásquez de Coronado (Hammond y Rey 1940), Alonso de la Mota y Escobar (1940), y varias Anuas de los misioneros jesuitas.
Entre las fuentes secundarias, la Crónica Miscelánea de la Sancta Provincia de Xalisco, del padre Antonio Tello permanece como el texto más comprehensivo. Las publicaciones posteriores, como la Historia del Reino de Nueva Galicia en la América Septentrional de Matías Mota Padilla y Conquista de la Nueva Galicia de Miguel López-Portillo y Weber, dependen principalmente en las descripciones de Tello. Sin embargo, cabe señalar que Antonio Tello, llegó de España en el año 1619, casi un siglo después de los eventos que describe, y su relato contiene información equivocada, fechas erróneas, y contradicciones irreconciliables (Brand 1971:651-653). Bancroft (1884, 1886), Beals (1933, 1943a, 1945), Brand (1971), Di Peso (1974), Reff (1991), Sauer (1932, 1934, 1935) y Sauer y Brand (1932) son fuentes que reconstruyen eventos de la conquista Española y de la población indígena del siglo XVI de la planicie costera del Norte de México de Sinaloa y el Sur de Sonora.
El presente texto elabora en su introducción, una discusión del impacto de las epidemias y un resumen de los primeros relatos españoles, y una descripción de la conquista española de la planicie costera norte del Pacifico. Con base en esos documentos, en continuación, se documenta unos datos de las características culturales de los varios grupos indígenas que habitaron esta región entre el norte de Nayarit y el sur de Sonora, como los Totorame, los Tahue, los Mocorito, y los Cahita del norte, en que se incluye los Guasave, Nío, Ocoroni, Caminito, Urique, Zoe, Zuaques, Sinaloas, Mayo, Yaqui. También se presenta una breve discusión de los grupos de las barrancas (e.g. Acaxee, Xixime, Tepaca, Pacaxe, Hume, Sabaibo, etc.) y los grupos costeros (Achire, Batucari, Comopori).
En seguida, se presenta una discusión y síntesis de la cultura indígena al momento de contacto español en el siglo XVI. Los temas incluyen la organización sociopolítica, la población y patrones de asentamientos, la organización económica, subsistencia, intercambio regional e interregional, organización ideológica/ritual, costumbres funerarias, la guerra, y lenguaje.
Finalmente, se ofrece un breve resumen y unas conclusiones preliminares. Con la posible excepción de algunas poblaciones costeras, probablemente los diversos grupos fueron hablantes de la rama Sonora de Yutoazteca. Desde el río Piaxtla hasta el río Yaqui, la planicie costera y la serrana adyacente fueron territorios ocupados por hablantes de varios dialectos de Cahita. De estos grupos, los Tahue son conocidos como el grupo más norteño con afinidad mesoamericana, mientras que los Yaquis y los Mayos (que son los únicos que sobreviven hasta tiempos presentes) se consideran como pertenecientes a las culturas del “Gran Suroeste,” o sea las tradiciones culturales del noroccidente de México y el suroeste de los Estados Unidos.
Si recapitulamos la información lingüística, con las altas estimaciones poblacionales, la extensa distribución regional y las bien desarrolladas estrategias económicas, se sugiere que las poblaciones encontradas por los españoles a principios del siglo XVI reflejan desarrollos indígenas con profundas raíces prehispánicas, y las interpretaciones que ilustran a los Cahitas como recientes emigrantes que desplazaron ya sea a grupos hablantes de Tepima ó hablantes de Nahuatl no pueden ser sostenidas por las evidencias.
Las relaciones documentales ofrecen una gran riqueza de información con respecto al patrón de asentamiento, arquitectura, cultura material, estrategias de subsitencia, y la interacción intra e intergrupal, incluyendo esclavitud, guerra, selección de cónyuge e intercambio, además de proveer algunos datos de la organización social/ideológica y política. Dado el poco trabajo arqueológico hasta la fecha conducido en la región, esta información puede proveer una invaluable base cultural para compararla con el registro arqueológico que se vaya recuperando.
Sin embargo, estos registros históricos deben ser leídos como textos que requieren una evaluación crítica. Aquí cuestionamos, las interpretaciones previas las interpretaciones de complejidad social a nivel de estado conferidas a un gran rango de organizaciones socio-políticas así como a las entidades lingüísticas, culturales y entidades geográficas.
Mientras que virtualmente todas las sociedades agrícolas sedentarias encontradas por los españoles reflejaban algún grado de jerarquía social, ninguna comunidad puede considerarse afuera del nivel de organización social de medio rango ni siquiera las villas autónomas o aquellas que tenían pueblos subordinados y extraían tributos de grupos vecinos. Considerar esta región como mesoamérica marginal, o marginalmente parte del “gran Noroeste/Suroeste” invoca los fantasmas del concepto de área cultural y finalmente obscurece su carácter indígena.
Research Interests:
This volume presents a sampling of how documentary relations are employed in archaeological inference. We use the term documentary relations as an inclusive term for data sources outside of the material remains that are typically the... more
This volume presents a sampling of how documentary relations are employed in archaeological inference. We use the term documentary relations as an inclusive term for data sources outside of the material remains that are typically the focus of archaeological inquiry. These include historical texts, ethnographic observations, and oral histories. The contributors of this volume use these sources to various ends. A few examples include reconstructions of what might be traditionally considered historical events and periods. Most contributors primarily use these data sources as a means to “up-stream” interpretations from historical contexts to precolonial periods through derivations of the direct historical approach. The use of documentary relations as supporting evidence or a font of inference generation is certainly not new, as we will discuss below, but has increased substantially in popularity over the last three decades. This increased use of documentary relations is coincident with a humanistic turn in archaeology that emphasizes historical, or narrative approaches to interpretation. However, the use of documentary relations (a data source), a humanistic narrative approach (a theoretical stance), and the direct historical approach (a methodology for inference generation) are not uniformly coincident in application. In fact, there are stark differences of opinion even among those who espouse a historical perspective on whether various forms of documentary relations are a hindrance or boon to accurate reconstructions of pre- and postcolonial societies (Lekson 2018; Smith 2011). This volume is thus a timely contribution to a discussion of both diverse methods and application case studies.
Research Interests:
In this chapter we enlist historical documents and modern ethnographic and linguistic data to evaluate archaeological interpretations of pan-regional connectivity in Northwest Mexico and beyond. Despite early interest in the archaeology... more
In this chapter we enlist historical documents and modern ethnographic and linguistic data to evaluate archaeological interpretations of pan-regional connectivity in Northwest Mexico and beyond. Despite early interest in the archaeology of Northwest Mexico, which began in the waning years of the nineteenth century, research has been sporadic particularly in the years following World War II (see Pailes and Carpenter this volume), and this vast region remains one of the least studied and, consequently, most poorly understood areas of the Borderlands and North America as a whole. On the other hand, it lies between two of the most intensively studied regions—Mesoamerica and the US Southwest; as a result, archaeological interpretations have promoted northwestern Mexico as little more than a marginal periphery relative to either northern or southern perspectives. Archaeologists have similarly portrayed this region as a vast hiatus—a "Chichimec Sea", or "despoblado"—sparsely occupied by small bands of impoverished hunter-gatherers (Chichimecs) who effectively separated the complex polities of Mesoamerica from the sedentary farming societies of the US Southwest (Brand 1935:288; McGuire et al. 1994:248; Riley and Hedrick 1978; Sanders and Price 1968:50; Upham 1992:144).
Yet, interregional interaction and integration between Mesoamerica and the American Southwest has long comprised a key issue in the debate over social, political and economic transformations of precolonial Southwestern societies and the development of the northern Mesoamerican frontier. In this regard, Northwest Mexico has been identified as holding "the answer to many important archaeological questions, including Mesoamerican-Southwestern relationships and the expansion...of Mesoamerican civilization" (Meighan 1971:754). The chapters by Mathiowetz and Schaafsma this volume provide excellent examples of the importance of these inferred relationships.
Yet, interregional interaction and integration between Mesoamerica and the American Southwest has long comprised a key issue in the debate over social, political and economic transformations of precolonial Southwestern societies and the development of the northern Mesoamerican frontier. In this regard, Northwest Mexico has been identified as holding "the answer to many important archaeological questions, including Mesoamerican-Southwestern relationships and the expansion...of Mesoamerican civilization" (Meighan 1971:754). The chapters by Mathiowetz and Schaafsma this volume provide excellent examples of the importance of these inferred relationships.
Research Interests:
¿ Cómo puede reconocerse en el registro arqueológico una cultura cuyos miembros hablan el mismo idioma? La suposición de que los rasgos de una serie de materiales culturales representan "culturas" y los postulados que tomaron como base... more
¿ Cómo puede reconocerse en el registro arqueológico una cultura cuyos miembros hablan el mismo idioma? La suposición de que los rasgos de una serie de materiales culturales representan "culturas" y los postulados que tomaron como base las migraciones para explicar la aparición de nuevos conjuntos de rasgos en el registro arqueológico, se "dieron por hecho" durante muchas generaciones de arqueólogos iniciados en el método histórico-cultural (Willey y Sabloff, 1982). Esta idea se está cuestionando porque peca de simplista en sus correlaciones de "etnicidad" basadas en restos materiales y en su estimación de que los cambios culturales internos sólo juegan un pequeño papel (Thompson, 1958; Adams et al., 1978, y Anthony, 1990). Tal reconsideración ha dado como resultado que los arqueólogos reconozcan que mientras algunos rasgos concuerdan con etnicidad, no es muy claro cuáles pueden unirse en casos concretos (Sutton, 1991 ). Mientras que las tradicionales listas de rasgos histórico-culturales han estado fuera de moda por mucho tiempo en la arqueología americana, una nueva generación de "historiadores neo-culturales" con una sólida instrucción antropológica ha comenzado a revivir estudios de correlaciones entre múltiples e independientes líneas de evidencia..
Research Interests:
The state of Sonora, located in northwest Mexico, represents the southernmost nucleus of Clovis cultural development. Clovis is the oldest cultural tradition yet known in the Americas, extending over most of North America and is... more
The state of Sonora, located in northwest Mexico, represents the southernmost nucleus of Clovis cultural development. Clovis is the oldest cultural tradition yet known in the Americas, extending over most of North America and is characterized by the unique lanceolate Clovis projectile point that has been widely dated to the Late Pleistocene. Archaeological investigations over the past 20 years have revealed that around 13,500 years ago the northern half of the state of Sonora was an important Clovis territory (Sanchez 2016:37). Currently, 140 Clovis projectile points have been documented within Sonora; 60 as isolated finds and 80 having been recovered from six sites. A variety of site contexts have been recorded to date, including encampments, lithic quarries, and a gomphothere kill location. In this paper, we describe and characterize the Sonoran Clovis site patterns, along with the organization of lithic technology and the cultural landscape. Based upon this characterization of Sonoran Pleistocene occupation, we can infer patterns potentially applicable to the existing archaeological data from Mesoamerica. Whereas in Sonora and the Southwest USA the Pleistocene inhabitants were affiliated as a group represented by the Clovis cultural tradition, the peopling of Mesoamerica was a complex process involving multiple waves of Pleistocene and Early Holocene period immigrants that adapted to a variety of environments; the small group size and regionalization of the first people of Mesoamerica obscure the identity of the groups for the archaeologist. The first people of Mesoamerica brought with them technologies developed in North America but that were modified to adapt to the neotropics.
Research Interests:
Tradicionalmente el río Mocorito se ha reconocido como marcador de la máxima extensión septentrional de la tradición arqueológica Aztatlán en el Noroeste de México. El registro arqueológico sugiere que existe una continuidad de ocupación... more
Tradicionalmente el río Mocorito se ha reconocido como marcador de la máxima extensión septentrional de la tradición arqueológica Aztatlán en el Noroeste de México. El registro arqueológico sugiere que existe una continuidad de ocupación entre la tradición Aztatlán y los Tahues, el grupo más sureño hablante de cahita, quienes habitaron esta región en el momento del contacto español. Este trabajo explora numerosos datos arqueológicos y etnohistóricos, y sus implicaciones para las inferencias sociopolíticas y económicas de esta continuidad que postulamos. También explora lo que significa esta continuidad cultural para el concepto tradicional de "Aztatlán" y su interpretación.
Research Interests:
Sinaloa es el estado menos estudiado del noroeste de México. El conocimiento de su arqueología va avanzando poco a poco desde las importantes investigaciones realizadas por Isabel Kelly y Gordon Ekholm en la de década de 1930. Aunque... more
Sinaloa es el estado menos estudiado del noroeste de México. El conocimiento de su arqueología va avanzando poco a poco desde las importantes investigaciones realizadas por Isabel Kelly y Gordon Ekholm en la de década de 1930. Aunque geográficamente Sinaloa es parte del Noroeste de México, lo sitios arqueológicos en Sinaloa están incluidos dentro de las tradiciones culturales del Occidente de México ya que comparten estilos de vasijas cerámicas distintivas pintadas con deidades mesoamericanas, algunas pintadas en pseudocloisonné, cascabeles de cobre, y navajas prismáticas. Para muchos arqueólogos el sitio de Guasave, en el norte de Sinaloa, ha servido para marcar la extensión más norteña de Mesoamérica. Clement Meighan identificó a Sinaloa como el espacio que “guarda muchas preguntas arqueológicas importantes, incluyendo las relaciones entre Mesoamérica y el Suroeste y la expansión… de la civilización mesoamericana.” Sin embargo, el considerar Sinaloa solo como parte de la periferia de Mesoamérica o parte del Suroeste de E.U.A. oscurece la identidad propia de las comunidades indígenas prehispánicas que vivieron a lo largo de la planicie costera del noroeste de México. En éste trabajo se enfatiza a esta región por su propia trayectoria cultural como un lugar espacial, ambiental, y culturalmente intermedio entre Mesoamérica/Occidente de México y el Suroeste E.U.A/Noroeste de México.
Research Interests:
Sonora contains abundant archaeological evidence for more-or-less continuous human occupation since the Paleoindian period (circa 13,000 cal B.P.). The subsequent Archaic period (10,000-5,000 cal B.P.) is well represented; Early and... more
Sonora contains abundant archaeological evidence for more-or-less continuous human occupation since the Paleoindian period (circa 13,000 cal B.P.). The subsequent Archaic period (10,000-5,000 cal B.P.) is well represented; Early and Middle Holocene Archaic sites and points are widely distributed throughout the Plains of Sonora subprovince and at shell middens in the central coastal region. Select alluvial floodplains witnessed intensive use during the Early Agricultural period (EAP) (3700–2050 cal B.P.). This synthesis is based predominantly upon research conducted among approximately a dozen sites with dated contexts where Archaic period projectile points have been documented; ranging from the late Pleistocene and continuing through the Early, Middle and Late Holocene, encompassing the Paleoindian and Archaic occupations. We present evidence suggesting that the Early Holocene hunters and gatherers likely evolved directly from the local Clovis tradition in concert with the nascent Sonoran Desert. We propose that the initial bifurcation of Proto-Uto-Aztecan (PUA) into northern (PNUA) and southern (PSUA) families can probably be attributed to the onset of the Altithermal; we suggest that the earliest Archaic groups maintained their closest affinity with Proto-Northern-Uto-Atecan (PNUA) groups throughout the Middle Holocene. We also propose that, following a return to more moderate climatic conditions heralded by the late Holocene, PSUA groups moved out of their presumed heartland in the foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental--in southern Sonora/northern Sinaloa/southwestern Chihuahua--essentially recolonizing the Sonoran Desert and introducing maize as a cultigen.
Research Interests:
In the paradigms that attempt to explain the movement of humans from North to South America, Mexico is identified as a significant region for understanding the colonization of the continent (Aveleyra 1967; Frison 2000; Faught 1996; Hayden... more
In the paradigms that attempt to explain the movement of humans from North to South America, Mexico is identified as a significant region for understanding the colonization of the continent (Aveleyra 1967; Frison 2000; Faught 1996; Hayden 1987; Haynes 1969; Meltzer 1989, 1995, 2009; Owen 1984; Sellars 1952, Stanford 1991; Waters 1985; Wormington 1957). The human occupation of the Terminal Pleistocene/Early Holocene period in Mexico remains poorly known and poorly understood; even though, the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), a governmental federal agency that oversee the archaeology in Mexico, created the Departamento de Prehistoria in 1954 a division devoted to study the colonization of the Continent. Although many archaeological projects were carried out over the 35 years of it existence, very little evidences of the first peoples of the continent was found and investigated. Within the past ten years, much new data on the initial occupations of Mexico has accumulated, in order to evaluate the reported archaeological contexts of late Pleistocene/early Holocene occupations of Mexico, we will use the minimum requirements suggested by Haynes (1969) and Waters (1985:125) for determining early sites: 1) Presence of previously documented diagnostic projectile point types or styles; 2) Stone tools in clear association with extinct Pleistocene fauna; 3) directly dated human bones; and 4) A demonstrated relationship between the artefacts and a well-documented stratigraphic sequence.
Research Interests:
Clovis hunter and gather groups inhabited the Llanos de Hermosillo and surrounding areas of north-central Sonora, Mexico 13,000 years ago. Water, lithic sources and prey animals are the most important commodities for hunter and gather... more
Clovis hunter and gather groups inhabited the Llanos de Hermosillo and surrounding areas of north-central Sonora, Mexico 13,000 years ago. Water, lithic sources and prey animals are the most important commodities for hunter and gather groups. Clovis groups encounter in Sonora a pristine landscape with very little competition, including all the important commodities for survivable; they were able to acquire an extensive knowledge of the landscape and exploit an extensive territory of approximately 25,000 square kilometers. Base upon lithic organization and land use patterns we present some interpretations about the regional integration and interaction of the Sonoran Clovis groups.
Research Interests:
Geographically, the Río Fuerte, in northern Sinaloa, lies on the margins of both the Northwest/Southwest and West Mexican macrotraditions. Since 2004, the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte de Sinaloa (INAH) has carried out the first systematic... more
Geographically, the Río Fuerte, in northern Sinaloa, lies on the margins of both the Northwest/Southwest and West Mexican macrotraditions. Since 2004, the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte de Sinaloa (INAH) has carried out the first systematic archaeological investigations in this region; the results indicate human occupation since at least the Paleo-Indian period, and suggest that both the Huatabampo and Serrana (Río Sonora) archaeological traditions most likely represent differing lowland and highland expressions with a shared origin with strong Mogollon affinities. Interaction with the Aztatlán tradition and participation in the long distance exchange network between West Mexico and the Northwest/Southwest is also evident.
Research Interests:
Investigaciones recientes por parte del Proyecto Arqueológico Norte de Sinaloa (INAH-CONACYT), sugieren que durante el "siglo perdido" se observa una continuidad cultural en la frontera sureña del Noroeste/Suroeste , aunque se observa un... more
Investigaciones recientes por parte del Proyecto Arqueológico Norte de Sinaloa (INAH-CONACYT), sugieren que durante el "siglo perdido" se observa una continuidad cultural en la frontera sureña del Noroeste/Suroeste , aunque se observa un colapso abrupto de la red de intercambio de larga distancia, existe una continuidad de las tradiciones culturales observado en las ttradiciones cerámicas mayores entre las tradiciones de Huatabampo y Serrana (Río Sonora) del prehispánico tardío y el periodo Histórico temprano en el extremo sur de Sonora y el norte de Sinaloa. Proponemos que estas tradiciones forman parte de una extensa tradición cerámica Cahita que seguramente son los ancentros de los numerosos grupos de hablantes de la lengua Cahita documentados por los españoles en el siglo XVI (Ahome, Guasave, Ocoroni, Sinaloa, Tehueco, Zuaque, entre otros) y que actualmente comprenden la comunidad Yoreme (Mayo).
Recent research by the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte de Sinaloa (INAH) suggests that the southern frontier of the Northwest/Southwest during the “Lost Century” that, although an abrupt collapse of the long-distance exchange network is observed, there exists a continuity among cultural traditions and principal ceramic traditions between the Huatabampo and Serrana (Río Sonora) traditions of the late prehistoric period and the early historic period in southernmost Sonora and northern Sinaloa. We propose that these traditions are part of a widespread Cahitan ceramic tradition. We further suggest that the descendants of many of the numerous groups of Cahita speakers documented by the Spaniards in the 16th century (Ahome, Guasave, Ocoroni, Sinaloa, Tehueco, Zuaque, etc.) today comprise part of the contemporary Yoreme (Mayo) community.
Recent research by the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte de Sinaloa (INAH) suggests that the southern frontier of the Northwest/Southwest during the “Lost Century” that, although an abrupt collapse of the long-distance exchange network is observed, there exists a continuity among cultural traditions and principal ceramic traditions between the Huatabampo and Serrana (Río Sonora) traditions of the late prehistoric period and the early historic period in southernmost Sonora and northern Sinaloa. We propose that these traditions are part of a widespread Cahitan ceramic tradition. We further suggest that the descendants of many of the numerous groups of Cahita speakers documented by the Spaniards in the 16th century (Ahome, Guasave, Ocoroni, Sinaloa, Tehueco, Zuaque, etc.) today comprise part of the contemporary Yoreme (Mayo) community.
Research Interests:
"Los artefactos líticos deben ser considerados como la categoría de materiales arqueológicos más importantes para entender los comportamientos humanos, sobre todo en los sitios más antiguos representan el único artefacto que sobrevive la... more
"Los artefactos líticos deben ser considerados como la categoría de materiales arqueológicos más importantes para entender los comportamientos humanos, sobre todo en los sitios más antiguos representan el único artefacto que sobrevive la descomposición del tiempo (Andrefsky 2009:65). La organización de la tecnología lítica es la manera en la cual los talladores y consumidores de herramientas organizan su vida y sus actividades con respecto a su tecnología lítica; la organización de una industria lítica determinada influye directamente en la manera como se conforman las estrategias de adaptación de un grupo y a una escala mayor con el uso de la tierra influenciado por el contexto ambiental, social e histórico (Andrefsky 2009). Un tallador de herramientas líticas diseña en su mente el proyecto o modelo de la herramienta que quiere y necesita hacer, pero el tamaño de la materia prima disponible, su abundancia y calidad a final de cuentas determinan el tipo de herramienta que puede elaborarse, de la misma forma la organización económica y social de un grupo constituyen factores determinantes en las herramientas que se fabrican (Andrefsky 2009, Bleed 1986; Bradbury et al. 2000).
El objetivo principal de este trabajo es presentar una propuesta interpretativa sobre las adaptaciones de larga duración de los grupos humanos que habitaron Sonora utilizando como base la organización de la tecnología lítica, los estilos de puntas de proyectil, el paisaje sonorense y la disponibilidad de ciertos recursos. Esta propuesta es resultado de dos décadas de investigaciones arqueológicas en el Desierto de Sonora y se muestra de una manera general las estrategias adaptativas de los grupos desde que llegaron a Sonora hace 13,000 años.
"
El objetivo principal de este trabajo es presentar una propuesta interpretativa sobre las adaptaciones de larga duración de los grupos humanos que habitaron Sonora utilizando como base la organización de la tecnología lítica, los estilos de puntas de proyectil, el paisaje sonorense y la disponibilidad de ciertos recursos. Esta propuesta es resultado de dos décadas de investigaciones arqueológicas en el Desierto de Sonora y se muestra de una manera general las estrategias adaptativas de los grupos desde que llegaron a Sonora hace 13,000 años.
"
Research Interests:
""Relatively few systematic archaeological investigations have been conducted within the state of Sonora, a region where even the ceramic period traditions remain vaguely defi ned; the Proyecto La Playa, begun in 1995, represents the fi... more
""Relatively few systematic archaeological investigations have been conducted within the state of Sonora, a region where even the ceramic period traditions remain vaguely defi ned; the Proyecto La Playa, begun in 1995, represents the fi rst systematic research concerned with preceramic occupations in Sonora.
In this chapter, we present the environmental and archaeological background relevant to the current research, along with the history of previous
archaeological investigations, and present a tentative regional chronology and cultural–historical model relevant to the Paleo indian and Archaic period occupations of Sonora, Mexico.
Our own interests in the Paleo indian and Archaic occupations of Sonora were kindled over a decade ago, when our research at the predominantly Early Agriculture period/Trincheras tradition site of La Playa (SON F:10:3) demonstrated the presence of signifi cant Archaic period components, along with a Clovis point, bifaces, and partially fossilized antler billets of probable Paleo indian affi liation. Additionally, the remains of numerous species of Pleistocene
fauna (Equus, Camelops, Mammuthus, Bison antiquus, Sigmodon, Cervids, and Antilocapra, along with an exceptional number of tortoises, Gopherus or Hesperatudae) were identifi ed within a Pleistocene paleo sol and the alluvial deposits lying directly above (Carpenter et al. 2005:20; Jim Mead, pers. comm. 2003).
In the late 1990s, we initiated a project to identify and document Paleoindian artifacts within both museum collections and private collections, along with a concerted effort to relocate and document the known locales suggesting probable Paleo indian contexts. Since 2003, we have coordinated a systematic
geoarchaeological Paleo indian research program, with funding provided by the Argonaut Archaeological Research Fund (AARF) from the University of Arizona, and with the cooperation of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH).""
In this chapter, we present the environmental and archaeological background relevant to the current research, along with the history of previous
archaeological investigations, and present a tentative regional chronology and cultural–historical model relevant to the Paleo indian and Archaic period occupations of Sonora, Mexico.
Our own interests in the Paleo indian and Archaic occupations of Sonora were kindled over a decade ago, when our research at the predominantly Early Agriculture period/Trincheras tradition site of La Playa (SON F:10:3) demonstrated the presence of signifi cant Archaic period components, along with a Clovis point, bifaces, and partially fossilized antler billets of probable Paleo indian affi liation. Additionally, the remains of numerous species of Pleistocene
fauna (Equus, Camelops, Mammuthus, Bison antiquus, Sigmodon, Cervids, and Antilocapra, along with an exceptional number of tortoises, Gopherus or Hesperatudae) were identifi ed within a Pleistocene paleo sol and the alluvial deposits lying directly above (Carpenter et al. 2005:20; Jim Mead, pers. comm. 2003).
In the late 1990s, we initiated a project to identify and document Paleoindian artifacts within both museum collections and private collections, along with a concerted effort to relocate and document the known locales suggesting probable Paleo indian contexts. Since 2003, we have coordinated a systematic
geoarchaeological Paleo indian research program, with funding provided by the Argonaut Archaeological Research Fund (AARF) from the University of Arizona, and with the cooperation of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH).""
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Sinaloa remains the least studied of the four states comprising mainland northwest Mexico. Although considered geographically as part of northwest Mexico, Sinaloa is simultaneously include within West Mexico, and the Guasave site has... more
Sinaloa remains the least studied of the four states comprising mainland northwest Mexico. Although considered geographically as part of northwest Mexico, Sinaloa is simultaneously include within West Mexico, and the Guasave site has traditionally served as the northwesternmost extension of the Mesoamerican frontier. Most previous models articulate this are with nuclear Mesoamerica via exchange systems modeled after Aztec pochteca or incorporate elements of Wallestein's (1974) world systems. However, these models ultimately serve to obscure the indigenous character of the prehispanic peoples who occupied the northwest coastal plain. Instead of concentrating on the distribution of a few isolated traits, this chapter directs attention to the complete range of social, political, and economic dimensions evidence in the archaeological record, supporting the interpretation of this region as one that was spatially, environmentally, and culturaly intermediate between Mesoamerica and the Northwest/Southwest.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Almost 60 years ago, Gordon F. Ekholm, under the auspices of the American Museum of Natural History, embarked upon the ambitious endeavor of documenting the archaeological remains lying between the U.S.-Mexican border and the Mesoamerican... more
Almost 60 years ago, Gordon F. Ekholm, under the auspices of the American Museum of Natural History, embarked upon the ambitious endeavor of documenting the archaeological remains lying between the U.S.-Mexican border and the Mesoamerican frontier. Today, these data remain among the most significant yet gathered for northwestern Mexico. This paper acknowledges the important contribution of the Sonora-Sinaloa Archaeological Project and seeks to demonstrate the value of conducting research with existing museum collections which have oftewn been collected at great expense of time and money.
Research Interests:
Obsidian provenance data plays a central role in reconstructions of patterns of interaction and trade in the North American Southwest. Unfortunately, there has been much less investment in obsidian provenance studies in the southern... more
Obsidian provenance data plays a central role in reconstructions of patterns of interaction and trade in the North American Southwest. Unfortunately, there has been much less investment in obsidian provenance studies in the southern portion of this region, pertaining to Northwest Mexico, with the Sierra Madre Occidental and coastal regions of Sonora being acutely understudied. This study presents data on 338 specimens recovered in the former and offers a first glimpse of patterns from the late-precolonial era to historic period. We also report a characterization of one newly discovered source in this region, El Colorín de Jecota. Interpretations remain hampered by a significant number of "unknowns". Patterns of obsidian transport contribute substantially to present interpretations that trade relationships were highly balkanized with communities evidencing variable levels of source diversity and procurement strategies that do not uniformly reflect a prioritization of spatial propinquity.
Research Interests:
This article summarizes recent work at the site of Las Chachalacas, located in the Municipio of Quiriego, southern Sonora. Set within the western foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental, Las Chachalacas was adjacent to an arroyo that... more
This article summarizes recent work at the site of Las Chachalacas, located in the Municipio of Quiriego, southern Sonora. Set within the western foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental, Las Chachalacas was adjacent to an arroyo that periodically became impounded, producing a marsh like environment. Stratigraphic associations and a minimal number of 14 C dates suggest the site was regularly utilized from the terminal Pleistocene through the Early Agricultural period. Results contribute to several enduring debates in the North American Southwest regarding Pleistocene landscape use, demographic continuity through the Holocene Climatic Optimum (7500-5000 cal BP), the sequence of mobility and subsistence changes in the Archaic/ Early Agricultural periods, and the identities of the earliest farmers indexed by material culture such as projectile points. Este artículo resume trabajos recientemente realizados en el sitio Las Chachalacas, ubicado en el Municipio de Quiriego, al sur de Sonora. Situado en las estribaciones occidentales de la Sierra Madre Occidental, el sitio las Chachalacas se localizabaadyacente a un arroyo que periódicamente quedaba embalsado, produciendo una ciénega. Las asociaciones estratigráficas y un número mínimo de fechamientos por 14C indican que
Research Interests:
Recent research conducted in southern Sonora, Mexico provides an opportunity to revisit debates about interaction between Mesoamerica and the North American Southwest (NAS). In the borderland between these traditions, communities show few... more
Recent research conducted in southern Sonora, Mexico provides an opportunity to revisit debates about interaction between Mesoamerica and the North American Southwest (NAS). In the borderland between these traditions, communities show few signs of cultural amalgamation, instead exhibiting either an avoidance of overt identity markers or an emphasis on more local connections. This pattern contrasts with most discussions of Mesoamerican influence on the NAS that focus on regionally atypical centers of foreign goods consumption or evidence of foreign religious traditions in distant localities. By recentering on local contexts where cultural amalgamation is expected but minimal, we raise important questions about why more distant groups found Mesoamerican societies to be worthy of emulation. The results suggest researchers should devote equal attention to cases in which distinct identities are erased or suppressed as they do to cases in which social boundaries are maintained or created anew.
Research Interests:
The Huatabampo tradition was first defined by Gordon Ekholm, in 1938, and refers to those sites in the coastal plain in northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora lacking architecture but containing well-manufactured plain ceramics with complex... more
The Huatabampo tradition was first defined by Gordon Ekholm, in 1938, and refers to those sites in the coastal plain in northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora lacking architecture but containing well-manufactured plain ceramics with complex shapes. Recent investigations in the region are helping to refine the chronology, geographical extension, cultural attributes, and ethnicity. With 20 radiocarbon dates, we can place this tradition as spanning from 200 BC to AD 1450. The maximum geographical extension ranges from the Middle Rio Yaqui in the north to the Rio San Lorenzo in Sinaloa. The associated sites of this complex are represented by dispersed houses, indicative of ranchería-type settlements, funerary mounds, shell middens, and petroglyph sites. At about AD 1150, Aztatlán pottery and other commodities from southern Sinaloa were incorporated mostly as mortuary offerings. We also provide evidence that the Huatabampo archaeological tradition is a local culture representing the occupation of the Cahitan-speaking groups, Yoremem/Mayos and Yoemem/Yaquis, of the coastal plain.
Resumen
La tradición Huatabampo fue definida por primera vez por Gordon Ekholm, en 1938, y se refiere a aquellos sitios en la planicie costera en el norte de Sinaloa y el sur de Sonora que carecen de arquitectura pero que contienen cerámica lisa fina con formas complejas. Investigaciones recientes en la región están ayudando a refinar la cronología, la extensión geográfica, los atributos culturales y la etnicidad. Con 20 fechas de radiocarbono, podemos colocar esta tradición que abarca desde 200 aC hasta 1450 dC. La extensión geográfica máxima se extiende desde el Medio Río Yaqui en el norte hasta el Río San Lorenzo en Sinaloa. Los sitios asociados de este complejo están representados por casas dispersas, indicativas de rancherías, montículos funerarios, concheros y sitios de petrograbados. Alrededor del año 1150 DC, cerámica Aztatlán y otros productos del sur de Sinaloa se incorporaron principalmente como ofrendas mortuorias. También proporcionamos evidencia de que la tradición arqueológica de Huatabampo es una cultura local que representa la ocupación de los grupos de habla cahita; Yoremem / Mayos y Yoemem / Yaquis, de la planicie costera del sur de Sonora y Norte de Sinaloa.
Resumen
La tradición Huatabampo fue definida por primera vez por Gordon Ekholm, en 1938, y se refiere a aquellos sitios en la planicie costera en el norte de Sinaloa y el sur de Sonora que carecen de arquitectura pero que contienen cerámica lisa fina con formas complejas. Investigaciones recientes en la región están ayudando a refinar la cronología, la extensión geográfica, los atributos culturales y la etnicidad. Con 20 fechas de radiocarbono, podemos colocar esta tradición que abarca desde 200 aC hasta 1450 dC. La extensión geográfica máxima se extiende desde el Medio Río Yaqui en el norte hasta el Río San Lorenzo en Sinaloa. Los sitios asociados de este complejo están representados por casas dispersas, indicativas de rancherías, montículos funerarios, concheros y sitios de petrograbados. Alrededor del año 1150 DC, cerámica Aztatlán y otros productos del sur de Sinaloa se incorporaron principalmente como ofrendas mortuorias. También proporcionamos evidencia de que la tradición arqueológica de Huatabampo es una cultura local que representa la ocupación de los grupos de habla cahita; Yoremem / Mayos y Yoemem / Yaquis, de la planicie costera del sur de Sonora y Norte de Sinaloa.
Research Interests:
La tradición prehispánica Huatabampo/Cahita se encuentra en una zona de frontera entre dos macro tradiciones. No cabe duda de que representa los ancestros de los yoremes y yoemes; organizados en aldeas de agricultores, pero que... more
La tradición prehispánica Huatabampo/Cahita se encuentra en una zona de frontera entre dos macro tradiciones. No cabe duda de que representa los ancestros de los yoremes y yoemes; organizados en aldeas de agricultores, pero que completaban su dieta con plantas y animales silvestres y recursos del mar. Un sofisticado sistema religioso y político los unía como grupo étnico. No cabe duda de que redes sociales de larga distancia permitían el movimiento de productos, ideas y creencias a lo largo del territorio cahíta; pero estas interacciones ocurrían sin la imposición de un poder estatal, y eran empleadas por caciques locales para legitimar su poder en sociedades con raíces profundas en la región.
Research Interests:
This article revises the spatial and temporal boundaries of the Casas Grandes tradition associated with northwest Chihuahua, Mexico, based on new data collected in neighboring northeastern Sonora. The Casas Grandes tradition attained its... more
This article revises the spatial and temporal boundaries of the Casas Grandes tradition associated with northwest Chihuahua, Mexico, based on new data collected in neighboring northeastern Sonora. The Casas Grandes tradition attained its greatest extent during the Medio period (AD 1200-1450/1500) followed by a dramatic demographic and political collapse. Huntergatherer groups subsequently occupied most of northwest Chihuahua. Data from the Fronteras Valley, Sonora, presents an alternative scenario, with a clear pattern of cultural continuity from the eleventh century to the colonial period in which sedentary farmers occupied the same landscapes and occasionally the same villages. These observations contribute to our understanding of the spread and subsequent demise of the Casas Grandes tradition in hinterland regions. For the Fronteras Valley, we infer that immigrant groups originally introduced Casas Grandes traditions and that uneven participation in a suite of shared religious beliefs and practices was common to all the hinterlands.
Research Interests:
In Mexico, archaeological heritage belongs to all members of society, according to section XXV of Article 73 of the Mexican Constitution and Article 27 of the federal law on monuments and archaeological sites. The Instituto Nacional de... more
In Mexico, archaeological heritage belongs to all members of society, according to section XXV of Article 73 of the Mexican Constitution and Article 27 of the federal law on monuments and archaeological sites. The Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) was founded in 1939 as a federal government agency for the research, protection, and dissemination of archaeological heritage. Although this heritage belongs to all, stringent rules and procedures create an unequal relationship between career professionals and the diverse communities interested in the past (i.e., collectors, local museums, descendant communities). It is long due to begin practicing an inclusive archaeology that considers all the various knowledge systems (i.e., academic, technical, local, and traditional) of the communities interested in the past. Here, we describe case studies from Sonora, Mexico, to propose the implementation of several far-reaching activities with artifact collectors, Indigenous communities, researchers, archaeologists, and INAH Sonora authorities. Our pilot proposal needs to be implemented in other areas of Mexico that continue to prioritize archaeological narratives over other narratives about our past.
Research Interests:
The pedological cover of the state of Sonora, in northern Mexico, is predominantly composed of moderately developed red soils that evidence processes of weathering, humification, rubification, neoformation of clay, and carbonation,... more
The pedological cover of the state of Sonora, in northern Mexico, is predominantly composed of moderately developed red soils that evidence processes of weathering, humification, rubification, neoformation of clay, and carbonation, classified as Cambisols according to the WRB. These soils constitute a pedological unit denominated the San Rafael Paleosol (SRP). In contrast, gray soils are recorded in some sites located in semi-closed basins and are characterized by processes of weathering, neoformation of clay, reductomorphism and carbonation. These soils developed during the late Pleistocene under a semi-arid and cold climate, slightly more humid than the present one, with winter dominant rains, and marked seasonal changes. These paleosols are associated with remnants of Pleistocene Rancholabrean fauna of diverse composition, associated with arid and humid climates, demonstrating local climatic variations much more complex than at present. This paper evaluates the physical, chemical...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This article summarizes research conducted in the Sahuaripa and Bacanora valleys of Sonora, Mexico. Located in the Serrana culture area of the Sierra Madre Occidental, data from this region speaks to several prevalent debates regarding... more
This article summarizes research conducted in the Sahuaripa and Bacanora valleys of Sonora, Mexico. Located in the Serrana culture area of the Sierra Madre Occidental, data from this region speaks to several prevalent debates regarding the precolonial era of Northwest Mexico. Radiocarbon dates support demographic reconstructions for sizeable populations post-1000 AD; a time when other regions of the Northwest/Southwest (NW/SW) experienced significant demographic changes. Material cultural patterns reflect substantial local and regional connections with neighboring Río Sonora groups and Huatabampo. Recovered polychrome ceramics demonstrate long-distance connections with Casas Grandes, and obsidian data reflect connections to the Sonora and other neighboring valleys. These data indicate the Sahuaripa Valley participated in a corridor of exchange, which potentially included interaction between Casas Grandes and West Mexico. These observations are relevant to macro-scale patterns of interaction in the late-precolonial NW/SW.
Research Interests:
Northern Mexico is predominantly composed of moderately developed red soils that provide evidence of weathering, rubification, neoformation of clay, and pedogenic carbonate accumulation. These soils constitute a pedological unit named San... more
Northern Mexico is predominantly composed of moderately developed red soils that provide evidence of weathering, rubification, neoformation of clay, and pedogenic carbonate accumulation. These soils constitute a pedological unit named San Rafael Paleosol (SRP) which were developed during the late Pleistocene (MIS 2) to the middle Holocene (15,000-4500 cal years BP). These paleosols can use as a chronologic marker at a regional scale. In this paper, we present a pedogenic interpretation of the paleosol-sedimentary processes during the late Quaternary, which contributes to the reconstruction of regional paleoenvironment. The development of SRP takes place over more than 15,000 years, and this pedogenesis is interrupted by stages of strong climatic instability, causing erosion of the SRP and sedimentation, presumably during the Altithermal. The records of La Playa show that SRP is buried by fluvial sediments, which include different facies. These sedimentation events are associated with the end of the Altithermal period and evidence more active geomorphic processes. These conditions are also observed at El Gramal, where dune sediments overly the SRP. This discontinuity evidence an intense erosional/sedimentation phase. In the particular case of El Fin del Mundo site, it is observed more mesic conditions as the water table rose, creating a wetland. Much of the synchronous variation in the morphology of the paleosols (pedofacies) can be explained by differences in local geomorphological conditions. These palaoesols developed under a semi-arid climate, slightly more humid than the present one with winter dominant rains and marked seasonal changes. These assumptions are supported by soil micromorphology, physical characteristics (color, grain size distribution) and composition of total organic and inorganic carbon. Additional paleoenvir-onmental information is also extracted from microbiomorphic analyses and diatoms assemblages from the one profile at El Fin del Mundo site.
Research Interests:
In the early development of the obsidian hydration dating technique it was recognized that chemical composition and temperature had a strong affect on the rate of hydration (Friedman and Smith 1960; Aiello 1969). As a result, hydration... more
In the early development of the obsidian hydration dating technique it was recognized that chemical composition and temperature had a strong affect on the rate of hydration (Friedman and Smith 1960; Aiello 1969). As a result, hydration rates were developed through correlation with radiocarbon dates for individual obsidian sources within a specific
region where temperatures were nearly uniform (Johnson 1968; Minor 1977). Further research resulted in the development of laboratory methods of rate determination (Ambrose 1976; Friedman and Long 1976; Michels et al. 1983). From a methodological standpoint these approaches are superior to correlation with radiocarbon dates because
problems of artefact association are avoided and rates are developed in such a manner that they can be directly related to temperature by means of the Arrhenius equation.This revised approach to obsidian hydration dating has stimulated research into laboratory methods of rate determination and techniques of estimating subsurface oil temperatures. In this paper we assess the ability of accelerated rate development methods to develop hydration rate constants at elevated temperatures and pressures and evaluate the potential of a heat flow model for estimating the temperature at different depths within the
soil.
region where temperatures were nearly uniform (Johnson 1968; Minor 1977). Further research resulted in the development of laboratory methods of rate determination (Ambrose 1976; Friedman and Long 1976; Michels et al. 1983). From a methodological standpoint these approaches are superior to correlation with radiocarbon dates because
problems of artefact association are avoided and rates are developed in such a manner that they can be directly related to temperature by means of the Arrhenius equation.This revised approach to obsidian hydration dating has stimulated research into laboratory methods of rate determination and techniques of estimating subsurface oil temperatures. In this paper we assess the ability of accelerated rate development methods to develop hydration rate constants at elevated temperatures and pressures and evaluate the potential of a heat flow model for estimating the temperature at different depths within the
soil.
Research Interests:
Investigaciones arqueológicas realizadas por el Centro INAH Sinaloa, con estudiantes de la ENAH y la UDLA, entre los meses de enero y junio de 2005, tuvieron como resultado el registro de 13 sitios arqueológicos nuevos en los municipios... more
Investigaciones arqueológicas realizadas por el Centro INAH Sinaloa, con estudiantes de la ENAH y la UDLA, entre los meses de enero y junio de 2005, tuvieron como resultado el registro de 13 sitios arqueológicos nuevos en los municipios de El Fuerte y Choix; como parte de un estudio de factibilidad para la construcción de una línea eléctrica entre la presa Miguel Hidalgo y el predio de la mina Álamo Dorado (de la Minera Corner Bay S.A. de C. V.), ubicado en el municipio de Álamos, Sonora. Excavaciones en el sitio de Buyubampo y La Viuda en el municipio de Choix revelan que fueron sitios importantes en la integración e integración regional y en la red de intercambio de larga distancia entre Aztatlán, paquime y el Suroeste de EUA. https://mediateca.inah.gob.mx/repositorio/islandora/object/articulo%3A19166
Research Interests:
The activities carried out by preindustrial agricultural societies, are not usually considered as important factors of soil degradation. Nonetheless, repetitive human daily activities for hundreds of years can substantially transform the... more
The activities carried out by preindustrial agricultural societies, are not usually considered as important factors of soil degradation. Nonetheless, repetitive human daily activities for hundreds of years can substantially transform the natural properties of the soils. At the site of La Playa, Mexico, the activities of early farmers modified the landscape and had an important role in the physical transformations of the natural soil features. This paper depicts the characteristics of La Playa paleosols, which was the living surface of the Early Agriculture Period community (40001800 cal. years BP) and we discuss the influence of daily subsistence activities on the soil. The soil features (structuring, differentiation of horizons, texture--in field and laboratory, color, porosity, stoniness, magnetic properties, organic carbon content, carbonation, presence of cutans, nodules and / or concretions, among other pedological features) of three profiles with pedosediments (paleosols interbedded with sediments) formed during late Holocene are discussed.
Our study suggest that La Playa Fluvisols are poorly developed and were formed with alluvial deposits (largely composed of reworked soils). The pedogenic properties indicate an overlapping developed during short time periods of stability, under arid conditions of the last 4000 years. The uniformity of the features in all the studied profiles indicate similar pedogenetic conditions across the site area. The micromorphological and magnetic properties clearly show that the soil was deeply disturbed by human activities, mainly by roasting features to process food, crematories and grave digging to bury the death and removing soil for several agricultural activities.
Our study suggest that La Playa Fluvisols are poorly developed and were formed with alluvial deposits (largely composed of reworked soils). The pedogenic properties indicate an overlapping developed during short time periods of stability, under arid conditions of the last 4000 years. The uniformity of the features in all the studied profiles indicate similar pedogenetic conditions across the site area. The micromorphological and magnetic properties clearly show that the soil was deeply disturbed by human activities, mainly by roasting features to process food, crematories and grave digging to bury the death and removing soil for several agricultural activities.
Research Interests:
The pedological cover of the state of Sonora, in northern Mexico, is predominantly composed of moderately developed red soils that evidence processes of weathering, humification, rubification, neoformation of clay, and carbonation,... more
The pedological cover of the state of Sonora, in northern Mexico, is predominantly composed of moderately developed red soils that evidence processes of weathering, humification, rubification, neoformation of clay, and carbonation, classified as Cambisols according to the WRB. These soils constitute a pedological unit denominated the San Rafael Paleosol (SRP). In contrast, gray soils are recorded in some sites located in semi-closed basins and are characterized by processes of weathering, neoformation of clay, reductomorphism and carbonation. These soils developed during the late Pleistocene under a semi-arid and cold climate, slightly more humid than the present one, with winter dominant rains, and marked seasonal changes. These paleosols are associated with remnants of Pleistocene Rancholabrean fauna of diverse composition, associated with arid and humid climates, demonstrating local climatic variations much more complex than at present. This paper evaluates the physical, chemical and micromorphological attributes of paleosols located in the San Francisco and El Arenoso ranches in the north of Sonora. The analyses are undertaken in order to identify the main pedogenetic processes and to establish the predominant environmental conditions during their formation, specifically the particular characteristics associated with semi-enclosed basins that allowed the accumulation of water and the formation of ponds. At both sites remains of Pleistocene megafauna have been found associated with paleosols. These results are contrasted with previous paleopedological studies and the paleontological record, permitting a broader discussion of regional paleoclimatic trends. RESUMEN La cubierta edáfica del estado de Sonora, en el norte de México, está formada predominantemente por suelos rojos de desarrollo moderado, con procesos de intemperismo, humificación, rubificación, neoformación de arcillas y carbonatación, clasificados como Cambisoles según la WRB, que constituyen una unidad edáfica denominada Paleosuelo San Rafael (SRP). Sin embargo, en algunos sitios se han registrado suelos grises formados en cuencas semicerradas, con procesos de intemperismo, neoformación de arcillas, reductomorfía y carbonatación. Estos suelos se desarrollaron durante el Pleistoceno Superior bajo un clima semiárido y frío, un poco más húmedo que el actual, favorecido por las lluvias invernales y cambios estacionales marcados. Estos paleosuelos se encuentran asociados a restos de fauna pleistocénica rancholabreana de composición diversa, asociada a climas tanto áridos como húmedos, lo que muestra variaciones climáticas locales mucho más complejas que en la actualidad. Con la intención de establecer las características particulares de los paleosuelos formados en cuencas semicerradas que pudieron permitir la acumulación de agua y la formación de estanques, se evaluaron las características físicas, químicas y micromorfológicas de los
Research Interests:
Results from the analysis of faunal remains collected from the archaeological site La Playa, Sonora, Mexico, constitute the focus of this paper. Based on the identi-fi cations of the archaeozoological material, the subsistence practices... more
Results from the analysis of faunal remains collected from the archaeological site La Playa, Sonora, Mexico, constitute the focus of this paper. Based on the identi-fi cations of the archaeozoological material, the subsistence practices (mobility to hunt preys, resources diversity and organization to obtain them) of the population who inhabited La Playa in the Early Agricultural period (1500/800 B.C.– A.D. 200) were determined. It seems from the results that La Playa was a location that offered to humans a wide range of resources without having to travel very far. Mammals are the focus: Antelope Jackrabbit and Mule Deer make up the most abundant species in the sample. The group of birds was not part of the food resources: it was used for ritual purposes. River fi sh are poorly represented in the sample of La Playa. This is a common and extensive pattern for the sites from the Early Agricultural period in Arizona. It is possible that the population did not need to create a specifi c technology to hunt these kinds of animals. Even though the agriculture was important for subsistence, hunting continues to be a crucial part of food resources. RESUMEN Los resultados del estudio de los restos óseos de animales recolectados en el Sitio Arque-ológico La Playa son el principal tema de este artículo. Con base en la identifi cación del material arqueozoológico, se determinaron las prácticas de subsistencia (el tipo de movili-dad para obtener los alimentos, la diversidad de los recursos empleados y la organización para conseguirlos) de los habitantes de La Playa en el período de Agricultura Temprana (1500/800 a.C.–200 d.C.). De acuerdo con los resultados, La Playa fue un lugar que ofreció a la población humana recursos zoológicos abundantes sin tener que viajar muy lejos. La población se enfocó en el grupo de mamíferos: la Liebre antílope y el Venado bura fueron las especies más abundantes en la muestra. El grupo de las aves no formó parte de la alimentación: fue utilizado para fi nes rituales. Los peces de río están poco representados en la muestra de La Playa, patrón recurrente y extensivo a sitios del período Agricultura Temprana de Arizona. Probablemente no existió la necesidad de crear una tecnología específi ca para cazar estos grupos de animales. Asimismo, aunque la agricultura era un componente básico en la subsistencia, la caza continúa siendo crucial en la alimentación. kiva 77-1.indd 33 kiva 77-1.indd 33 7/12/11 3:53 PM 7/12/11 3:53 PM
Research Interests:
Results from the analysis of 313 bones of the Red-tailed- Hawk, Buteo jamaicensis, form the focus of this paper. The bones represent at least 10 individuals and were collected from the archaeological site La Playa, Sonora, Mexico. Based... more
Results from the analysis of 313 bones of the Red-tailed- Hawk, Buteo jamaicensis, form the focus of this paper. The bones represent at least 10 individuals and were collected from the archaeological site La Playa, Sonora, Mexico. Based on the body part distribution and the context of their discovery, it is proposed that these birds have been deposited in graves as bundles. Such ritual practices were widespread among the native cultures from the south-western United States. The Sonoran specimens, however, give reason form believing that this kind of practise was also known among early sedentary groups living in north-western Mexico, a case which from this region and cultural context would have been evidenced for the first time.
Research Interests:
The INAH Proyecto Salvamento Arqueologico La Playa began in the early spring of 1995 with the primary objective of salvaging the innumerable artifacts and features threatened with imminent destruction from the massive and extensive sheet... more
The INAH Proyecto Salvamento Arqueologico La Playa began in the early spring of 1995 with the primary objective of salvaging the innumerable artifacts and features threatened with imminent destruction from the massive and extensive sheet and gully erosion of the Río Boquillas alluvial floodplain. These early years were almost entirely funded out-of-pocket by Elisa Villalpando, Guadalupe Sanchez, and John Carpenter, along with small grants from the Laboratory of Isotope Geochemistry University of Arizona (U of A) and the Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society (AAHS). Fieldwork was carried out intermittently over long weekends and on holidays throughout the year with the invaluable help of numerous volunteers.
From those modest beginnings, the Proyecto Arqueologico La Playa evolved into a interdisciplinary and multi-thematic research project, involving several professional colleagues, principally from the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) and the University of Arizona, as well as a number of undergraduate and graduate students from universities in Mexico, the US, and the UK. To date, the project has produced a minimum of nine undergraduate Licenciatura theses (Universidad de las Américas, Puebla and the Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia), seven MA theses (UA and University of York), and one Ph.D. (University of Nevada-Las Vegas). The La Playa site, reflects an archaeological landscape encompassing 10 square kilometers located in northern Sonora, Mexico, and exhibits archaeological evidence of continuous human use since the Paleoindian period (circa 13,000 years ago), but it’s most intensive use was during the Early Agricultural period (3700–2050 cal BP).
During the Early Agricultural Period (EAP) humans began to manipulate their environment in significant ways related to agricultural production. La Playa contains an extensive paleo-climatological record and the remains of massive prehistoric irrigation systems. Ongoing geoarchaeological investigations at the site contribute greatly to our understanding of this intensively manipulated landscape and model the history of climate change that brackets the EAP and the agricultural system that shaped the landscape. Measurable climate change marks the beginning and end of the EAP in the Sonoran Desert; a period characterized by the development and implementation of a sustainable model of agriculture that led to significant population growth and cultural development in the Trincheras, Sonora region.
From those modest beginnings, the Proyecto Arqueologico La Playa evolved into a interdisciplinary and multi-thematic research project, involving several professional colleagues, principally from the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) and the University of Arizona, as well as a number of undergraduate and graduate students from universities in Mexico, the US, and the UK. To date, the project has produced a minimum of nine undergraduate Licenciatura theses (Universidad de las Américas, Puebla and the Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia), seven MA theses (UA and University of York), and one Ph.D. (University of Nevada-Las Vegas). The La Playa site, reflects an archaeological landscape encompassing 10 square kilometers located in northern Sonora, Mexico, and exhibits archaeological evidence of continuous human use since the Paleoindian period (circa 13,000 years ago), but it’s most intensive use was during the Early Agricultural period (3700–2050 cal BP).
During the Early Agricultural Period (EAP) humans began to manipulate their environment in significant ways related to agricultural production. La Playa contains an extensive paleo-climatological record and the remains of massive prehistoric irrigation systems. Ongoing geoarchaeological investigations at the site contribute greatly to our understanding of this intensively manipulated landscape and model the history of climate change that brackets the EAP and the agricultural system that shaped the landscape. Measurable climate change marks the beginning and end of the EAP in the Sonoran Desert; a period characterized by the development and implementation of a sustainable model of agriculture that led to significant population growth and cultural development in the Trincheras, Sonora region.
Research Interests:
In the state of Sonora, Northwest Mexico we have recognized the existence of paleosol units of Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene age (13,000 to 10,500 Cal years BP) at several archaeological sites with Paleo-indian occupation (e.g. La... more
In the state of Sonora, Northwest Mexico we have recognized the existence of paleosol units of Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene age (13,000 to 10,500 Cal years BP) at several archaeological sites with Paleo-indian occupation (e.g. La Playa, Fin del Mundo, El Bajio, El Aigame and El Arenoso). The few paleoenviromental reconstructions from the region indicate that the end of the Pleistocene was dominated by temperate climate that promoted the establishment of the first people in coexistence and interaction with the Pleistocene megafauna (later extinct). The study of the spatial distribution of various soil units developed during late Pleistocene in the region provides information about local environmental settings of the initial peopling of Sonora. Several pedosedimentary sequences were analyzed in the different parts of the Sonora state, the age control in which was provided by archaeological and paleontological findings and/or by the radiocarbon dating of carbonates and paleosol humus.
So far two trends of the Late Pleistocene pedogenesis have been identified. The profiles located in the south, center and north of the state are dominated by red soils (earlier referred as Big Red in the archaeological literature) whose characteristics are represented by the Red San Rafael Paleosol (SRP) –identified at the archaeological site of La Playa. The properties of SRP in the lower part of the profile (e.g. rubification, accumulation of clay, higher values of magnetic susceptibility, illuvial carbonates, and redoximorphic features) are indicative of a more humid environment. Above them is a late Holocene polycyclic sequence of soils with morphological characteristics display a more incipient development.
In contrast with the sequence described above at El Arenoso, north of Caborca, were identified sequence of gray soils. Two paleo-soil were formed in an alluvial sediments. At the Cantera profile (CTP) and El Arenoso profile (ARP) paleosols are represented by Bgk horizons and evidence of weathering and neoformation of clay and amorphous silica, redoximorphic processes and illuvial accumulation of carbonates. We explain the differences of north-western profiles by specific geomorphic conditions which imply limited soil drainage and possibility of overmoisturing. These processes indicate alternating a humid environment (indicated by the mineral weathering, rubification, clay formation and reductomorphic processes); and dry periods (with possible accumulation of carbonates). Despite regional differences of the late Pleistocene paleosols, the comparison with the Holocene soils demonstrate clear trend towards desertification in the region. The first people that inhabit Sonora during late Pleistocene times found a more tempered and better weather that they encounter in the north, but the next generations saw a rapid aridity of the region with the formation of the Sonoran Desert in early Holocene times.
So far two trends of the Late Pleistocene pedogenesis have been identified. The profiles located in the south, center and north of the state are dominated by red soils (earlier referred as Big Red in the archaeological literature) whose characteristics are represented by the Red San Rafael Paleosol (SRP) –identified at the archaeological site of La Playa. The properties of SRP in the lower part of the profile (e.g. rubification, accumulation of clay, higher values of magnetic susceptibility, illuvial carbonates, and redoximorphic features) are indicative of a more humid environment. Above them is a late Holocene polycyclic sequence of soils with morphological characteristics display a more incipient development.
In contrast with the sequence described above at El Arenoso, north of Caborca, were identified sequence of gray soils. Two paleo-soil were formed in an alluvial sediments. At the Cantera profile (CTP) and El Arenoso profile (ARP) paleosols are represented by Bgk horizons and evidence of weathering and neoformation of clay and amorphous silica, redoximorphic processes and illuvial accumulation of carbonates. We explain the differences of north-western profiles by specific geomorphic conditions which imply limited soil drainage and possibility of overmoisturing. These processes indicate alternating a humid environment (indicated by the mineral weathering, rubification, clay formation and reductomorphic processes); and dry periods (with possible accumulation of carbonates). Despite regional differences of the late Pleistocene paleosols, the comparison with the Holocene soils demonstrate clear trend towards desertification in the region. The first people that inhabit Sonora during late Pleistocene times found a more tempered and better weather that they encounter in the north, but the next generations saw a rapid aridity of the region with the formation of the Sonoran Desert in early Holocene times.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Arqueológicamente, el estado de Sinaloa confluye en los límites de dos de las macrotradiciones culturales más importantes de Norteamérica: Mesoamérica y Suroeste de los EUA-Noroeste de México. Esto ha encasillado a las culturas... more
Arqueológicamente, el estado de Sinaloa confluye en los límites de dos de las macrotradiciones culturales más importantes de Norteamérica:
Mesoamérica y Suroeste de los EUA-Noroeste de México. Esto ha encasillado a las culturas prehispánicas sinaloenses
como grupos marginales con desarrollo social inferior a las grandes culturas prehispánicas o peor aún como salvajes chichimecas. Sin
embargo, diversas investigaciones han aportado suficiente información que permite reposicionar y reevaluar el papel que las culturas
prehispánicas del norte de Sinaloa desempeñaron en el proceso de interacción cultural a nivel regional. Durante el periodo cerámico
las sociedades prehispánicas del norte de Sinaloa y sur de Sonora se enriquecieron con la adaptación de elementos culturales provenientes
de tradiciones culturales del norte y occidente, principalmente de la tradición Aztatlán, Río Sonora y Huatabampo. En este
artículo se aborda la problemática con respecto a la conformación social de la tradición arqueológica Cáhita durante el periodo cerámico
(200 d.C.-1532 d.C.).
Abstract
Archaeologically, the state of Sinaloa lies at the confluence of two important cultural macrotraditions of North America: Mesoamerica
and the US Southwest/Mexican Northwest. This has rendered the prehispanic cultures of Sinaloa as marginal with social developments
inferior to the great prehispanic civilizations or, even worse, as savage Chichimecs. However, recent research has provided
sufficient information that allows us to reevaluate the role played by prehispanic cultures of northern Sinaloa in the process of cultural
innovation at a regional scale. During the ceramic period prehispanic societies of northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora grew more
complex by the adoption of new elements coming from cultural traditions to the north and west, principally from the Aztatlan, Rio
Sonora and Huatabampo cultures. This paper attacks the problematical social conformation of the Cahita archaeological tradition
during the ceramic period from A.D. 200 to 1532.
Mesoamérica y Suroeste de los EUA-Noroeste de México. Esto ha encasillado a las culturas prehispánicas sinaloenses
como grupos marginales con desarrollo social inferior a las grandes culturas prehispánicas o peor aún como salvajes chichimecas. Sin
embargo, diversas investigaciones han aportado suficiente información que permite reposicionar y reevaluar el papel que las culturas
prehispánicas del norte de Sinaloa desempeñaron en el proceso de interacción cultural a nivel regional. Durante el periodo cerámico
las sociedades prehispánicas del norte de Sinaloa y sur de Sonora se enriquecieron con la adaptación de elementos culturales provenientes
de tradiciones culturales del norte y occidente, principalmente de la tradición Aztatlán, Río Sonora y Huatabampo. En este
artículo se aborda la problemática con respecto a la conformación social de la tradición arqueológica Cáhita durante el periodo cerámico
(200 d.C.-1532 d.C.).
Abstract
Archaeologically, the state of Sinaloa lies at the confluence of two important cultural macrotraditions of North America: Mesoamerica
and the US Southwest/Mexican Northwest. This has rendered the prehispanic cultures of Sinaloa as marginal with social developments
inferior to the great prehispanic civilizations or, even worse, as savage Chichimecs. However, recent research has provided
sufficient information that allows us to reevaluate the role played by prehispanic cultures of northern Sinaloa in the process of cultural
innovation at a regional scale. During the ceramic period prehispanic societies of northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora grew more
complex by the adoption of new elements coming from cultural traditions to the north and west, principally from the Aztatlan, Rio
Sonora and Huatabampo cultures. This paper attacks the problematical social conformation of the Cahita archaeological tradition
during the ceramic period from A.D. 200 to 1532.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Las investigaciones de campo de la etapa 2 del proyecto apoyado por CONACYT, se llevaron acabo del 1 de noviembre al 22 de diciembre de 2009 bajo la responsabilidad de John Carpenter, Guadalupe Sánchez e Ismael Sanchez Morales. Con la... more
Las investigaciones de campo de la etapa 2 del proyecto apoyado por CONACYT, se llevaron acabo del 1 de noviembre al 22 de diciembre de 2009 bajo la responsabilidad de John Carpenter, Guadalupe Sánchez e Ismael Sanchez Morales. Con la participación de un grupo de estudiantes de de séptimo semestre quienes tomaron la clase de técnicas de excavación II con los titulares del proyecto y realizaron las practicas de campo obligatorias en el proyecto. Los estudiantes involucrados en el proyecto fueron Alejandra Abrego, Alejandra Castañeda, Alba Tellez, Hugo García Ferrusca, Adriana Ontiveros, Astrid Aviles, Lizeth Hernández, Israel Andrade, Fabian Gutiérrez. Los asistentes de campo fueron Ismael Sánchez Morales y Alejandro López Jiménez, también contamos con la colaboración del arqueólogo Becket quien tomó muestras de arenas y arcillas para hacer estudios de
procedencia cerámica. Los vestigios arqueológicos en la planicie aluvial del Norte de Sinaloa están siendo destruidos de una manera acelerada y alarmante por los procesos agrícolas industrializados junto con los saqueos y la urbanización de algunos poblados. Uno de los sitios más conocidos del norte de Sinaloa es el sitio de El Ombligo en Guasave, excavado por Gordon Ekholm en 1939, se trata de un montículo funerario de donde se recuperaron más de 200 entierros. Esta investigación se había quedado aislada y no sabemos la extensión regional de
estos elementos arqueológicos, tampoco sabemos si había más montículos funerarios en las proximidades de Guasave ya que toda esta zona baja de la planicie aluvial ha sido arrasada por completo. En Mochicahui se sabe de la existencia de por lo menos dos montículos funerarios en las proximidades del poblado, que están siendo saqueados y destruidos por el urbanismo de Mochicahui. El enfoque principal de campo en las investigaciones de la temporada 2009 fue la zona de Mochicahui, El Fuerte, Sinaloa para buscar contextos arqueológicos intactos antes de que desaparezcan por completo. En total se
intervinieron 4 sitios (Borboa de Mochicahui, Vialacahui-Gasera, Ruiz Felix; Leyva de Mochicahui). Todos dentro del poblado moderno de Mochicahui.
procedencia cerámica. Los vestigios arqueológicos en la planicie aluvial del Norte de Sinaloa están siendo destruidos de una manera acelerada y alarmante por los procesos agrícolas industrializados junto con los saqueos y la urbanización de algunos poblados. Uno de los sitios más conocidos del norte de Sinaloa es el sitio de El Ombligo en Guasave, excavado por Gordon Ekholm en 1939, se trata de un montículo funerario de donde se recuperaron más de 200 entierros. Esta investigación se había quedado aislada y no sabemos la extensión regional de
estos elementos arqueológicos, tampoco sabemos si había más montículos funerarios en las proximidades de Guasave ya que toda esta zona baja de la planicie aluvial ha sido arrasada por completo. En Mochicahui se sabe de la existencia de por lo menos dos montículos funerarios en las proximidades del poblado, que están siendo saqueados y destruidos por el urbanismo de Mochicahui. El enfoque principal de campo en las investigaciones de la temporada 2009 fue la zona de Mochicahui, El Fuerte, Sinaloa para buscar contextos arqueológicos intactos antes de que desaparezcan por completo. En total se
intervinieron 4 sitios (Borboa de Mochicahui, Vialacahui-Gasera, Ruiz Felix; Leyva de Mochicahui). Todos dentro del poblado moderno de Mochicahui.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
No citar sin permiso de uno de los autores. Esta presentación examina los resultados de un proyecto de investigación colaborativo financiado por la NSF/INAH titulado Proyecto Arqueológico Río Sahuaripa y la Sierra Central. Este proyecto... more
No citar sin permiso de uno de los autores.
Esta presentación examina los resultados de un proyecto de investigación colaborativo financiado por la NSF/INAH titulado Proyecto Arqueológico Río Sahuaripa y la Sierra Central. Este proyecto tenía dos objetivos principales. El primero fue la intención directa de mejorar el control cronológico en toda la región y evaluar los patrones de continuidad cultural entre las poblaciones prehispánicas y coloniales. El segundo objetivo, más holístico, fue evaluar el papel de Casas Grandes en la economía política tanto a escala panregional como local. Hasta la fecha, nuestro proyecto ha producido importantes resultados de prospección y excavación en cuatro valles del estado de Sonora. Cuando estos resultados se combinan con los datos heredados, permiten un modelo cada vez más refinado de la variación en las estrategias políticas e ideológicas observadas en el período prehispánico tardío (ca. 1100-1540 d.C.) de la Sierra Madre de Sonora. Identificamos tres modos generales de afiliación cultural en toda la región que etiquetamos como "alta interacción", "consolidación local" y "evitando afiliación". Aunque es cierto que estas estrategias se combinaron en diversos grados, la mayoría de las comunidades presentan un patrón dominante. La diversidad espacial de estos modos refleja el patrón más amplio de las comunidades autónomas a lo largo de la Sierra Madre de Sonora que responden a las condiciones ecológicas, topográficas y demográficas locales que dictaron la viabilidad y el valor de la interacción regional y de larga distancia dentro de las economías políticas locales.
Esta presentación examina los resultados de un proyecto de investigación colaborativo financiado por la NSF/INAH titulado Proyecto Arqueológico Río Sahuaripa y la Sierra Central. Este proyecto tenía dos objetivos principales. El primero fue la intención directa de mejorar el control cronológico en toda la región y evaluar los patrones de continuidad cultural entre las poblaciones prehispánicas y coloniales. El segundo objetivo, más holístico, fue evaluar el papel de Casas Grandes en la economía política tanto a escala panregional como local. Hasta la fecha, nuestro proyecto ha producido importantes resultados de prospección y excavación en cuatro valles del estado de Sonora. Cuando estos resultados se combinan con los datos heredados, permiten un modelo cada vez más refinado de la variación en las estrategias políticas e ideológicas observadas en el período prehispánico tardío (ca. 1100-1540 d.C.) de la Sierra Madre de Sonora. Identificamos tres modos generales de afiliación cultural en toda la región que etiquetamos como "alta interacción", "consolidación local" y "evitando afiliación". Aunque es cierto que estas estrategias se combinaron en diversos grados, la mayoría de las comunidades presentan un patrón dominante. La diversidad espacial de estos modos refleja el patrón más amplio de las comunidades autónomas a lo largo de la Sierra Madre de Sonora que responden a las condiciones ecológicas, topográficas y demográficas locales que dictaron la viabilidad y el valor de la interacción regional y de larga distancia dentro de las economías políticas locales.
Research Interests:
Abstract Results from the analysis of faunal remains collected from the archaeological site La Playa, Sonora, Mexico, constitute the focus of this paper. Based on the identifications of the archaeozoological material, the subsistence... more
Abstract Results from the analysis of faunal remains collected from the archaeological site La Playa, Sonora, Mexico, constitute the focus of this paper. Based on the identifications of the archaeozoological material, the subsistence practices (mobility to hunt prey, resource diversity, and organization to obtain them) of the population who inhabited La Playa in the Early Agricultural period (1500/800 B.C.-A.D. 200) were determined. It seems from the results that La Playa was a location that offered to humans a wide range of resources without having to travel very far. Mammals are the focus: antelope jackrabbit and mule deer make up the most abundant species in the sample. The group of birds was not part of the food resources: it was used for ritual purposes. River fish are poorly represented in the sample of La Playa. This is a common and extensive pattern for the sites from the Early Agricultural period in Arizona. It is possible that the population did not need to create a specific technology to hunt these kinds of animals. Even though the agriculture was important for subsistence, hunting continues to be a crucial part of food resources. Abstract Los resultados del estudio de los restos óseos de animales recolectados en el Sitio Arqueológico La Playa son el principal tema de este artículo. Con base en la identificación del material arqueozoológico, se determinaron las prácticas de subsistencia (el tipo de movilidad para obtener los alimentos, la diversidad de los recursos empleados y la organización para conseguirlos) de los habitantes de La Playa en el período de Agricultura Temprana (1500/800 a.C.–200 d.C.). De acuerdo con los resultados, La Playa fue un lugar que ofreció a la población humana recursos zoológicos abundantes sin tener que viajar muy lejos. La población se enfocó en el grupo de mamíferos: la Liebre antílope y el Venado bura fueron las especies más abundantes en la muestra. El grupo de las aves no formó parte de la alimentación: fue utilizado para fines rituales. Los peces de río están poco representados en la muestra de La Playa, patrón recurrente y extensivo a sitios del período Agricultura Temprana de Arizona. Probablemente no existió la necesidad de crear una tecnología específica para cazar estos grupos de animales. Asimismo, aunque la agricultura era un componente básico en la subsistencia, la caza continúa siendo crucial en la alimentacón.
Research Interests:
El presente artículo se propone exponer de manera breve pero detallada los antecedentes de investigación arqueológica e histórica de finales del período virreinal en el estado de Sonora, específicamente en la región centro-oeste de la... more
El presente artículo se propone exponer de manera breve pero detallada los antecedentes de investigación arqueológica e histórica de finales del período virreinal en el estado de Sonora, específicamente en la región centro-oeste de la Sierra Madre Occidental. Dichos antecedentes sirvieron de base para las interpretaciones fruto del análisis de 3694 fragmentos de cerámica recolectados en el sitio de la antigua misión de Santa Rosalía de Onapa, en el actual Rancho Onapa, durante las excavaciones de la 3° temporada de trabajo de campo del Proyecto Arqueológico Sahuaripa, cuyos resultados fueron plasmados en la tesis de licenciatura titulada “Relaciones comerciales de la misión de Santa Rosalía de Onapa en el siglo XVIII. Un estudio sobre distribución de cerámica a través del análisis tipológico de artefactos”.
Research Interests:
This article revises the spatial and temporal boundaries of the Casas Grandes tradition associated with northwest Chihuahua, Mexico, based on new data collected in neighboring northeastern Sonora. The Casas Grandes tradition attained its... more
This article revises the spatial and temporal boundaries of the Casas Grandes tradition associated with northwest Chihuahua, Mexico, based on new data collected in neighboring northeastern Sonora. The Casas Grandes tradition attained its greatest extent during the Medio period (AD 1200–1450/1500) followed by a dramatic demographic and political collapse. Hunter-gatherer groups subsequently occupied most of northwest Chihuahua. Data from the Fronteras Valley, Sonora, presents an alternative scenario, with a clear pattern of cultural continuity from the eleventh century to the colonial period in which sedentary farmers occupied the same landscapes and occasionally the same villages. These observations contribute to our understanding of the spread and subsequent demise of the Casas Grandes tradition in hinterland regions. For the Fronteras Valley, we infer that immigrant groups originally introduced Casas Grandes traditions and that uneven participation in a suite of shared religious b...
Research Interests:
In this paper, we address the concept of Mogollon Culture from the perspective of Northwest Mexico, examining various regional traditions primarily based upon current linguistic models and broad ceramic styles and architectural traits and... more
In this paper, we address the concept of Mogollon Culture from the perspective of Northwest Mexico, examining various regional traditions primarily based upon current linguistic models and broad ceramic styles and architectural traits and additional shared cultural traits. We propose an
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Aunque normalmente no se considera el norte en discusiones de la agricultura prehispánica mexicana, las investigaciones arqueológicas realizadas en los últimos diez años en el desierto de Sonora han demostrado que el maíz estaba presente... more
Aunque normalmente no se considera el norte en discusiones de la agricultura prehispánica mexicana, las investigaciones arqueológicas realizadas en los últimos diez años en el desierto de Sonora han demostrado que el maíz estaba presente en esta región por lo menos al 2000 a.C. Basados en datos ambientales, lingüísticos, y arqueológicos, sugerimos que la difusión de maíz puede ser atribuida a grupos yuto-aztecas que entre aproximadamente 3000 y 2000 a.C. re-ocuparon el desierto de Sonora una vez que se dieron condiciones más favorables al final del periodo Altitermal. Aquí describimos el medio ambiente, la cronología, los patrones de asentamiento, la tecnología agrícola, y las características de la estrategia de subsistencia que hemos determinado el Complejo Agrícola Sonorense.
Research Interests:
How can a culture, its members speaking a common language, be recognized in the archaeological record? The assumption that sets of material culture traits represent “cultures” and the postulation of migrations to explain the appearance of... more
How can a culture, its members speaking a common language, be recognized in the archaeological record? The assumption that sets of material culture traits represent “cultures” and the postulation of migrations to explain the appearance of new sets of traits in the archaeological record were “givens” for generations of archaeologists emphasizing cultural-historical classification (Willey and Sabloff 1982), but have come under criticism as being overly simplistic in the correlation of “ethnicity” with material remains and in the estimation of internal cultural changes playing a lesser role (Thompson 1958; Adams et al. 1978, but see Anthony 1990). Resulting from these reappraisals is a growing recognition among archaeologists that, while some traits will cluster in relation to ethnicity, it is not certain which traits might do so in a particular case (Sutton 1991).
In this paper, we evaluate both linguistic and archaeological data relevant to early Uto-Aztecan history. We interpret temporal-spatial patterns in the archaeological record in terms of complexes representing, simultaneously, cultural traditions and communication networks. In this perspective, the sets of cultural traits forming a complex could have dispersed either through migration, involving an actual movement of people, or diffusion, involving transmission across a cultural-linguistic continuum functioning as a communication network. We assume, on the basis of ethnographic and ethnohistoric studies, that certain aspects of material culture are useful cultural markers because some portion of their variability was related to communicating cultural identities. Thus, prehistoric cultural complexes can be identified in terms of rock art styles, figurine types, textile techniques, mortuary practices, and other aspects of material culture. In this study, we focus upon projectile point styles, cultivated plants, and other technologies to identify the timing of the arrival of Uto-Aztecan peoples into Northwest Mexico/Southwestern U.S., the extent of the Uto-Aztecan continuum prior to its breakup into northern and southern groups, and the timing of that divergence.
In this paper, we evaluate both linguistic and archaeological data relevant to early Uto-Aztecan history. We interpret temporal-spatial patterns in the archaeological record in terms of complexes representing, simultaneously, cultural traditions and communication networks. In this perspective, the sets of cultural traits forming a complex could have dispersed either through migration, involving an actual movement of people, or diffusion, involving transmission across a cultural-linguistic continuum functioning as a communication network. We assume, on the basis of ethnographic and ethnohistoric studies, that certain aspects of material culture are useful cultural markers because some portion of their variability was related to communicating cultural identities. Thus, prehistoric cultural complexes can be identified in terms of rock art styles, figurine types, textile techniques, mortuary practices, and other aspects of material culture. In this study, we focus upon projectile point styles, cultivated plants, and other technologies to identify the timing of the arrival of Uto-Aztecan peoples into Northwest Mexico/Southwestern U.S., the extent of the Uto-Aztecan continuum prior to its breakup into northern and southern groups, and the timing of that divergence.
Research Interests:
The material and ideological components of Mesoamerican origin found in northern Mexico and the American Southwest have long been a source of intrigue and speculation. Most of the models that have emerged are concerned with bridging what... more
The material and ideological components of Mesoamerican origin found in northern Mexico and the American Southwest have long been a source of intrigue and speculation. Most of the models that have emerged are concerned with bridging what is often characterized as an intervening cultural "netherworld". Linguistic, ethnographic and archaeological data from Sinaloa and Sonora suggest that prehispanic Cahitan-speaking peoples occupied a spatially and culturally intermediate position, and provided a continuous link between Mesoamerica/West Mexico and the prehistoric peoples of the American Southwest.
Research Interests:
Our research at the extraordinary La Playa Site (SON F:10:3) is now entering its 23rd year. This site is located at the Boquillas Valley about 10 kilometers north of Estación Trincheras and some 27 kilometers west of Santa Ana, Sonora.... more
Our research at the extraordinary La Playa Site (SON F:10:3) is now entering its 23rd year. This site is located at the Boquillas Valley about 10 kilometers north of Estación Trincheras and some 27 kilometers west of Santa Ana, Sonora. The La Playa site presents an archaeological landscape revealing evidence of more or less continuous human use since the Paleoindian period (ca. 13,000 years ago). Its most intensive use was during the Early Agricultural period (3,700–2,050 cal BP or 2100 BCE to 150 CE); after this period, the occupation of the Boquillas Valley greatly diminished, but the site was continuously occupied by the Trincheras tradition people, Piman groups, French goat herders, and even a hotel and restaurant was in operation there during the 1950s.
Countless thousands of hornos (roasting features), several hundred human inhumation and cremation burials, numerous dog burials, shell ornament production and lithic reduction activity areas, caches of manos and tabular “lap stone” slabs, and a schist quarry are the predominant features associated with the Early Agricultural period. To date, we have investigated a total of 620 archaeological features, including 310 mortuary features with 345 individuals (301 inhumations and 44 cremations), 30 canid inhumation burials and four canid cremation burials, one burned pit house and 118 roasting pit features. Maize kernels and cupules are present in 47% of the analyzed roasting features. This lecture presents a cultural-historical account of the longue durée of these human occupations and their varied adaptations represented in the archaeological record.
Countless thousands of hornos (roasting features), several hundred human inhumation and cremation burials, numerous dog burials, shell ornament production and lithic reduction activity areas, caches of manos and tabular “lap stone” slabs, and a schist quarry are the predominant features associated with the Early Agricultural period. To date, we have investigated a total of 620 archaeological features, including 310 mortuary features with 345 individuals (301 inhumations and 44 cremations), 30 canid inhumation burials and four canid cremation burials, one burned pit house and 118 roasting pit features. Maize kernels and cupules are present in 47% of the analyzed roasting features. This lecture presents a cultural-historical account of the longue durée of these human occupations and their varied adaptations represented in the archaeological record.
Research Interests:
INTRODUCCIÓN Los grupos Comcáac tienen su territorio en la Costa Central de Sonora. En la ac-tualidad su territorio está restringido a una delgada franja de costa, pero tradicio-nalmente se extendía desde Puertos Lobos hasta Guaymas y se... more
INTRODUCCIÓN Los grupos Comcáac tienen su territorio en la Costa Central de Sonora. En la ac-tualidad su territorio está restringido a una delgada franja de costa, pero tradicio-nalmente se extendía desde Puertos Lobos hasta Guaymas y se extendida por lo menos 80-100 kms tierra adentro. Las investigaciones arqueológicas, aunque es-casas, parecen indicar que el territorio Comcáac comenzó a distinguirse como tal, hace 2-3 mil años. La Costa Central en la actualidad es una región difícil para vivir por la carencia de agua dulce, pero en el pasado los acuíferos subterráneos te-nían corrientes sanas de agua dulce, la contaminación con agua salada comenzó en el siglo XX. Después de la conquista española los contactos Comcáac con religiosos y ga-naderos españoles fueron esporádicos y a menudo violentos, resultando en poco o ningún cambio social de los forrajeros del desierto y el mar de Sonora. Aunque fueron forzados a abandonar sus territorios e incorporarse dentro de alguna insti-tución (misiones, minas y ranchos), los grupos Comcáac nunca se quedaron por mucho tiempo en estos nuevos sistemas europeos y nunca dejaron su forma de vida trashumante. No fue sino hasta que los ranchos ganaderos mexicanos de terratenientes so-norenses comenzaron a establecerse en el territorio Comcáac, que ocurrieron cambios significativos. Los hermanos Pascual e Ignacio Encinas establecieron en 1844 el primer rancho, Rancho San Francisco de la Costa Rica, justo al oeste de Siete Cerros, aproximadamente a medio camino entre Hermosillo y Bahia de Kino. Establecieron el segundo, Rancho Santa Ana, ca. 1860; posteriormente Rancho La Libertad en 1874 y finalmente Rancho Coronado, alrededor de 1890. Cada uno de estos ranchos se encontraba a 10-20 millas más cercana de la costa y más aden-tro de territorio Comcáac. El objetivo de Pascual Encinas era llevar civilización, religión, y reducción a los seris por medio de la vida ranchera (Thomson 1989). Libertad Mapa de 1898 del territorio seri dibujado por William J McGee mostrando ubicacio-nes de tres de los ranchos a ser investi-gados como parte de este proyecto (McGee 1898). DESCRIPCIÓN DEL PROYECTO Con el propósito de registrar los ranchos ganaderos históricos antes de que sean saqueados por completo. Comenzamos un proyecto de investigación voluntario y sin dinero para estudiar la antropología e historia de los ranchos. Paralelamente al trabajo arqueológico-registro, mapeo, recolecciones de superficie y excavación de elementos-, hemos comenzado a recolectar la historia oral sobre la vida en los ranchos de los diferentes actores y revisar las colecciones privadas de artefactos de los ranchos que tienen los familiares de sus habitantes en el Poblado Miguel Alemán. Es importante notar que éste es un proyecto incluyente y buscamos la participación de todos los que formaron parte de esta historia de la Costa Central de Hermosillo.
Research Interests:
We discuss Paul and Suzy Fish´s integral role in archaeological research in northwest Mexico, an important region that has been little studied by relatively few archaeologists to date. Over more than 25 years, along with our colleagues... more
We discuss Paul and Suzy Fish´s integral role in archaeological research in northwest Mexico, an important region that has been little studied by relatively few archaeologists to date. Over more than 25 years, along with our colleagues and many students, our archaeological investigations have included a reanalysis of the funerary mound at Guasave, Sinaloa and an evaluation of the relationship between Mesoamerica and Northwestern Mexico, the Pleistocene people of Sonora and Mexico, the Early Agricultural period at La Playa (SON F:10:3) and other sites, paleoethnobotanical studies and environmental reconstruction in several sites in Sonora, regional systematic survey of the Río Fuerte Valley in Sinaloa, the long-distance exchange routes linking West Mexico with northwest Mexico and the American Southwest, research at the exceptional Fin del Mundo Clovis site and 12,000 years of human adaptations and the climatic changes in the Sonoran Desert. Most recently, we have begun research in the Sahuaripa region of eastern Sonora in order to investigate both the long-distance and regional interaction spheres and socio-politico-economic organization of the Río Sonora and Serrana archaeological traditions. We believe that this research effectively expresses the depth and breadth of Paul and Suzy's multifaceted archaeological perspectives.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Since 2007 we have been investigating a Clovis site in the basin of the Bacoachi River, in northern Sonora. The site, El Fin del Mundo consists of at least 25 localities including: a buried, stratified feature where Clovis peoples hunted... more
Since 2007 we have been investigating a Clovis site in the basin of the Bacoachi River, in northern Sonora. The site, El Fin del Mundo consists of at least 25 localities including: a buried, stratified feature where Clovis peoples hunted Pleistocene elephants (gomphotheres), several camp areas, and two lithic quarries. A total of 17 Clovis points and 27 Clovis preforms have been collected from various contexts at the site, along with more than a hundred Clovis artifacts (e.g. blades, conical cores, end scrapers). Four Clovis points were found in situ at the gomphothere feature. Of special interest is a complete rhyolite Clovis point discovered in 2012 associated with the mandible of Gomphothere #2. Small fragments of teeth and bone were found above and below the Clovis point. Twenty one flakes have been recovered from the feature. In 2012 charcoal fragments were found together with flakes at bone fragments at the western end of the feature. One of the charcoal fragments was radiocarbon dated to 11560 ± 140 yrs B.P. (cal BP: 13454 ± 170).
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Memoria del Seminario realizado en Ciudad de México entre el 14 y 16 de agosto de 2006.
Research Interests:
Tradicionalmente el sitio de Guasave ha servido para marcar la frontera septentrional de Mesoamérica, vía el occidente de México. Muchos modelos interpretativos anteriores han considerado esta región como perteneciente a la periferia de... more
Tradicionalmente el sitio de Guasave ha servido para marcar la frontera septentrional de Mesoamérica, vía el occidente de México. Muchos modelos interpretativos anteriores han considerado esta región como perteneciente a la periferia de Mesoamérica articulada al núcleo por medio de sistemas de intercambio modelados a partir de los aztecas pochteca o incorporando elementos político-económicos del modelo de sistemas mundiales de Wallerstein (1974). Pero el considerar esta región como parte marginal de Mesoamérica, o como parte marginal del gran noroeste, solo obscurece el carácter indígena de las culturas prehispánicas que ocuparon la planicie costera del noroeste de México. En vez de concentrarse en las distribuciones de algunos rasgos aislados, este trabajo enfatiza el rango completo de las dimensiones sociales, políticas, económicas e ideológicas evidentes en el contexto arqueológico, y se inclina hacia una interpretación de esta área como una región intermedia espacial, ambiental y culturalmente entre Mesoamérica y el Gran Noroeste.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Utilizing data derived predominantly from investigations at El Ombligo, Mochicahui and Rincón de Buyubampo, we examine the northernmost extension of the Aztatlán archaeological tradition incorporating the Culiacán region along with the... more
Utilizing data derived predominantly from investigations at El Ombligo, Mochicahui and Rincón de Buyubampo, we examine the northernmost extension of the Aztatlán archaeological tradition incorporating the Culiacán region along with the evidence of integration and interaction with the neighboring Huatabampo and Serrana traditions in northern Sinaloa and southern Sonora. We propose that the Culiacán region played an instrumental role in Aztatlán interaction with the Guadiana branch of the Chalchihuites tradition in Durango and suggest that the transmission of objects and ideology beyond the northern Aztatlán frontier was facilitated and enhanced by the existence of a shared Cahitan language continuum that extended along the western slope of the Sierra Madre Occidental from the Río Piaxtla to the international border.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Presentation Our interest in the Sahuaripa region began while the senior author was conducting research for his doctoral thesis at the U of A and was rekindled by our subsequent investigations at the Rincón de Buyubampo site, located in... more
Presentation Our interest in the Sahuaripa region began while the senior author was conducting research for his doctoral thesis at the U of A and was rekindled by our subsequent investigations at the Rincón de Buyubampo site, located in northeastern Sinaloa some five kilometers from the Sonor-an border, and where we documented Aztatlán tradition materials indicative of southern connections with West Mexico, along with Chihuahuan polychromes and a single sherd of Arivechi Red-on-brown (presumably originating in the Sahuaripa region). The INAH Proyecto Arqueológico Sa-huaripa y Sierra Central represents the first systematic investigation of this region of Sonora. The research goals include: 1) The cultural-historical reconstruction of the occupational sequence; 2) Documenting the evidence for the long-distance exchange route between West Mexico and Paqui-mé (Casas Grandes) as well as regional (transverse) exchange relationships; 3) Assessing the nature of socio-political complexity evident; 4) Evaluating the nature and timing of a possible Nebome (Lower Pima) intrusion; and 5) Verifying early Spanish incursions and occupations, including the founding of Jesuit missions and their associated visitas—and their impacts/ influences upon the indigenous groups-and the establishment of early Colonial ranching and mining. The Centro INAH Sonora Proyecto Arqueológico Río Sahuaripa y la Sierra Central represents the first systematic archaeological investigation of the Sahuaripa River basin, located in the Si-erra Central in extreme eastern margins of Sonora. This project encompasses approximately 10,000 square kilometers between approximately Guaguasari, in the municipio of Yécora, and where the principal tributary arroyo arises in the Sierra Madre Occidental, northward to just beyond the Batocomachi Ranch, situated at the confluence of the Río Sahuaripa and Río Yaqui, in the municipio of Sahuaripa. To date, we have documented 60 archaeological sites, including 10 previously recorded sites that have been obliterated by urban expansion of Sahuaripa. The prehispanic sites include rock shelters with Archaic period components, petroglyphs, probable pithouse villages (lacking surface architecture), rancherías reflecting a few domestic surface structures and larger settlements with from an estimated 100 to 200 contiguous rooms grouped around up to three plazas. Generally, the architectural remains consist of double alignments of cobbles, reminiscent of the Río Sonora tradition, defining rooms averaging approximately 3 m x 5 m. Project Setting Preliminary Results Buenavista Site (SON P:4:2), Arivechi, Sonora Among the largest sites documented is the Buenavista site, located near Arivechi, first described by Carl Sauer and Donald Brand, in 1930, as being the southeasternmost location of red-on-buff identified by them during their pioneering work published in Prehistoric Settlements of Sonora, With Special Reference to Cerros de Trincheras (1931). Preliminary ceramic data indicates the presence of intrusive types from Chihuahua, including Babícora, Carretas, and Villa Ahumada polychromes and Madera Black-on-red. Intrusive red-on-buffs may also tentatively include Sacaton R/b from the Hohokam region. Also present are decorated wares belonging to the relatively unknown and ill-defined, presumably locally produced , Arivechi Red/Purple-on-Brown/Buff/Gray series. The inhabitants also obtained green stone beads, nacreous marine shells, Olivella, and Glycymeris sp. bracelets and ob-Proyecto Sahuaripa y la Sierra Central Location Area Ekholm 55 Site (Son L:16:10), Sahuaripa, Sonora Also ranked among the largest sites, Ekholm 55, where Gordon Ekholm conducted limited excavations in 1937 (the first and last excavations carried out in this region prior to the current project). We currently believe that this site is the Zaguaripa described by Baltasar de Obregón in his chronicle of the Ibarra expedition of 1564. This site consists of several architectural compounds distributed over two distinct terrace formations overlooking the agricultural flood plain of the Río Sahuaripa, with the highest and most prominent consisting of a well-defined plaza with room blocks surrounding three sides and a stone wall enclosing the open eastern side.
Research Interests:
Los sitios de petrograbados representan un componente importante del patrimonio arqueológico de Sinaloa. El sitio de petrograbados de El Cerro de la Máscara es uno de los más conocidos en el estado, se localiza a un lado del Río Fuerte y... more
Los sitios de petrograbados representan un componente importante del patrimonio arqueológico de Sinaloa. El sitio de petrograbados de El Cerro de la Máscara es uno de los más conocidos en el estado, se localiza a un lado del Río Fuerte y contiene cerca de 300 grabados en piedras. Los grabados no están solos, podemos observar en la superficie y enterrados muros, cerámica, lítica tallada y ornamentos de concha dejados por la gente que hizo los petrograbados. El sitio del Cerro de la Máscara es parte de un conjunto de localidades y del otro lado del Río Fuerte en la comunidad actual de Ocolome, existen petrograbados en un grupo de afloramientos rocos lineales al nivel de la corriente del río y una localidad con restos de actividades habitacionales y algunos enterramientos humanos que podría ser el lugar donde vivía la población cahita prehispánica que elaboró los petrogrados del Cerro de la Máscara. El propósito principal de este trabajo es dar a conocer al lector la importancia del complejo Cerro de la Máscara como un espacio de ritualidad cahita en tiempos prehispánicos. Esperamos que los catálogos de petrograbados sirvan como un instrumento de preservación de los petrograbados donde se pueda hacer un recuento de cada uno. Aunque en la estructura política de México existen instituciones encargadas de proteger el patrimonio arqueológico y cultural, es necesario que entre todos resguardemos y cuidemos estos importantes vestigios para el futuro, ya que todos somos los ojos y los guardianes. Agradecemos al Profe Ernesto Parra por enseñarnos los petrograbados y su compromiso por la protección del patrimonio cultural, a Joel Apodaca y al artista Manolo Garibay por copiar los petros y digitalizar los diseños; y a todos los habitantes de la comunidad de El Fuerte por su apoyo durante el tiempo que vivimos en El Fuerte.