Steffan Blanco

El siglo XIX en Cuba fue un período decisivo para la identidad cubana. El fervor independentista, las conspiraciones de esclavos y anexionistas, la expansión económica y las transformaciones sociales y culturales influyeron en el ambiente y la popularidad de la música y danzas cubanas. Es en este ambiente formativo que la música de los guajiros, especialmente el Punto Cubano, se desarrolla aún más y se convierte, si no en nacional, en un símbolo rural. Al igual que el danzón, la samba y el tango, el Punto Cubano experimentó una transculturación asimilando y transformando instrumentos y música españolas, convirtiéndolos en suyos. Además, gracias a los bufos cubanos, la música de los agricultores se exportó a La Habana, España y el continente americano en forma de guajira, convirtiéndose en lo que Chasteen considera una "transformación creciente". Sin embargo, a diferencia de ellos, se desarrolló lejos de las luces de la capital y la influencia africana, nunca alcanzando su enorme popularidad. Pese a eso, el Punto Cubano tuvo una doble transgresividad: su versión bailada como el zapateo y caringa, y sus letras (las décimas). El Punto Cubano y danzas ya extintas fueron más vistas en guateques y fiestas similares en bohíos, ingenios y pueblos rurales donde blancos, negros y mambises (blancos y negros) se juntarían y participarían. Los instrumentos y décimas testifican de la gran influencia hispana y la identidad de los agricultores, así como su uso para causas revolucionarias y cantar de diferentes cuestiones, ejemplificando su aspecto no aislado y de transgresividad. Así como en La Habana, “la música y la danza expresaron el nacionalismo popular cubano" en las zonas rurales.

La Guerra Civil Inglesa de 1642 a 1651 fue un período de beligerancia social, disputas religiosas, experimentación política e inestabilidad en Inglaterra, Escocia e Irlanda. Sin embargo, se sabe menos, pero se debate mucho, sobre las causas ya que no parecían ser propensas a producir los conflictos, sólo el tipo de ellos. Algunos historiadores se han centrado en la sociedad y las masas, otros en las élites, otros en aspectos socioeconómicos y muchos más en el funcionamiento de la iglesia y el estado. Otros se quejan de los enfoques de arriba hacia abajo, de demasiado enfoque en Escocia e Irlanda, y de interpretaciones erróneas de los documentos dejados por realistas y parlamentarios. Hay quienes argumentan que fue un conflicto religioso, mientras que otros argumentan que fue retratado por algunos contemporáneos como una guerra santa. Aunque muchos todavía no están de acuerdo, existe un consenso creciente entre los historiadores de que la religión desempeñó un papel primordial en la causa de los conflictos. Los años que condujeron a la Guerra Civil fueron un período de errores de cálculo por parte de la realeza, revueltas escocesas e irlandesas debido principalmente a tensiones religiosas, discusiones religiosas entre realistas y parlamentarios, y celo religioso que produjo una guerra civil inesperada y no deseada. Si bien los agravios políticos y constitucionales parecían haber desencadenado los conflictos y aumentar la tensión, la religión fue el principal factor subyacente.

¿Qué es el judaísmo mesiánico? ¿Es más que una "mezcla confusa del judaísmo y el cristianismo"?. Los historiadores, los judíos tradicionales, modernistas y mesiánicos todavía discuten sobre su definición, que va desde un movimiento de rama cristiana a una expresión judía del judaísmo. Los judíos modernistas (especialmente los ortodoxos) y el Estado de Israel, hasta cierto punto, rechazan a los judíos mesiánicos como judíos, afirmando que son apóstatas y cristianos. Sin embargo, los judíos mesiánicos argumentan que su creencia en Yeshua/Yehoshua HaMashiach (Jesús El Mesías), los hace completos, "judíos realizados", y no afecta ni los hace rechazar su herencia judía. La pregunta que todos tratan de definir es ¿Quién es un judío? Independientemente de la oposición judía, el judaísmo mesiánico debe considerarse otra expresión del judaísmo debido a su judaísmo (identificación biológica/física y espiritual), su adhesión a las fiestas judías y al Tanakh, y la aceptación de Yeshua como el Mesías. Aunque primero una cruzada cristiana para llegar a los judíos con el evangelio, el judaísmo mesiánico se ha desarrollado hasta poder ser único. Debido a esto, los judíos mesiánicos deben ser considerados judíos.

Historiography and the study of international relations is very broad, with decades and schools of thought. The US-Europe approach has been looked at with particular attention, especially in recent decades given the "end" of the Cold War, wars on terror, the Great Recession, and Donald J. Trump's rise to power. In the case of US external policy or doctrine towards the EEC/EU, it has always emerged in and has adapted to a historical, social and cultural context (internal and/or external), marked by protection against threats, preservation of peace, and with reference to its position and its own interests. This one sometimes changes in each president's second term and characterizes both political parties, Democrats and Republicans, which also sought a balance between national interests and domestic politics. Its attitude and vision of "exceptionality" or "uniqueness" may be another way of explaining how its national and foreign policy has been affected. Given Eastern Europe's late entry into the EU and control under communism, US relations with Europe focused more on Western Europe. With Scandinavian countries the relationship throughout the Cold War was always characterized by ambivalence and limited cooperation, which changes later. In general, foreign policy has responded to different ways of seeing the world: under the Cold War (bipolar) and after it (multipolar). Another aspect is the divergent views of various researchers and analysts about the foreign policy of presidents, especially those who criticize them.

La historiografía y el estudio de las relaciones internacionales es bien amplia, con décadas y escuelas de pensamientos. El enfoque entre los EEUU y Europa ha sido estudiado con especial atención, sobre todo en décadas recientes dada la “finalización” de la Guerra Fría, guerras contra el terrorismo, la Gran Recesión y la subida al poder de Donald J. Trump. En el caso de la política o doctrina externa de EEUU hacia la CEE/UE, está siempre ha surgido en y se ha adaptado a un contexto histórico, social y cultural (interno y/o externo), marcada por la protección frente a las amenazas, preservación de la paz, y teniendo como referencia su posición y sus propios intereses. Esta suele a veces cambiar en el segundo mandato de cada presidente y caracteriza a ambos partidos políticos, Demócratas y Republicanos, los cuales buscaban también un balance entre los intereses nacionales y la política interna. Su actitud y visión de “excepcionalidad” o “único” puede ser otra manera de explicar cómo su política nacional y exterior ha sido afectada. Dada también la entrada tardía de Europa del Este a la UE y control bajo el comunismo, las relaciones de EEUU con Europa se enfocaron más en Europa occidental. Con países escandinavos la relación a lo largo de la Guerra Fría se caracterizó por la ambivalencia y limitada cooperación, lo cual cambia después. En general, la política externa ha respondido a diferentes formas de ver el mundo: bajo la Guerra Fría (bipolar) y después de ella (multipolar). Otro aspecto son las divergentes opiniones de varios investigadores y analistas acerca de la política exterior de los presidentes, sobre todo de aquellos que los critican.

Dos tendencias con respecto a la figura mesiánica estuvieron presentes durante el periodo del Segundo Templo: en una, el Mesías restaurará las glorias anteriores a Israel y reinará sobre todas las naciones; en la otra, el Mesías traerá cambios con canciones, juicio y un futuro mejor como nunca antes se había visto (Día del Señor). Sin embargo, hay poca evidencia en torno a estas creencias durante este período, sólo aclaradas en el DSS y Canciones de Salomón. Los textos extrabíblicos sobre la noción restauradora son Ben Sira y Cantos de Salomón, mientras que Las Asunciones de Moisés, Los Oráculos Sibilinos, las Parábolas de Enoc y los Jubileos reflejan la noción utópica. En los pergaminos de Qumran está presente una combinación de ambas vistas, pero con adiciones y diferencias de otros grupos judíos. Este punto de vista está presente en La Regla de la Comunidad, Documento de Damasco, Florilegium, y el Apocalipsis Arameo (Pseudo-Daniel), mientras que el Día del SEÑOR en el Pergamino de la Guerra, Regla de la Congregación, Regla de las Bendiciones y el Apocalipsis Mesiánico. ¿Qué dicen los escritos acerca del Mesías y los tiempos finales? ¿Fueron todos teológicamente unánimes? Claramente y muy importante para los pergaminos de Qumran son el bi-mesianismo (uno sacerdotal y uno real) o incluso tri, juicio, y el énfasis en la santidad y pureza para y/o en el fin de los días.

El terrorismo ha afectado a Europa desde principios del siglo XX y desde entonces ha cambiado de alcance, actores, motivos y estructura. Sin embargo, el ECC (ahora UE) no estaba tan activo contra esta amenaza como ahora. Los ataques del 11 de septiembre en Los Estados Unidos, los de Madrid en 2004 y Londres en 2005 fueron los que hicieron de la Unión Europea (UE) un actor más activo en la lucha contra el terrorismo. Los recientes ataques en París en 2015 y Bruselas en 2016 han resurgido temores y preocupaciones sobre la seguridad y la eficiencia de las políticas y acciones de la EU. Aunque se comprometió a principios de la década de 2000 a aplicar las resoluciones de las convenciones de las Naciones Unidas y el terrorismo, no creó órganos separados para hacer frente a la situación como la ONU. En lugar de ello, delegó gran parte de la responsabilidad a los Estados miembros y creó instituciones como el de Justicia y Asuntos de Interior (JAI) y Europol. Pero, ¿cuán eficaces han sido los esfuerzos, cuáles han sido los logros y reveses de la UE y cómo podría mejorar? Algunos eruditos se quejan de la falta de coherencia y revisiones de los esfuerzos, las revisiones de las leyes, perciben el CTC como ineficaz y carente de poder para hacer cumplir las medidas o la cooperación. A pesar de estos, la UE y las instituciones de los estados miembros también han alcanzado ciertos logros. Las preocupaciones sobre la soberanía, el Estado de derecho, las cuestiones de derecho human, la cooperación y la crisis de los refugiados siguen afectando a la eficiencia de las medidas antiterroristas y podrían afectar al proceso de integración de la EU.

Freemasonry appears in Spain at crucial moments in its history: the process of nation-building and nationalism, different ideologies, political theories, and liberal administrations. As in other parts of the continent and typical of Spain, this freemasonry, although exported first from England and then France, changes and adapts according to the circumstances and men that make it up, thus becoming “freemasonries”. It is known that there was some degree of organization and socio-political stability in the 19th century Spain, defended by Alvares Junco, Archilés and Martí, and an active nationalism both culturally and politically, noted in literature, performing arts, music, and different political theories about Spain. However, during this century different governments suffered from questionable legitimacy, social and power division was decentralized and fragmented, regionalism was the norm, and there was a lack of nationalizing political will and public services. Organizations such as the masonic lodges fostered brotherhood following beliefs of tolerance, freedom, equality, and fraternity, and presumably, apart from rituals and mysteries, it helped attract people of all kinds, elites and bourgeois above all. These could serve as a meeting point between liberals, conservatives, and republicans, resulting in orthodox/regular and heterodox/irregular lodges, as well as different nationalisms. This phenomenon was not only Spanish but was also seen in France and England.

La masonería aparece en España en momentos cruciales de su historia: proceso de construcción de un estado-nación y nacionalismo, creación de diferentes ideologías, teorías políticas, y administración liberal. Así como en otras partes del continente y propias de España, esta masonería, aunque exportada primero de Inglaterra y después de Francia, cambia y se adapta de acuerdo a las circunstancias y hombres que la integran, convirtiéndose así en masonerías. Se sabe que había cierto grado de organización y estabilidad socio-política, defendido por Alvares Junco, Archilés y Martí, y un nacionalismo activo tanto cultural como político, notado en la literatura, artes escénicas, música, y diferentes teorías políticas sobre España. Sin embargo, durante este siglo, los distintos gobiernos sufrían de cuestionable legitimidad, división social y de poder era descentralizada y fragmentada, habituaba el regionalismo, y había una carencia de voluntad política nacionalizadora y de servicios públicos. Organizaciones como las logias masónicas fomentaban la hermandad siguiendo las creencias de tolerancia, libertad, igualdad, y fraternidad, y es de suponer que esto, aparte de los rituales y misterios, ayudara a atraer personas de toda índole, sobe todo elites y burgueses. Estas podían servir como punto de encuentro entre liberales, conservadores, y republicanos, lo que resultó en logias ortodoxas/regulares y heterodoxas/irregulares, así como distintos nacionalismos. Este fenómeno no era solamente español sino se veía también en Francia e Inglaterra.

European integration has been of paramount attention since World War II, but citizens' interests and attention were secondary to the interests of companies and political institutions. However, in recent decades attention to public opinion as an influential factor in integration has been growing, seen for example in the 1992 referendums by the Danes (against the Maastricht Treaty) and in 2005 by the Dutch and French (against the Lisbon Treaty). This attention has been slowly but gradually extended by those Europeans residing in another Member State and outside Europe, extending to political and academic debates on European integration. The same could be said of the views of non-European countries, mainly those that are most important. Questions that will guide this work would be: How do expats vote and what factors affect their decision and support? What are their views on the EU and Europe and how do they vary? What are the perceptions of non-Europeans towards Europe and the EU, and how do they vary?

La integración europea ha sido de primordial atención desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, pero los intereses y atención de los ciudadanos eran secundarios a los intereses de compañías e instituciones políticas. Sin embargo, en las últimas décadas atención a la opinión pública como factor influyente en la integración ha ido creciendo, visto por ejemplo en los referéndums de 1992 por parte de los daneses (en contra del Tratado de Maastricht) y en el 2005 por parte de los holandeses y franceses (en contra del Tratado de Lisboa). Esta atención ha sido extendida lenta pero gradualmente aquellos europeos que residen en otro estado miembro y fuera de Europa, extendiéndose a debates políticos y académicos sobre la integración europea. Lo mismo se podría decir de las opiniones de países no europeos, principalmente aquellos más importantes. Preguntas que guiaran este trabajo serian: ¿Como votan los expatriados y que factores afectan su decisión y apoyo? ¿Qué opiniones tienen acerca de la UE y Europa y como han variado? ¿Cómo son las percepciones de los no europeos hacia Europa y la UE, y como han variado?

The new United Nations’ committees and conventions dealing with the task of countering, assessing and monitoring terrorism reflects the Security Council’s (SC) and General Assembly’s (GA) cooperation to step up the efforts to stop and define terrorism. No longer being a national matter, as it was in the twentieth century, this issue has empowered the SC to impose stricter laws, through resolutions, to other UN Member States. New bodies were created to respond to the new transnational terrorism, to monitor the nations’ adherence to resolutions and provide technical assistance. Three paramount bodies were the Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC), the Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate (CTED) and the Counter-Terrorism Implementation Task Force (CTITF). The CTC and CTED serve mainly to monitor the “implementation of resolution 1373”, while the CTITF as a bridge between other UN bodies concerned with terrorism and Member States. But, how effective have these bodies been? Because of the bodies’ enduring de-centralized nature and lack of enforcing power, their effectiveness is tied with Member States’ efforts and mutual partnerships among them, with NGOs, IGOs and with the SC through these bodies. Challenges such as human rights issues, lack of enforcing mechanism, concerns about US dominance, and terrorism’s root causes still hampers these bodies performance’s assessments as well as the work of the UN as a whole.

Terrorism has plague Europe since the early 20th century and has since then change in scope, actors, motives and structure. However, the ECC (now EU) was not as active against this threat as now. The attacks of 9/11 in the United States, the ones in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005 were the ones that made the European Union (EU) a more active actor in the fight against terrorism. The recent attacks in Paris in 2015 and Brussels in 2016 have resurfaced fears and concerns over security and efficiency of the policies and actions of the EU. Although it pledged in the early 2000s to implement the U.N’s and terrorism conventions’ resolutions, it did not create separate bodies to deal with the situation like the UN. Instead, it delegated much of the responsibility to the member states and already created institutions such as the Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) and Europol. But how effective have the efforts been, what have been the EU achievements and setbacks, and how could the E.U improve? Some scholars complain about the lack of consistency and reviews of the efforts, legislations’ reviews, perceive the CTC as ineffectual and lacking power to enforce measures or cooperation. Regardless of these, the EU and members’ institutions have also attained some achievements. Nevertheless, concerns over sovereignty, rule of law, human right issues, cooperation, and refugee crisis still affect counter terror measures efficiency and could affect the integration process of the E.U.

The nineteenth century in Cuba was a defining period for Cuban identity. Independence fervor, slave conspiracies, annexationists’ plots, economic expansion, and social and cultural transformations influenced the Cuban music and dances environment and popularity. It was in this formative atmosphere that the guajiros’ music, especially the punto cubano, further developed and became, if not a national, a rural symbol. Similar to danzon, samba and tango, the punto cubano experienced a transculturation by assimilating and transforming Spanish instruments and music, making them their own. Also, thanks to the Bufos cubanos, the farmers’ music got exported to Havana, Spain and the American continent in the form of guajira, becoming what Chasteen deems a “rising transformation”. Yet, unlike them, it developed far away from the capital’s lights and African influence, never reaching their huge popularity. Regardless of that, the punto cubano had a double transgressivity: its danced versions such as the zapateo and caringa, and its lyrics, the decimas. Punto cubano and other already extinct dances were most seen at guateques and similar parties in bohios, ingenios and rural towns where whites, blacks and mambises (white and blacks) would come together and participate. The instruments and decimas testify of punto cubano’s greatly Hispanic influence and farmers’ identity, and its use for revolutionary causes and singing of different issues exemplified its non-isolation aspect and transgressivity. Just as in Havana “music and dance expressed Cuban popular nationalism”, so it did in the rural areas.

What is Messianic Judaism? Is it more than a “perplexing mixture of Judaism and Christianity”? Historians, traditional, modernist and Messianic Jews still argue about its definition, ranging from a Christian offshoot movement to a Jewish expression of Judaism. Modernist Jews (especially the Orthodox) and the State of Israel, to a certain extent, reject Messianic Jews as Jews claiming that they are apostates and Christians. Yet Messianic Jews argue their belief in Yeshua (Jesus) makes them complete and “fulfilled Jews” and does not affect or make them reject their Jewish heritage. The question they all try to define is “Who is a Jew?” Regardless of Jewish opposition, Messianic Judaism should be considered another expression of Judaism because of its Jewishness (both biological/physical and spiritual identification), its adherence to Jewish festivals and the Tanakh, and the acceptance of Yeshua as the Messiah. Although first a Christian crusade to reach the Jews with the gospel, Messianic Judaism has develop to be able to stand on its own. Because of these, Messianic Jews should be considered Jews.

Two trends regarding the Messianic figure were present during the Second Temple Period: in one, the Messiah will restore the previous glories to Israel and reign over all nations; in the other, the Messiah will bring change with signs, judgment and a better future as never seen before (Day of the Lord). However, there is little evidence surrounding these beliefs during this period, only made clear in the DSS and Songs of Solomon. Extra-biblical texts on the restorative notion are Ben Sira and Songs of Solomon, while Assumptions of Moses, Sybilline Oracles, Parables of Enoch and Jubilees reflect the utopian notion. In the Qumran Scrolls a combination of both of these views is present, but with additions and differences from other Jewish groups. This view is present in The Rule of the Community, Damascus Document, Florilegium, and the Aramaic Apocalypse (Pseudo-Daniel), while the Day of the LORD in the Scroll of the War, Rule of the Congregation, Rule of Blessings and the Messianic Apocalypse. What do the writings say about them? Were they all unanimous theologically? Clearly and very important to the Qumran Scrolls are the bi-messianism (one priestly and one royal) or even tri, judgment, and the emphasis on sanctity and purity for/in the End of Days.

The decolonization of the Caribbean during the 1960s through the 1980s provoked a turning point in the U.S foreign policy. The Caribbean Region’s participation in hemispheric and regional economic relations since the third and last quarter of the twentieth century, has presented challenges and benefits to its more than dozen island-nations. The United States is the Caribbean’s largest trading partner and export market, presenting the region with serious competition (Knight, 33). But its opposite is also true: The Caribbean only represent a small part of U.S. trade and economic relations. Also, following the demise of Communism as a threat and U.S. attention to the Middle East, U.S. concessions and aids have been reduced toward this region. Special to the current era are the regional and sub-regional economic integrations (CARICOM, OECS, ACS), “adoption of structural adjustments…and trade liberalization programs” as a result of the Washington Consensus, Free Trade Agreements ideology (WTO) and the U.S.’ Caribbean Basin Initiative. However, the U.S-driven war of terror and drugs, and lack of unanimity on foreign policy among Caribbean nations have hindered more liberal and multilateral agreements. Rather than alone, most Caribbean countries have embraced inter and transnational organizations in order to exert pressure on global powers’ economic and political influence and join the global market as well. For the United States’ part, it has turned its attention to cultivate a hemispheric market in order to challenge the European and Asian economic bloc.

The English Civil War from 1642 to 1651 was a period of social belligerence, religious disputes, political experimentation and instability in England, Scotland and Ireland. However, less is known but much is debated about the causes since they did not seem likely to produce the conflicts, just the type of it. Some historians have focused on society and the masses, others on elites, others on socio-economic aspects and many more in the running of the church and the state. Others complain about the top-down approaches, too much focus on Scotland and Ireland, and misinterpretations of documents left by royalists and parliamentarians. There are those who argue it was a religious conflict, while others argue that it was portrayed by some contemporaries as a holy war. Although many still disagree, there is a growing consensus among historians that religion did played a paramount role in causing the conflicts. The years leading to the Civil War were a period of royal miscalculations, Scottish and Irish revolts due mainly to religious tensions, religious discussions between royalists and parliamentarians, and religious zeal which produced an unexpected and unwanted civil war. While political and constitutional grievances seemed to have triggered the conflicts and build up tension, religion was the primary underlying factor.

España – El Reino de España – sufrió un duro golpe político, social y económicamente durante la guerra civil (1936-39) y le costó más de veinte años el poder salir adelante. Por lo general, la etapa posterior a la guerra caracterizada por un régimen totalitario, fascista, represivo, aislado y con autarquía económica se le denomina primer franquismo (1939-59). “Ni un hogar sin lumbre, ni un español sin pan” declaraban folletos del bando nacional, sin embargo la realidad fue muy diferente. Durante esta etapa las estructuras socioeconómicas, afectadas por la guerra civil, dictadura y aislamiento se retrasaron en transformarse y modernizarse. Hambruna, miseria, censura, exilio, escasez de trabajo, silencio y viviendas atosigaron al pueblo español, habiendo sin embargo ciertos logros. La Iglesia Católica desarrollo un papel importante en la educación del pueblo y sindicatos nacionales de carácter obligatorio, jerárquico y unitario como la SEU (Sindicato Español Universitario) y la FE de las JONS (Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista) agruparon a estudiantes y trabajadores.

Urbanization under the Republic and Empire took different forms and directions, implemented sometimes in the typical “Roman” way as in Augustodonum, Aosta and maritime colonies, while at other times it gradually mixed with existing urban centers as in Nimes, Sagalassus and eastern cities. Cities in the Roman world – because of their political, social and economic significance – played a key role in the political and cultural life of the empire, also affecting its citizens’ identity. As viewed by ancient writers and demonstrated by archeology, urbanization meant civilization and power in contrast with the “barbaric” and “uncivilized” western tribes, some eastern regions and countryside. The construction of politico-religious and public buildings, public works, fortifications, and celebration of festivals and ceremonies in a city greatly shaped its status and its inhabitants’ identity. The change in the elite’s ideology of a city under the late Republic and Principate displayed the progress of “Romanization” (acculturation) and the “Roman” identity’s dynamism, as observed in the diverse development and forms of urbanization across the empire. The city was a product of its society and ultimately the “centre of power,…privilege,…culture and…of knowledge”.

Cuban Counterpoint by Fernando Ortiz is a masterpiece by its time and still influential almost 70 years later. The first section of the book, Counterpoint, is told in a poetic manner with meticulous details about sugar and tobacco. In it, sugar and tobacco become anthropomorphic figures and assist Ortiz in taking the reader from Columbus' arrival to the Republic. The second section is much longer, which includes 12 subsections with topics respecting the two agricultural products such as ingenios and vegas of tobacco, and the history of the different racial groups that inhabited and inhabit Cuba. One, if not the most important, aspect of the book is the new word he puts forward to explain Cuban history: Transculturation. With this term, Ortiz is better able to explain the " extremely complex transmutations of culture " that has occurred in Cuba as well as the impact of sugar and tobacco in society. More than a sociologist, his shows his skills as anthropologist and ethnologist, dedicating much time and focus on sugar slaves, tobacco workers at vegas and later factories, natives' culture, origin and early uses of tobacco. In this long but fundamental book of Cuban history, Ortiz examines the role of sugar and tobacco, their transculturation as well as of the different cultures in Cuba, their effect on Cuba's economy and in society.

In this book, William C. Van Norman discusses an issue usually delegated to the margins in the history of Cuban slavery. He focuses on the slaves' life in the cafetales, a small industry compared to the sugar one, but a very important industry nonetheless. The book consists of three parts, with the first one divided in two chapters, the second one in four more chapters and the last one with a conclusion, two tables with demographic data and a list of cafetales' names and their owner. Part I tends to follow a linear, chronological pattern from the late 18 th century to mid-19 th century, while Part II develops thematic topics focusing on the slaves' daily life in the plantations, religion, economic activities and revolts. He argues cafetales contributed to the diversification of the economy, expansion of population, to the Cuban imagination and had longstanding effects on the culture.