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How the “recycling” of the Ottoman Empire’s uses of genealogy and religion created new political orders in the Middle East In this groundbreaking book, Adam Mestyan argues that post-Ottoman Arab political orders were not, as many... more
How the “recycling” of the Ottoman Empire’s uses of genealogy and religion created new political orders in the Middle East

In this groundbreaking book, Adam Mestyan argues that post-Ottoman Arab political orders were not, as many historians believe, products of European colonialism but of the process of “recycling empire.” Mestyan shows that in the post–World War I Middle East, Allied Powers officials and ex-Ottoman patricians collaborated to remake imperial institutions, recycling earlier Ottoman uses of genealogy and religion in the creation of new polities, with the exception of colonized Palestine. The polities, he contends, should be understood not in terms of colonies and nation-states but as subordinated sovereign local states―localized regimes of religious, ethnic, and dynastic sources of imperial authority. Meanwhile, governance without sovereignty became the new form of Western domination.

Drawing on hitherto unused Ottoman, French, Syrian, and Saudi archival sources, Mestyan explores ideas and practices of creating composite polities in the interwar Middle East and, in doing so, sheds light on local agency in the making of the forgotten Kingdom of the Hijaz, Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Syria, the first Muslim republic. Mestyan considers the adjustment of imperial Islam to a world without a Muslim empire, discussing the post-Ottoman Egyptian monarchy and the intertwined making of Saudi Arabia and the State of Syria in the 1920s and 1930s.

Mestyan’s innovative analysis shows how an empire-based theory of the modern political order can help refine our understanding of political dynamics throughout the twentieth century and down to the turbulent present day.
How old is the world? This question was a central problem for Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the face of the new scientific discoveries in the nineteenth century. This book introduces the answer from a Muslim point of view, outside of... more
How old is the world? This question was a central problem for Muslims, Christians, and Jews in the face of the new scientific discoveries in the nineteenth century. This book introduces the answer from a Muslim point of view, outside of official institutions. The extended introduction – a microhistory in the Middle East – explores the life and œuvre of a forgotten Egyptian intellectual and poet, Muṣṭafā Salāma al-Naǧǧārī (d. 1870). Next, A. Mestyan provides the English translation and Arabic transcription of the surviving fragments of al-Naǧǧārīʼs manuscript, The Garden of Ismail’s Praise. This is a universal history of Egypt, written while the Suez Canal was under construction to praise the governor Khedive Ismail (r. 1863-1879). The author advocates a unique solution to computing the period of primordial history, before the Deluge, in the age of steam and print. Al-Naǧǧārī's alternative Nahḍa voice is available for the first time in this edition.
Arab Patriotism presents the essential backstory to the formation of the modern nation-state and mass nationalism in the Middle East. While standard histories claim that the roots of Arab nationalism emerged in opposition to the Ottoman... more
Arab Patriotism presents the essential backstory to the formation of the modern nation-state and mass nationalism in the Middle East. While standard histories claim that the roots of Arab nationalism emerged in opposition to the Ottoman milieu, Adam Mestyan points to the patriotic sentiment that grew in the Egyptian province of the Ottoman Empire during the nineteenth century, arguing that it served as a pivotal way station on the path to the birth of Arab nationhood.

Through extensive archival research, Mestyan examines the collusion of various Ottoman elites in creating this nascent sense of national belonging and finds that learned culture played a central role in this development. Mestyan investigates the experience of community during this period, engendered through participation in public rituals and being part of a theater audience. He describes the embodied and textual ways these experiences were produced through urban spaces, poetry, performances, and journals. From the Khedivial Opera House's staging of Verdi's Aida and the first Arabic magazine to the ‘Urabi revolution and the restoration of the authority of Ottoman viceroys under British occupation, Mestyan illuminates the cultural dynamics of a regime that served as the precondition for nation-building in the Middle East.

A wholly original exploration of Egypt in the context of the Ottoman Empire, Arab Patriotism sheds fresh light on the evolving sense of political belonging in the Arab world.
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“An Egyptian Shaykh’s Literary World” is an independent project that digitally reconstructs the 480 print and manuscript titles in the handwritten Arabic probate inventory of Shaykh Mustafa Salama al-Najjari (d. 1870), an important but... more
“An Egyptian Shaykh’s Literary World” is an independent project that digitally
reconstructs the 480 print and manuscript titles in the handwritten Arabic probate inventory of Shaykh Mustafa Salama al-Najjari (d. 1870), an important but forgotten intellectual in late Ottoman Egypt. Our goal is to investigate the co-existence of manuscript and print cultures, to compare values of texts, to experiment with the HTML and visual representation of bibliographic data, and to understand the late Ottoman Egyptian printing business and its political dimension.
(OPEN ACCESS) In this article, we explore the “probate regime,” an administrative field of government activity of legally transferring, taxing, and administering bequests. As an example, we study the changes of the Egyptian probate regime... more
(OPEN ACCESS) In this article, we explore the “probate regime,” an administrative field of government activity of legally transferring, taxing, and administering bequests. As an example, we study the changes of the Egyptian probate regime in a longue durée perspective, with a focus on the nineteenth century when Egypt was a sub-Ottoman “khedivate.” We argue that the rationalization and expansion of the previously Ottoman administration of bequests, unlike Western bureaucracies, retained religious norms in the 1850s-1860s. In the context of Egyptian legal transformation, the change in the probate regime represents a case when Islamic norms became contested between administrative bodies of the government and the Muslim judge (qadi). Drawing on novel archival research in Egypt and elsewhere, we first consider the institutions of the Ottoman probate regime (probate judge, fees, and a probate bureau). Next, we zoom in on the way the khedivial probate bureau became a large, de-Ottomanized, Muslim administration of death by the 1870s in a partnership between khedives and local jurists. The khedives also considered the orphans’ wealth under the care of the bureau a source of government capitalism. Despite the abolishment of the probate bureau in 1896, the khedivial transformation ensured that Muslim principles remained normative during the British occupation which ushered in a new division of law into “religious” and “civil” legal domains.
In this article, I explore the uses of the term irṣād in nineteenth- and twentieth-century legal opinions (fatwa, pl. fatāwā) issued by Egyptian muftis. This term can be rendered into English as ‘the public trust’ or, more precisely, ‘the... more
In this article, I explore the uses of the term irṣād in nineteenth- and twentieth-century legal opinions (fatwa, pl. fatāwā) issued by Egyptian muftis. This term can be rendered into English as ‘the public trust’ or, more precisely, ‘the designated endowment’. Kenneth Cuno argues that this was not a judicial category in applied law but that muftis used this term in Ottoman Egypt and Syria to justify the position of Muslim rentiers in an ideology of local notables between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. Building on this argument, I suggest that this term belongs to the larger conceptual domain of administrative privatization of public land. I explore the relationship between the administrative uses of this term and its Islamic legal understanding in nineteenth-century Egypt. Finally, I consider how after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire Muslim jurists in interwar Egypt still identified some endowments as irṣād to provide flexibility for the new royal government.
This article explores the making of the State of Syria after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. I argue that an event-based approach in global legal history offers a useful perspective for studying the transition from imperial to... more
This article explores the making of the State of Syria after the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. I argue that an event-based approach in global legal history offers a useful perspective for studying the transition from imperial to international and national systems. Drawing on new archival research in France and Saudi Arabia, I focus upon the creation of the 1928 Syrian constitution in the League's mandate to show the administrative framework of political orders. First, I describe the French administrative logic through the story of the international 'organic law'. Second, I describe the way the organic law necessitated the Syrian political constitution. The constrained constitutional process resulted in a clash and a compromise about a Muslim president between secularist republicans and exiled, Saudi-related Muslim monarchists. Global history can profit from this approach by rethinking decolonization as administrative reorganization and by focusing on dissenting, non-state actors in state-making.
Historians often look for genealogies of nationalism in Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman imperial history. In this article, I use an inter-imperial framework to argue that the formative period of contemporary Eastern Mediterranean-European... more
Historians often look for genealogies of nationalism in Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman imperial history. In this article, I use an inter-imperial framework to argue that the formative period of contemporary Eastern Mediterranean-European regionalism was the last five decades of these two empires. The diplomatic, economic and cultural relations between the two middle powers compose an alternative history to national narratives. I show that dualism (‘independence’ within empire) was an attractive imperial reform model for Ottoman Muslim intellectuals. I describe first a forgotten Egyptian-Ottoman dualist vision, and then I analyse the more well-known Arab-Turkish dualist plans up to 1921.
Theories of state modernization rarely consider the relationship between sovereignty and government capacity. This paper focuses on the khedivate of Egypt, a semi-independent province in the Ottoman Empire. My claim is that endowed... more
Theories of state modernization rarely consider the relationship between sovereignty and government capacity. This paper focuses on the khedivate of Egypt, a semi-independent province in the Ottoman Empire. My claim is that endowed agricultural land was a useful tool of fiscal modernization for the khedivial government. The governors taxed and made such lands alienable for public purposes. In order to support this claim, this study uses an 1869 endowment certificate of Hoşyar, mother of Khedive Ismail, to examine the regulatory context of endowed agricultural land. Through an archival anthropology of Hoşyar's certificate, I describe the legal layer of the khedi-vial land administration (the regulations about agricultural land) and the physiocratic layer (the proofs of ownership such as the taqsīṭ dīwānī and written land survey registers) in comparison with the Ottoman central administration. This case study thus contributes to the discussion about the compatibility of the Muslim endowment with modernization.
This essay is a micro-analysis of legal opinions (fatwā, pl. fatāwā) in 19th-century Egypt, drawing on my research in preparation for a larger project about Egyptian legal-administrative history and, more specifically, land... more
This essay is a micro-analysis of legal opinions (fatwā, pl. fatāwā) in 19th-century Egypt, drawing on my research in preparation for a larger project about Egyptian legal-administrative history and, more specifically, land administration. The legal opinions I present here are answers to questions concerning pious endowments (waqf, pl. awqāf), usually connected to endowed real estate. Studies about the legal transformation of land administration in modern Egypt are still scarce. The Egyptian security services limit access to 19th-century and even earlier court records, land survey registers, chancellery documents, and administrative orders. Here, I focus on a small number of legal opinions in a limited period from a printed source; as such, the results are not generalisable. Yet they are indicative of problems and questions about endowments and land for further study.
Through a new type of global microhistory, this article explores the remaking of the political system in Egypt before colonialism. I argue that developmentalism and the origins of Arabic monarchism were closely related in 1860s Egypt.... more
Through a new type of global microhistory, this article explores the remaking of the political system in Egypt before colonialism. I argue that developmentalism and the origins of Arabic monarchism were closely related in 1860s Egypt. Drawing on hitherto unknown archival evidence, I show that groups of Egyptian local notables (a‘yan) sought to cooperate with the Ottoman governor Ismail (r. 1863–1879) in order to gain capital and steam machines, and to participate in the administration. Ismail, on his side, secured a new order of succession from the Ottoman sultan. A‘yan developmentalism was discursively presented in petitions, poems, and treatises acknowledging the new order and naturalizing the governor as an Egyptian ruler. Consultation instead of constitutionalism was the concept to express the new relationship. The collaboration was codified in the Consultative Chamber of Representatives, often interpreted as the first parliament in the Middle East. As a consequence of the sultanic order and the Chamber, Egypt's position within the Ottoman Empire became similar to a pseudo-federal relationship. I conclude by contrasting different ways of pseudo-federalization in the global 1860s, employing a regional, unbalanced comparison with the United Principalities and Habsburg Hungary.
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This essay focuses on the month of Ramadan and its end celebration, ‘Id al-Fitr, the Festival of Breaking the Fast, in the Ottoman Arab provinces in the second half of the nineteenth century. What was the effect of new technologies and... more
This essay focuses on the month of Ramadan and its end celebration, ‘Id al-Fitr, the Festival of Breaking the Fast, in the Ottoman Arab provinces in the second half of the nineteenth century. What was the effect
of new technologies and urbanization on these Muslim practices in their relationship to politics and the new public spaces? Building on recent scholarship, Mestyan argues that these were reconstituted as
part of symbolic politics and served as a test period for using new technologies to synchronize collective action. He explores this process by historicizing the relationship between power and sound during
Ramadan.
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This paper contains the English translation of Ignác Goldziher's Hungarian essay Report on the Books Brought from the Orient for the Hungarian Academy of Sciences with Regard to the Conditions of the Printing Press in the Orient (1874).... more
This paper contains the English translation of Ignác Goldziher's Hungarian essay Report on the Books Brought from the Orient for the Hungarian Academy of Sciences with Regard to the Conditions of the Printing Press in the Orient (1874). The introduction provides the historical and scholarly context of the article. The Arabic printed books Goldziher bought in Egypt reflect his understanding of a specialized Arabic Studies library in the 1870s. The general argument is that Goldziher connected the Arab nation and Arabic texts based on the Hungarian and German concepts of liberal nationalism. This connection instrumentalized religious texts for a non-religious goal.
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This article revisits the official culture of the early khedivate through a microhistory of the first modern Egyptian theater in Arabic. Based on archival research, it aims at a recalibration of recent scholarship by showing khedivial... more
This article revisits the official culture of the early khedivate through a microhistory of the first modern Egyptian theater in Arabic. Based on archival research, it aims at a recalibration of recent scholarship by showing khedivial culture as a complex framework of competing patriotisms. It analyzes the discourse about theater in the Arabic press, including the journalist Muhammad Unsi's call for performances in Arabic in 1870. It shows that the realization of this idea was the theater group led by James Sanua between 1871 and 1872, which also performed ʿAbd al-Fattah al-Misri's tragedy. But the troupe was not an expression of subversive nationalism, as has been claimed by scholars. My historical reconstruction and my analysis of the content of Sanua's comedies show loyalism toward the Khedive Ismail. Yet his form of contemporary satire was incompatible with elite cultural patriotism, which employed historicization as its dominant technique. This revision throws new light on a crucial moment of social change in the history of modern Egypt, when the ruler was expected to preside over the plural cultural bodies of the nation.
In this article the origins of the modern metropolis are reconsidered, using the example of Cairo within its Ottoman and global context. I argue that Cairo's Azbakiyya Garden served as a central ground for fashioning a dynastic capital... more
In this article the origins of the modern metropolis are reconsidered, using the example of Cairo within its Ottoman and global context. I argue that Cairo's Azbakiyya Garden served as a central ground for fashioning a dynastic capital throughout the nineteenth century. This argument sheds new light on the politics of Khedive Ismail, who introduced a new state representation through urban planning and music theatre. The social history of music in Azbakiyya proves that, instead of functioning as an example of colonial division, Cairo encompassed competing conceptions of class, taste and power.
Remarks About The Cultural Politics Of The ʿUrabi Government
Turkish translation of Adam Mestyan-Mercedes Volait, “Affairisme dynastique et dandysme au Caire vers 1900: Le Club des Princes et la formation d’un quartier du divertissement rue ‘Imad al-Din.” Annales Islamologiques 50 (2016): 55–106 .
This text explores the oeuvre of Muḥammad Yūsuf Najm (1925–2009), with special attention to his work on the history of the Arabic theatre. I contextualize Najm's intellectual production in the wider intellectual horizon of the 1950s and... more
This text explores the oeuvre of Muḥammad Yūsuf Najm (1925–2009), with special attention to his work on the history of the Arabic theatre. I contextualize Najm's intellectual production in the wider intellectual horizon of the 1950s and 1960s. The argument is that Najm, together with others, constructed a narrative of the Arabic literary renewal (nahḍa) based on their notions of modernism and pan-Arabism. Arabic plays were essential in this construction since these represented modernity and the break with the (Ottoman) past.
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An Islamic Digital Humanities Project https://projectnaggari.github.io/index.html Data collection, design of categories, and editing by Adam Mestyan and Kathryn Schwartz With the contribution of Sean Swanick and Rezk Nori With help... more
An Islamic Digital Humanities Project
https://projectnaggari.github.io/index.html
Data collection, design of categories, and editing by Adam Mestyan and Kathryn Schwartz
With the contribution of Sean Swanick and Rezk Nori
With help from Joseph Ben Prestel, Daniel Lowe, Guy Burak, Boris Liebrenz, and Yahia Shawkat
TEI XML transformation, markup, codes and concept of HTML website by Adam Mestyan
Visualization by Kathryn Schwartz
TEI, JS, and CSS consultant: Hugh Cayless
JS code: Hugh Cayless
Jara’id 2020 Edition is a research tool, a bibliographic database in TEI XML (in English and Arabic) containing around 3300 Arabic titles and holdings information about the global Arabic press between 1800 and 1929. The website also... more
Jara’id
2020 Edition is a research tool, a bibliographic database in TEI XML (in English and Arabic) containing around 3300 Arabic titles and holdings information about the global Arabic press between 1800 and 1929. The website also offers some visualizations of the
data.
A chronology of every Arabic-language periodical published during the nineteenth century, providing information on publication dates, publishers, languages, locations, print-run, and holding institutions.
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What does the Ottoman framework mean for urban historians of the Arab world and in particular of Egypt?
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في السنوات الأخيرة، وعدتنا رقمنة الكتب المطبوعة والمخطوطات والوثائق بديمقراطية جديدة للمعرفة. غير أن هذه العملية لم تكن عادلة على المستوى العالمي. فالوصول إلى العالم الرقمي ليس متاحًا مجانًا للجميع.
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In recent years, the digitalization of printed books, manuscripts, and documents has promised a new democratization of knowledge. This is not, however, a globally equitable process. The digital world is not freely accessible to all.
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