Ondrej Cisar
Charles University, Prague, Department of Sociology, Faculty Member
- Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic, Czech Sociological Review, Department Memberadd
- Political Mobilization, Political Theory, Social Movements, Democracy, Political Participation, Sociology, and 21 moreSocial Research Methods and Methodology, Transnationalism, Political Science, Political Sociology, Eastern European Studies, Political Parties, Social Movement, Social Movements (Political Science), European Union, Collective Action, Contentious Politics, Political Extremism/Radicalism/Populism, Central and Eastern Europe, Czech & Slovak Studies, Transnational Social Movements, Extreme and Far Right, Protest Movements, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Comparative Politics, Protest, and Civil Societyedit
Czechia offers an interesting and important case of a post-communist EU member state with a well-rooted and politically established climate obstruction landscape. The issue has been the subject of major policy debates since the... more
Czechia offers an interesting and important case of a post-communist EU member state with a well-rooted and politically established climate obstruction landscape. The issue has been the subject of major policy debates since the mid-1990s and, more importantly, the articulation of climate obstruction rhetoric has come from the top levels of government. This chapter will show how Czechia’s post-communist context has uniquely shaped climate obstruction there and enabled the dominance of a climate obstruction network composed of political leaders, political parties, and think tanks, including some prominent individuals. It will connect important moments in Czech politics, such as when former prime minister and one of the most prominent climate change denier Václav Klaus became Czech president and started to raise his objections to climate change for the Czech republic to the emergence and advancement of the key actors and activists in this network, demonstrating how they have dominated the institutional and discursive spaces over other potentially significant actors (e.g., the auto industry). This influence has contributed to establishing climate obstruction as the mainstream discourse in Czechia, thus obviating the need for special efforts to promote this position or respond to political or public opposition. The authors will draw on social movement theory, combining data from existing scholarship with information gleaned from newspaper archives and other nonacademic sources, to document the findings
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This paper analyses the perceived influence of managerial populism on transactional advocacy organizations (TAOs) in the Czech Republic and the transformation of their strategies outside the national political process. It aims at two... more
This paper analyses the perceived influence of managerial populism on transactional advocacy organizations (TAOs) in the Czech Republic and the transformation of their strategies outside the national political process. It aims at two goals: First, in contrast to the prevailing narratives of populism as universally worsening the conditions for civil society actors, we demonstrate that there is not a uniform impact from populist governance on advocacy organizations and that we need to differentiate between TAOs and other advocacy organizations. Second, the paper analyses the transformation of TAO strategies after the rise of populist governance with a focus on the transnational dimension of their goals, alliances, and resources. We show whether and to what extent TAOs compensate for change in their environment through reconnecting to European political processes. The paper builds on organizational surveys of Czech advocacy organizations, most notably the Czech Comparative Interest Group survey carried out in 2019-2020.
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This paper examines the development of environmental activism in the Czech Republic since the country joined the European Union (EU) in 2004. We argue that even under similar contextual conditions political activists come up with and... more
This paper examines the development of environmental activism in the Czech Republic since the country joined the European Union (EU) in 2004. We argue that even under similar contextual conditions political activists come up with and develop their course of action and strategies on the basis of their strategic capacity and do not necessarily follow a uniform pattern determined by the given contextual settings. In this respect, in addition to bringing a new analysis of post-accession activism in the Czech Republic, the article argues for an actor-centred understanding of political activism and social movements. Since the field of social movement studies is still dominated by the structuralist understanding of activism, this forms a relevant contribution to the discipline.
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This chapter focuses on the development of environmental activism and protest in Central Eastern Europe after 1989. The chapter mostly surveys the situation and existing research on the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Poland, and... more
This chapter focuses on the development of environmental activism and protest in Central Eastern Europe after 1989. The chapter mostly surveys the situation and existing research on the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Poland, and when relevant refers also to the wider group of East European countries. Many aspects and instances of environmental movement mobilisation that have been observed in Central Eastern Europe since 1989 have been addressed in systematic analyses of movements and environmental movement organisations. The chapter is mostly organised in a chronological order. The years of post-communist development are divided into several time periods derived from the extant literature. Environmental movements evolved considerably in these different periods and responded to the opportunities and threats specific to each one. When applicable, the discussion is organised around the most important scholarly debate or controversy in the given period, reflecting the problems of importance at that time. The chapter thus deals with the most important debates in the research on environmental movements in several time periods.
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DiEM25 (Democracy in Europe Movement 2025) is among the most prominent recent attempts of left-wing transnationalism. In this chapter, we analyze how DiEM25 activists identify with ‘Europe’ and how they assess the practice of... more
DiEM25 (Democracy in Europe Movement 2025) is among the most prominent recent attempts of left-wing transnationalism. In this chapter, we analyze how DiEM25 activists identify with ‘Europe’ and how they assess the practice of transnational activism. Our findings contribute to three important general debates on contemporary social movement activism. First, we provide further evidence that ‘anti-nationalist Europeanism’ constitutes a cornerstone of the political identity of many contemporary left-wing activists. Despite the strong criticism of and disappointment with the real-existing EU among DiEM25 activists, they strongly hold on to European integration, while being critical of the nation state, often equated with nationalism. Second, our findings underline the difficulties of ‘Europeanization from below’: despite DiEM25’s strong transnationalism on an ideational level, the actual practices of transnational activism involve many challenges, both offline and online. Third, we link to more general debates on the transnational strategies of left-wing actors in Europe, questioning the feasibility of such an approach, not only because of the challenges to effectively organize transnationally, but also because social science research indicates the immunization of the EU against left-wing reform. Methodologically, we make use of novel data collected for the research project that forms the basis of this book: semi-structured interviews with DiEM25 activists.
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What is the role of think tanks in Europeanization of national public spheres? To address this question, our paper explores the performance of think tanks in the immigration debate in the Czech Republic. Employing political claims... more
What is the role of think tanks in Europeanization of national public spheres? To address this question, our paper explores the performance of think tanks in the immigration debate in the Czech Republic. Employing political claims analysis (PCa) and treating think tanks as boundary organizations active in multiple fields, we compare the levels of Europeanization of political claims made by think tanks with other actors. Our data set includes 2,374 political claims made on broadcast public TV in the period from april 2015 to March 2016. according to our quantitative data, Czech think tanks chose the discursive strategy of Europeanization more often than any other actor represented. Thus, think tanks have the potential to support Europeanization of national public spheres. However, their representation in media coverage is relatively low. Our results also demonstrate that think tanks should be treated as sui generis organizations since their strategy in the public sphere deviates from that of other civil society organizations. Think tanks Europeanized their claims-making, but others largely stayed on the national level while discussing the refugee crisis.
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From an examination of the impact of international civil-society-building programmes on Czech environmental movement organisations (EMOs), it is clear that international influence left a deep imprint on eastern European civil societies.... more
From an examination of the impact of international civil-society-building programmes on Czech environmental movement organisations (EMOs), it is clear that international influence left a deep imprint on eastern European civil societies. It did not however curb opportunities for environmental political activism, as supposed by an important part of the traditional scholarship, but instead helped create a particular form of activism based on advocacy organisations capable of staging political protest when necessary. While international donors have clearly channelled activist organisations towards professionalisation, this process has not necessarily been accompanied by de-politicisation and de-radicalisation of activist organisations. In fact, drawing on quantitative as well as qualitative data, employing protest event analysis and the small-N comparative method, it appears that activists dependent on foreign funding have often displayed a more assertive stance in political conflicts than their domestically embedded counterparts.
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It was the active participation of students in a demonstration that on November 17, 1989 started the process that ended forty years of non-democratic regime in Czechoslovakia. The subsequent Velvet Revolution transformed not only the... more
It was the active participation of students in a demonstration that on November 17, 1989 started the process that ended forty years of non-democratic regime in Czechoslovakia. The subsequent Velvet Revolution transformed not only the political system and its institutions, but also the way citizens participate in politics. What it looks like today is the focus of this chapter. In the first section, the chapter presents the main forms of political participation in the Czech Republic. In the second section, the chapter focuses on the often-discussed relationship between the two main general forms of participation, electoral and non-electoral. In the third section, the chapter concentrates on the nature of democratic citizenship prevalent in the Czech Republic. Within this section, the chapter also touches upon a currently much-discussed phenomenon, the role of the Internet and social media in the activation of young people for political participation. In the fourth section, the chapter focuses on possible explanations of differences in participation at the individual and organizational level. In the last section, the chapter compares the situation in the Czech Republic to the situation in other selected countries.
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Má smysl publikovat odborné články v českém jazyce? V následujícím textu se (nejen) na základě zkušenosti šéfredaktora tří v češtině publikovaných odborných časopisů (Politologický časopis: 2003–2006, Mezinárodní vztahy [dále MV]:... more
Má smysl publikovat odborné články v českém jazyce? V následujícím textu se (nejen) na základě zkušenosti šéfredaktora tří v češtině publikovaných odborných časopisů (Politologický časopis: 2003–2006, Mezinárodní vztahy [dále MV]: 2007–2008, Sociologický časopis: 2009–dosud) pokusím shrnout, jaké jsou argumenty ve prospěch publikování v češtině. V současných pod-mínkách se ale jedná o obtížný úkol jak z hlediska takové argumentace, tak z hlediska samotného publikování českých článků. Vedle dosažení excelence hrají nebo by měly akademické publikace hrát i další role, v nichž jim dostupnost v národním jazyce může jen pomoci a nedostupnost naopak schopnost tyto role hrát ztížit. I když je jasné, že jen sama přístupnost v češtině naplnění těchto rolí zaručit nemůže. Na následujících řádcích odliším tři takové role mimo excelenci – vzdělávací (1), integrační (2) a kritickou (3).
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Populism has become one of the key concepts of politics in recent years. In our article, we first present the basic conceptualization of populism with an emphasis on its elitist paradox, which means that the leaders of the struggle of the... more
Populism has become one of the key concepts of politics in recent years. In our article, we first present the basic conceptualization of populism with an emphasis on its elitist paradox, which means that the leaders of the struggle of the "good" people against the "evil" elites are themselves elites par excellence. In our interpretation of populism, we further focus on its technocratic or managerial variant, since this form is precisely what has gained the most ground in the Czech Republic, and what also sets the country apart from the rest of Central Europe and to some extent makes it unique throughout Europe. Our interpretation in this respect differs from those which, on the contrary, see direct parallels between Czech technocratic populism and its nationalist and authoritarian variants in Hungary and Poland. Against the background of the discussion of different contexts of political struggle in different countries, we focus on different forms of populism in Central Europe. In comparison to Poland, Hungary and Slovakia, we show what makes the Czech variant of populism special and why. Finally, we address the current Covid-19 pandemic and its impact on populist politics. The paper concludes by a more general discussion of our contribution in the recent debate on the end of the "backsliding paradigm."
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V této kapitole se zaměříme na obecné charakteristiky výzkumného rámce a jednotlivých kroků při přípravě výzkumu. Jaké otázky musíme zvážit, když plánujeme projekt naší závěrečné práce, článku nebo knihy? Jaké problémy musíme vyřešit a... more
V této kapitole se zaměříme na obecné charakteristiky výzkumného rámce a jednotlivých kroků při přípravě výzkumu. Jaké otázky musíme zvážit, když plánujeme projekt naší závěrečné práce, článku nebo knihy? Jaké problémy musíme vyřešit a jakým úskalím se vyhnout? V rámci omezeného rozsahu jedné kapitoly se na tyto otázky pokusíme co nejlépe odpovědět. Cíl kapitoly je přitom praktický-poskytnout čtenářům a čtenářkám srozumitelný balíček "první pomoci" při plánování výzkumné práce a přemýšlení o její prezentaci. Tento balíček sice vychází z učebnic a příspěvků, k nimž je dále odkazováno, ale stejně tak odráží i dlouholetou praxi autorů při řízení tří českých společenskovědních časopisů (Politologického časopisu, Mezinárodních vztahů a české edice Sociologického časopisu) a zkušenost z organizace a výuky letních škol výzkumných metod a výzkumného rámce. Tyto zkušenosti na mnoha místech textu upřednostňujeme před učebnicovou úplností. Jinak řečeno, na následujících stranách možná nenaleznete všechny typologie přístupů a postupů výzkumu. Uvedený návod lze však považovat za použitelný a používaný. Vycházíme z toho, že společenskovědní výzkum, byť je definován a veden teorií, je především praktickou činností.
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This paper empirically examines the meaning of security within a socially excluded locality. Drawing on critical security studies and cultural criminology, ethnographic research was conducted to make sense of security from the perspective... more
This paper empirically examines the meaning of security within a socially excluded locality. Drawing on critical security studies and cultural criminology, ethnographic research was conducted to make sense of security from the perspective of the excluded. We provide an account of the dominant security narrative identified in the investigated discourse, where street violence is recognized as the most serious threat to the well-being of a local population. Violence is understood both as a means of satisfying drug addiction and as a mechanism of creating ‘respect’. The interpretation is further analyzed through a framework inspired by the thought of Pierre Bourdieu, utilizing the concepts of street culture field, street capital, and street habitus. In the conclusion of the article, we claim that street violence is not the manifestation of the Roma ethnicity, as some put it, but that it should be approached as a symptom of social marginalization instead.
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ABSTRACT The goal of this article is to analyze the impact the EU has had on the Czech women's groups since the 1990s. The first section debates possible theoretical approaches to the study of the Europeanization of political activism.... more
ABSTRACT The goal of this article is to analyze the impact the EU has had on the Czech women's groups since the 1990s. The first section debates possible theoretical approaches to the study of the Europeanization of political activism. The second section describes the transformation of the Czech political opportunity structure induced by the accession process. The third section focuses on the consequences for Czech women's groups of their increased reliance on EU funding.
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Research Interests: Sociology and Literature
Research Interests: Sociology and Literature
Research Interests: Sociology and Literature
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Although current political developments are often related to the mismanaged post-communist transformation, they are also determined by the way post-communist countries were integrated into the global economy. We have witnessed the erosion... more
Although current political developments are often related to the mismanaged post-communist transformation, they are also determined by the way post-communist countries were integrated into the global economy. We have witnessed the erosion of traditional political parties in the Czech Republic. This erosion was not framed in the language of cultural or political exceptionalism, such as illiberal democracy, but using the vocabulary of managerial and economic technocracy. Although disappointment with democratisation is often blamed for the current mobilisation of populist leaders in Central-Eastern Europe, it is unclear whether this tendency can be seen only as a region-specific mechanism or whether we are entering a period characterised by a more general trend of growing support for anti-liberal and antidemocratic forces across the globe. This paper tends to argue the latter.
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Prožíváme konec hegemonie jednoho výkladu světa. Ten se pro nás začal psát nejpozději koncem 80. let, když zkolabovaly nedemokratické režimy východní Evropy, což je perspektiva, z níž se jako Češi na svět nutně díváme. Pokud se koncem 80.... more
Prožíváme konec hegemonie jednoho výkladu světa. Ten se pro nás začal psát nejpozději koncem 80. let, když zkolabovaly nedemokratické režimy východní Evropy, což je perspektiva, z níž se jako Češi na svět nutně díváme. Pokud se koncem 80. let a v Česku s mírným zpožděním pod vlajkou (ekonomického i kulturního) liberalismu zdálo, že konflikt různých představ o tom, jak organizovat společnost, je u konce, dnes se tento konflikt vrátil s překvapivou intenzitou.
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Západní civilizace možná zahyne. Pokud ale dá na rady jednoho egyptologa a jeho přátel, údajně povstane z popela lepší a silnější.
Nozickova odpověď na snahu sladit svobodu jednotlivce s prospěchem všech je divoká libertariánská vize, která se naplňuje. Možná dokonce víc, než si její autor dokázal představit.
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Cílem tohoto semináře je ukázat, co přinesl výzkum sociálních hnutí a politického protestu v České republice a postkomunistické Evropě a co nám může říct o fungování demokracie v těchto zemích. Dokáže vypovídat i o jiných věcech, nebo se... more
Cílem tohoto semináře je ukázat, co přinesl výzkum sociálních hnutí a politického protestu v České republice a postkomunistické Evropě a co nám může říct o fungování demokracie v těchto zemích. Dokáže vypovídat i o jiných věcech, nebo se – jak kdosi poznamenal – jedná o „ztracené téma“? Podle některých názorů v postkomunistických zemích sociální hnutí a jejich organizace totiž nejsou nijak důležité. Na základě tohoto argumentu je ale nepochopitelné, proč se postupně se konsolidující neliberální režimy, např. v Maďarsku nebo Rusku, dlouhodobě snaží o vytváření překážek jejich fungování. V perspektivě současných teoretických východisek prezentace rozliší různé podoby aktivismu a dále se na základě vlastních výzkumných výsledků zaměří na hlavní témata minulého i současného výzkumu. V prvním případě půjde především o samotnou otázku síly občanské společnosti a sítí aktérů, které ji tvoří, a dále o otázku efektu transnacionálních a mezinárodních vlivů na domácí sítě sociálních hnutí. Ve druhém případě se prezentace zaměří na současná témata výzkumu hnutí a protestu, který se dnes ubírá směrem k zahrnutí volebního chování a politických stran na jedné straně a sociálněekonomických aspektů na straně druhé. Jak lze na existujících výsledcích stavět v budoucnosti a proč to vlastně dělat? To jsou hlavní otázky tohoto semináře.
Cílem tohoto semináře je ukázat, co přinesl výzkum sociálních hnutí a politického protestu v České republice a postkomunistické Evropě a co nám může říct o fungování demokracie v těchto zemích. Dokáže vypovídat i o jiných věcech, nebo se... more
Cílem tohoto semináře je ukázat, co přinesl výzkum sociálních hnutí a politického protestu v České republice a postkomunistické Evropě a co nám může říct o fungování demokracie v těchto zemích. Dokáže vypovídat i o jiných věcech, nebo se – jak kdosi poznamenal – jedná o „ztracené téma“? Podle některých názorů v postkomunistických zemích sociální hnutí a jejich organizace totiž nejsou nijak důležité. Na základě tohoto argumentu je ale nepochopitelné, proč se postupně se konsolidující neliberální režimy, např. v Maďarsku nebo Rusku, dlouhodobě snaží o vytváření překážek jejich fungování. V perspektivě současných teoretických východisek prezentace rozliší různé podoby aktivismu a dále se na základě vlastních výzkumných výsledků zaměří na hlavní témata minulého i současného výzkumu. V prvním případě půjde především o samotnou otázku síly občanské společnosti a sítí aktérů, které ji tvoří, a dále o otázku efektu transnacionálních a mezinárodních vlivů na domácí sítě sociálních hnutí. Ve druhém případě se prezentace zaměří na současná témata výzkumu hnutí a protestu, který se dnes ubírá směrem k zahrnutí volebního chování a politických stran na jedné straně a sociálněekonomických aspektů na straně druhé. Jak lze na existujících výsledcích stavět v budoucnosti a proč to vlastně dělat? To jsou hlavní otázky tohoto semináře.
Call for Papers: 2017 Joint Sessions of Workshops, Nottingham The proposed workshop focuses on one of the most debated theoretical and empirical problems of social movement and collective action research. Social movement studies have... more
Call for Papers: 2017 Joint Sessions of Workshops, Nottingham
The proposed workshop focuses on one of the most debated theoretical and empirical problems of social movement and collective action research. Social movement studies have tended to declare social movements the defining feature of established post-1968 democracies and generally prioritized the protest arena of action. However, there have been important recent contributions pointing out the need to focus on the electoral arena, political parties, and their interactions with social movements and protest politics. In fact, this type of inter-arena interaction constitutes one of the most important challenges of social movement research. At present, their interaction remains undertheorized and understudied. Moreover, by focusing on these two particular arenas, the papers assembled in the workshop will be able to address more general issues related to interactions of social fields in modern societies. Also, it will hopefully stimulate conversations across various research areas by bringing together scholars working on social movements, political parties and their networks, as well as on political participation and representation more generally. Given that European societies are currently facing multiple challenges, such as the recent economic recession in some parts of the continent, the rise in political populism, and xenophobic mobilization against diverse representatives of the supposed European “other”, this type of research focused not only on protest, but also its electoral consequences is about to become even more important. This is currently reinforced by the European “migrant crisis” which holds a clear potential to politically reconfigure not only the European political arena, but also national politics in many member states. In this respect, the workshop focuses on a problem of high real-world relevance.
https://ecpr.eu/Events/PanelDetails.aspx?PanelID=4830&EventID=104
The proposed workshop focuses on one of the most debated theoretical and empirical problems of social movement and collective action research. Social movement studies have tended to declare social movements the defining feature of established post-1968 democracies and generally prioritized the protest arena of action. However, there have been important recent contributions pointing out the need to focus on the electoral arena, political parties, and their interactions with social movements and protest politics. In fact, this type of inter-arena interaction constitutes one of the most important challenges of social movement research. At present, their interaction remains undertheorized and understudied. Moreover, by focusing on these two particular arenas, the papers assembled in the workshop will be able to address more general issues related to interactions of social fields in modern societies. Also, it will hopefully stimulate conversations across various research areas by bringing together scholars working on social movements, political parties and their networks, as well as on political participation and representation more generally. Given that European societies are currently facing multiple challenges, such as the recent economic recession in some parts of the continent, the rise in political populism, and xenophobic mobilization against diverse representatives of the supposed European “other”, this type of research focused not only on protest, but also its electoral consequences is about to become even more important. This is currently reinforced by the European “migrant crisis” which holds a clear potential to politically reconfigure not only the European political arena, but also national politics in many member states. In this respect, the workshop focuses on a problem of high real-world relevance.
https://ecpr.eu/Events/PanelDetails.aspx?PanelID=4830&EventID=104
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The session invites papers on the relation between various forms of mobilization by transnational social movements (TSMs), European integration, and European democracy. Transnational activism includes general democratic claims as well as... more
The session invites papers on the relation between various forms of mobilization by transnational social movements (TSMs), European integration, and European democracy. Transnational activism includes general democratic claims as well as more specific rights claims, and involves various forms of political and legal mobilization.
TSM claims-making addresses European institutions in order to redress domestic rights or democracy/justice infringement, but in a more comprehensive sense also includes claims regarding the European process of integration itself.
http://www.isa-sociology.org/forum-2016/rc/rc.php?n=RC18
TSM claims-making addresses European institutions in order to redress domestic rights or democracy/justice infringement, but in a more comprehensive sense also includes claims regarding the European process of integration itself.
http://www.isa-sociology.org/forum-2016/rc/rc.php?n=RC18
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SUBMISSION DEADLINE: 31 MARCH 2015 The Czech Sociological Review invites proposals for special issues on topics falling within the scope of a generalist sociological journal. Applicants are asked to fill out the form and submit it... more
SUBMISSION DEADLINE: 31 MARCH 2015
The Czech Sociological Review invites proposals for special issues on topics falling within the scope of a generalist sociological journal.
Applicants are asked to fill out the form and submit it to the journal's email address: csr@soc.cas.cz.
Special issue projects will be evaluated and selected by the CSR editorial board at the proposal of the Editor-in-Chief. Decisions will be made and applicants will be notified no later than 30 April 2015.
The special issue will be published in 2016 or 2017 depending on the availability of journal space.
All papers submitted for a special issue will be peer reviewed in conformity with the CSR’s rigorous peer review rules. A special issue may contain between 4 and 7 peer reviewed articles.
http://sreview.soc.cas.cz/en/article/23-the-czech-sociological-review-announces-a-call-for-special-issue-proposals-in-english
The Czech Sociological Review invites proposals for special issues on topics falling within the scope of a generalist sociological journal.
Applicants are asked to fill out the form and submit it to the journal's email address: csr@soc.cas.cz.
Special issue projects will be evaluated and selected by the CSR editorial board at the proposal of the Editor-in-Chief. Decisions will be made and applicants will be notified no later than 30 April 2015.
The special issue will be published in 2016 or 2017 depending on the availability of journal space.
All papers submitted for a special issue will be peer reviewed in conformity with the CSR’s rigorous peer review rules. A special issue may contain between 4 and 7 peer reviewed articles.
http://sreview.soc.cas.cz/en/article/23-the-czech-sociological-review-announces-a-call-for-special-issue-proposals-in-english
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Studying protest politics can tell us something new about post-communist democracies in Central and Eastern Europe, according to Ondrej Cisar, senior fellow at CEU Institute for Advanced Study (IAS) and associate professor in the... more
Studying protest politics can tell us something new about post-communist democracies in Central and Eastern Europe, according to Ondrej Cisar, senior fellow at CEU Institute for Advanced Study (IAS) and associate professor in the Department of Sociology at Charles University, speaking at CEU March 4 as part of IAS' seminar series. The lecture, entitled “Protest, Politics and Activism in Central Eastern Europe after 1989,” was part of Frontiers of Democracy, a CEU initiative that aims to promote open debate, discussion, and exchange of ideas with a diversity of views about the nature of democracy today.
Political apathy and resignation have grown among citizens of countries in the region over the past 20 years, Cisar said in a review of reports that identified frustration and disappointment with the actual economic and political performance of these democracies as the source of apathy. Performance sharply contrasted with the high expectations and enthusiasm about democracy as it was seen in the early 1990s, the reports say. However, empirical evidence supporting this disenchantment theory is limited, according to Cisar.
Cisar called for an examination of civil society organizations and a change in the research perspective. While the skeptical interpretation of civil society’s robustness usually relied on group membership, Cisar focused on inter-organizational networks, which provide postcommunist activism and social movements with a relatively solid ground. Drawing on empirical material from the Czech Republic, Cisar examined the impact of international funding on these organizations. In contrast to the prevailing interpretation, he argued that international organizations' support does not necessarily lead to the de-radicalization, cooptation and fragmentation of social movements and their constituent parts. Although international assistance can hardly contribute to participating citizenry, it nevertheless can help build networks of capable activist organizations promoting liberal values.
Moving from the organizational to street protest level, Cisar shared some results of his current project focused on post-communist protest politics in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland, making use of protest event data covering 20 years of protest in these countries.
Since there is no negative effect of political dissatisfaction on general political protest or positive on radical types of protest, the disenchantment thesis seems not to be supported by protest politics. This can have important implications for our understanding of democracy’s future. While in the traditional transition and consolidation literature, protest was taken as an indicator of antidemocratic resistance and instability, Cisar showed that it could have the potential to preserve democratic values, even if this ethos is challenged in the field of party politics and formal political institutions.
The lecture concluded with the discussion of the issue composition of political protest in the four countries, which clearly shows a divergent pattern. Building on field theory and the extant work on political space as defined by political parties, Cisar aimed at formulating a coherent theory of political space incorporating not only cleavages articulated by parties, but also fault lines expressed by protest action.
Political apathy and resignation have grown among citizens of countries in the region over the past 20 years, Cisar said in a review of reports that identified frustration and disappointment with the actual economic and political performance of these democracies as the source of apathy. Performance sharply contrasted with the high expectations and enthusiasm about democracy as it was seen in the early 1990s, the reports say. However, empirical evidence supporting this disenchantment theory is limited, according to Cisar.
Cisar called for an examination of civil society organizations and a change in the research perspective. While the skeptical interpretation of civil society’s robustness usually relied on group membership, Cisar focused on inter-organizational networks, which provide postcommunist activism and social movements with a relatively solid ground. Drawing on empirical material from the Czech Republic, Cisar examined the impact of international funding on these organizations. In contrast to the prevailing interpretation, he argued that international organizations' support does not necessarily lead to the de-radicalization, cooptation and fragmentation of social movements and their constituent parts. Although international assistance can hardly contribute to participating citizenry, it nevertheless can help build networks of capable activist organizations promoting liberal values.
Moving from the organizational to street protest level, Cisar shared some results of his current project focused on post-communist protest politics in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland, making use of protest event data covering 20 years of protest in these countries.
Since there is no negative effect of political dissatisfaction on general political protest or positive on radical types of protest, the disenchantment thesis seems not to be supported by protest politics. This can have important implications for our understanding of democracy’s future. While in the traditional transition and consolidation literature, protest was taken as an indicator of antidemocratic resistance and instability, Cisar showed that it could have the potential to preserve democratic values, even if this ethos is challenged in the field of party politics and formal political institutions.
The lecture concluded with the discussion of the issue composition of political protest in the four countries, which clearly shows a divergent pattern. Building on field theory and the extant work on political space as defined by political parties, Cisar aimed at formulating a coherent theory of political space incorporating not only cleavages articulated by parties, but also fault lines expressed by protest action.
Research Interests:
The theme of the conference is differences, inequalities and sociological imagination. These issues are well addressed in the contemporary research on social movements. The research network calls for papers providing theoretical and... more
The theme of the conference is differences, inequalities and sociological imagination. These issues are well addressed in the contemporary research on social movements. The research network calls for papers providing theoretical and empirical contributions to the sociology of social movements, particularly on two broad issues: (1) diversities and differences of social movements (e.g., based on gender, social class, age, ethnic background, religion, and sexual orientation.); (2) inequalities and related public policies as a cause and consequence of social movement mobilization. Comparative works that connect theory and empirical analysis, as well as the use of various methods of analysis are particularly encouraged. The proposals could address the specific topics of proposed sessions or the general topic of the call.
Notes for authors
Authors are invited to submit their abstract either to the general session or any specific session. Please submit only to one session. After abstract evaluation, coordinators will have the chance to transfer papers between sessions where applicable.
Abstracts should not exceed 250 words. Each paper session will have the duration of 1.5 hours. Normally sessions will include 4 papers.
Abstracts must be submitted online to the submission platform, see below. Abstracts sent by email cannot be accepted. Abstracts will be peer-reviewed and selected for presentation by the Research Network; the letter of notification will be sent by the conference software system in early April 2015.
Abstract submission deadline: 1st February 2015
Abstract submission platform: www.esa12thconference.eu
Notes for authors
Authors are invited to submit their abstract either to the general session or any specific session. Please submit only to one session. After abstract evaluation, coordinators will have the chance to transfer papers between sessions where applicable.
Abstracts should not exceed 250 words. Each paper session will have the duration of 1.5 hours. Normally sessions will include 4 papers.
Abstracts must be submitted online to the submission platform, see below. Abstracts sent by email cannot be accepted. Abstracts will be peer-reviewed and selected for presentation by the Research Network; the letter of notification will be sent by the conference software system in early April 2015.
Abstract submission deadline: 1st February 2015
Abstract submission platform: www.esa12thconference.eu