Yunas Samad

YesThis study examined factors that either enhance or undermine community cohesion in areas with established Muslim communities and into which Muslim migrants have recently arrived. It explores ethnic and religious interaction; kinship and friendship networks; political and civic participation; community and people's feelings of belonging to Britain; and local policy-maker' and practitioners' views.Joseph Rowntree Foundatio

... Muslims and Crime: A Comparative Study By Muzammil Quraishi. Muslims and Crime: A Comparative Study By Muzammil Quraishi. (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2005), 164 pp. Price HB £50.00. ... Editor. Dr Farhan Ahmad Nizami. View full editorial board. For Authors. ...

The Constitutional Process and the Forging of Political Identifications Towards Political Unity Community Consciousness versus Regional Pull, 1937-1944 A Brief Moment of Political Unity Mass Nationalism and Communal Riots, 1945-1947 Pakistan, 1947-1954 Opposition to Centralism Regional Pulls and the Disintegration of Constitutional Politics, 1954-1958

The object of this thesis is to explain why Pakistan which Muslim nationalist historians claim was created in the name of Islam failed to sustain a democratic political system. This question is explored by examining the politics of South Asian Muslims as a continuity from the colonial to the post-partition period, focusing on the tension between centripetal and centrifugal forces. The thesis begins by investigating the factors which helped politicize Muslim identity during the inter-war years. The interplay of nationalism, constitutional reforms and common identity based on confessional faith forged political identities which determined the course of subsequent events. Dyarchy set in motion processes which the Government of India Act of 1935 reinforced,- the emergence of political solidarities based on religion and region and alienation from nationalist politics. The Congress was able to neutralize the centrifugal developments among its Hindu constituency. It was not so successful among Muslims partly due to the impact of the Reforms and partly due to the activity of Hindu revivalists in the party. Simultaneously Muslim politics was moving away from the Congress, not towards the Muslim League but to the All-India Muslim Conference, around which most Muslims had gathered in opposition to the Nehru Report. However most regional and communitarian parties were not simply antagonistic to the Congress. They rejected centralist politics as a whole. This was amply demonstrated by the 1937 election results which underlined Jinnah's irrelevance to Muslim politics. Hence Muslims were in their political loyalties divided between strong currents focused on provincial interests and weak ones emphasizing sub-continental unity, national or Muslim. This configuration, the opposition between centrifugal and centripetal forces defined the basic parameters of Muslim politics. The second chapter describes how the political divisions between Muslims was partially overcome. The 1937 elections initiated a major political shift among the Muslim regional parties and caused great unease among the urban groupings. The Muslim regional partie's feared that the Congress Party's control over provincial ministries through a centralized structure and its rejection of the federal basis of the 1935 Act, would lead to their being roped into a Hindu-dominated unitary state. To fight this threat, an alternative political focus at the all-India level came to be considered necessary for the protection of their interests. The Muslim League's revival was indirectly facilitated by the Quit India Movement which temporarily removed the Congress from the arena of open politics and by the encouragement Jinnah received from the Raj. The League was able to gradually pull Muslim groups, particularly those in the Muslim-minority provinces, into its ranks through the use of anti-Congress propaganda. But among the urban masses of UP Jinnah was eclipsed by Mashriqi until the mid-1940s when the Khaksars became a spent force. This development combined with the increasing influence of the Pakistan slogan, vague yet immensely attractive, provided the ideological cutting edge of the League's agenda for Muslim unity. The ideological hegemony allowed the League to focus the forces of community consciousness as a battering ram to breakdown the regional parties resistance. The Pakistan slogan spread from the urban areas and Muslim-minority provinces into the rural areas of the Muslim-majority provinces. But in Bengal the regionalist had taken over the party, in the Punjab Khizr continued to resist and in the NWFP and Sind the Muslim League was a peripheral influence. Hence by the mid-1940s the League was only able to achieve partial unity under the Pakistan banner. The third chapter deals with the brief moment of political unity achieved through the combined impact of mass nationalism and communal riots. After the constitutional deadlock following the breakdown of the Simla Conference the League was able to make major advances by positing a clear choice between their and the Congress's plans for India's future. Muslim nationalism now centred on the League capitalized on the political uncertainties caused by the negotiations and won over many adherents from the provincial parties. An important factor which widened the League's area of influence was the increased significance of economic nationalism. It opened channels of communication between the elites and the masses, drew in groups previously unaffected by the Muslim League and turned the agitation for Pakistan into a mass movement. These factors combined with the weakness of the Congress due to their incarceration during the war resulted in the widespread shift away from the regional parties to the Muslim League. Jinnah was able to achieve for a brief moment political unity and used this as the basis to extract the maximum constitutional concessions from the British and the Congress. However the centralization…

ABSTRACT Expectations in Pakistan rose, when for the first time, in its history a political government in 2013 completed its full term of office and was replaced not by the military but by another political government after being defeated at the ballot box. It raises questions about what kind of democratic space is developing and what type of hybrid regime is emergent. The paper reflects upon the concept of hybrid regime and draws out key variables: turnover, tutelage and neo-patrimonialism and then considers how to categorise development in Pakistan. It concludes that Pakistan is in a ‘gray zone’ and that during the period there was evidence of it moving towards becoming an illiberal hybrid regime but the military went on the offensive and the democratic space contracted returning to being an illiberal tutelary hybrid regime. Unless tutelage and neo-patrimonialism are not challenged Pakistan will not progress in the democratic transition and remain a hybrid regime.

Even though the fieldwork was conducted in early 2006 the findings remain relevant to contemporary debates on social policy. This publication is an additional output from a larger study funded by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation on Immigration, faith and cohesion: Evidence from local areas with significant Muslim populations, with fieldwork conducted in three sites ‐ Birmingham, Newham and Bradford.

... A relatively sudden and large influx of a culture which is different in the above terms, which in modern West European history is typical only of the post-1945 labour migration era, is almost certain to lead to friction, incomprehension and conflict, especially in economic crises: the ...

... When turning to the question of Muslim and Pakistani identification the respondents produced a ... comes to men boozing in pubs or misbehaving or dressing immodestly they were silent. ... Literature on media representation confirms this perspec-tive and Muslims are increasingly ...

Forced marriage is generally viewed as a clash between culture and gender and the fact that men are also victims, in a small number of cases, escapes attention of policy makers and activists. While the overall approach to forced marriage has helped men as well they, however, have remained below the radar of public concern. A problem particular to men is their unwillingness to articulate in public forums their predicament as questions of masculinity are then raised. Ultimately men will have to break the silence, organize and mobilize collectively if they wish to see specific policies that target men.

... Even though the Sindh Muslim League was actively propagating constitional alternatives, mainly through the offices of Abdullah Haroon, it was ... Nawaz Sharif, the present Prime Minister, a Kashmiri whose family originates from Amritsar, is an example of the influence of this ...

Racism and identity - issues for the Irish in Britain anti-racist strategies - national identity and French anti-racist discourses and movements Asians have culture, West Indians have problems - discourses of race and ethnicity in and out of anthropology ethnicity and the politics of cultural difference - an agenda for the 1990s? essentializing the other - a critical response on the reproduction and representatoin of Hinduism in Britain the politics of Islamic identity among Bangladeshis and Pakistanis in Britain the impact of religion, culture, racism and politics on the multiple identities of Sikh girls street credibility and identity - some observations on the art of being Black back in the pavilion - cricket and the image of African Caribbeans in Oxford politics of identity.

Publikationsansicht. 53993974. Islam in the European Union: Transnationalism, Youth and the War on Terror. ... No. This book is about Muslims in Europe and the "War on Terror"--its causes and consequences for European citizenship and exclusion particularly for young people. ...

... Front, and the Yorkshire Campaign to Stop Immigration which were accompanied by an increase in racially motivated gang fights, assaults ... Yunas Samad ... Sayed Abdul Quddus, secretary of the Bradford Council of Mosques, was subject to the hysteria of the popular press, they ...