Chapter 7
Chapter 7
Chapter 7
It lasted from 1963 to 1970, presented the most serious challenge to the
Ethiopian government.
causes (Qelad system, high tax, religious and ethnic antagonism,
political and cultural domination…)
It has multifaceted causes.
the introduction of the qalad that initiated land measurement in 1951
degraded peasants into tenancy on their own land.
Peasants also suffered from high taxation, religious and ethnic antagonism that
reached to unprecedented level after the appointment of Warqu Enqu- Selassie
as governor of the territory in 1963.
The predominantly Muslim population resented the imposition of alien rule
from the northern and central highlands parts of the empire and thus, political
and cultural domination by Christian settlers.
Further, the government of Somalia extended material and moral support to the
rebels as part of its strategy of re-establishing a “Greater Somalia”.
The Outbreak of Revolt
The revolt broke out in El Kerre led by people like Kahin
Abdi.
Initially, rebel groups conducted hit-and-run raids against
military garrisons and police stations separately.
Soon, however, they tried to coordinate their military
activities under an umbrella organization named the
Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF), engaging in
conventional wars against government forces.
Haile Selassie tried to win loyalty of the people by
developing alliances with notable Oromo leaders.
Although this strategy enabled the emperor to recruit
some members of local ruling houses in the service of the
imperial system, it failed to contain the popular revolt.
it quickly spread to Wabe, Dallo and Ganale under the
able leadership of Waqo Gutu and others.
In Gola-Abbadi forest, rebels went to the extent of
attacking government forces.
Further, the rebels killed Girazmach Beqele Haragu of Adaba
and Fitawrari Wolde-Mika’el Bu’i of Dodola in 1965 and 1966
respectively.
In December 1966, the government put Bale under the
martial rule of Wolde-Selassie Baraka, the head of the
army’s Fourth Division.
• In 1967, the army, police, Territorial Army
(beherawi tor), settler militia (nech lebash) and
volunteers (wedo zemach) launched massive
operations against the province.
• Meanwhile, the rebels lost support from the
government of Somalia after Mohammed Siad
Barre took over power in 1969 and found it
impossible to sustain their campaigns in southeastern
Ethiopia.
• The rebellion ended in 1970s after some of its
popular leaders including the self-styled General
Waqo Gutu surrendered to government forces.
C. Movements of Nations and Nationalities
Oppositions to the imperial rule did not come only
from individuals, peasants, students and the army.
The question of nations and nationalities for
equality, freedom and autonomy was also assuming
a significant development towards the end of the
imperial regime.
Among the movement of nations and nationalities
of this period, the Mecha-Tulama movement of the
Oromo deserves a special treatment here.
Mecha-Tulama movement
It was formed in January 1963, in the form of welfare
association called Mecha-Tulama Welfare Association
(MTWA).
It was formed with the objective of improving the welfare
of the Oromo through the expansion of educational,
communication and health facilities in Oromo land.
Founding members of the association included Colonel
Alemu Qitessa and Colonel Qedida Guremessa, Lieutenant
Mamo Mezemir, Beqele Nedhi, and Haile-Mariam
Gemeda.
In the next two years, the association attracted large
number of Oromo elites, including such high-ranking
Although the Mecha-Tulama Association had its root in the will and
commitment of a few Oromo elites to mobilize support for the
development of Oromo inhabited territories, it soon transformed
into a pan-Oromo movement coordinating countrywide peaceful
resistance against the regime.
This is evidenced by the successful rallies the association organized
in Gindeberet, Dandi, Arsi (Dera and Iteyya), etc.
The association raised contentious (quarrelsome) issues such as land
and expressed its dissatisfaction with the condition of the Oromo in
the society during mass rallies as well as in private meetings.
The regime was alarmed by the activities of the association and
determined to curb the movement before it crystallized into an
organized liberation front.
Meanwhile, leaders of the association plotted to assassinate the
emperor and change the regime on the anniversary of his coronation
in November 1966, but the plot was foiled by security forces.
This coupled with a bombing incident in one of the cinemas at the
capital in which the association was implicated led the government to
move swiftly and violently to ban the association’s activities.
Mecha-Tulama was dissolved in 1967 following the imprisonment
and killing of its prominent leaders such as Mamo Mezemir and
Haile-Mariam Gemeda by the regime’s forces.
Brigadier General Taddese Birru was captured while retreating to
the bush and eventually sentenced to death.
-Later the death sentence was commuted to life
imprisonment and he was exiled to Gelemso where
he stayed until the outbreak of the 1974 revolution. In
1975 the Derg executed Tadesse on
allegation (charge) of instigating armed struggle.
The brutal suppression of the Mecha-Tulama Association,
however, did not end the struggle of the Oromo for justice,
equality and liberty.
In 1971, an underground movement called the Ethiopian
National Liberation Front (ENLF) was formed by
Oromo elites, perhaps by former members of the
association.
The Front maintained contact with student circles and
other opposition figures in and outside Addis Ababa.
The aim was to coordinate local resistance towards a
common goal of liberation, although thwarted (frustrated)
by the regime’s security forces.
The regime’s unwillingness to accommodate the legitimate and
peaceful demands of various Oromo groups for equality within
Ethiopia transformed Oromo nationalism into militancy for self-
determination.
In 1973, some members of the ENLF and other Oromo nationalists
formed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) with the aim of
establishing an independent State of Oromia.
The following year (1974), OLF launched an offensive against the
imperial regime in Hararghe.
After the revolution, OLF increased its military activities because the
Derg would not allow the Oromo to elect their rulers and use their
language in schools and newspapers.
Accordingly, the armed struggle which set off in the eastern part of
Ethiopia extended to other Oromo inhabited areas such as Arsi and
Wallagga.
Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM)
the biggest military challenge to the imperial regime however,
came from Eritrea. Eritrea was integrated into the Ethiopian empire
after independence from Italy.
The measure consolidated internal and external opposition to the
union and led to the formation of liberation movements based in
Eritrea and abroad.
Although some opposition movements had taken shape as far back
as the late 1940s, they did not seem to have much of an impact.
In 1958, a number of Eritrean exiles founded the Eritrean
Liberation Movement (ELM) in Cairo.
In 1961, the ELM evolved into the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)
or Jabaha in Arabic.
Hamid Idris Awate who fired the first bullet of the Eritrean armed
struggle (he was the one who ‘started the armed struggle’).
By 1966 the ELF challenged imperial forces
throughout Eritrea.
In June 1970, two splinter group liberation
movements emerged from the ELF.
1) The Popular Liberation Forces (PLF)
- It was formed in the Red Sea area led by
Osman Salah Sabbe
2) The Salfi Natsenet Eritrea (Front for
Eritrean Independence).
- It was emerged under the leadership of Isayas
In early 1972, a new coalition of forces composed of
Eritrean Liberation Front-Popular Liberation Front
(ELF-PLF) led to the founding of the Eritrean People’s
Liberation Front (EPLF) or Sha'abiya in Arabic.
After a long and bloody civil war, the EPLF was able to
establish its hegemony over the independence movement.
Finally, the EPLF succeeded in achieving de facto
independence in 1991 and which eventually was
confirmed through referendum in 1993.
D. The Ethiopian Student Movement (ESM)
The mass uprising that finally put an end to the old regime came in February
1974.
From January 8 to 15, 1974, soldiers and non-commissioned
officers stationed at a frontier post in Negele- Borana mutinied
protesting their bad living conditions.
In the process, they detained the commander of the ground forces
(Debela Dinsa) who was sent to pacify the situation.
-The soldiers made the commander eat their food and drink their water
so that he could witness the kind of life they were living.
Also, soldiers of the Second Division in Asmara, the Fourth
Division in Addis Ababa and the Air Force in Debre-Zeyt
(Bishoftu) mutinied demanding salary increment and political and
economic reforms.
The various units then set up a coordinating committee which became
Teachers throughout the country protested against the
implementation of an education reform program known as
Sector Review, which they deemed was disadvantageous for the
poor and biased against them.
Although the Ethiopian Teachers Association (ETA) had
coordinated demonstrations against the program already in
December 1973, it called for a general strike demanding a
number of other social reforms on 18 February1974.
On the same day, taxi drivers went on strike demanding increase
in transport fees (fifty percent) due to rise of petrol prices that
followed the Arab-Israeli Yom Kippur war of 1973.
Students, workers and the unemployed youth joined the protests.
The protesters attacked vehicles particularly buses, and luxury
private automobiles.
The Reaction of Imperial Government and the Protesters.
The government responded by:-
*suspending the Sector Review;
*reducing petrol prices; and
*raising the salaries of soldiers.
In spite of this, the uprisings continued and
- on February 28, the cabinet of Prime Minister Aklilu Habte-Wold
resigned.
- He was replaced by Endalkachew Mekonnin who was an
Oxford-educated member of the aristocracy.
Although Endalkachew seemed to gain the support of a group of
officers within the army, promised to introduce reforms, including
constitutional reform and included highly educated and
On March 8, the Confederation of Ethiopian
Labor Unions (CELU) staged a successful
general strike.
It was only a matter of time before the strikes and
demonstrations spread to the provinces.
A major popular demonstration was held on April
20 by about 100,000 Muslim residents of the
capital and their Christian sympathizers who
came out demanding religious equality.
Measures of Soldiers Committee
In the meantime, the soldiers, through their various committees, were
also taking their own measures.
The coordinating committee of soldiers and Non-Commissioned
Officers (NCOs) set up in February were joined by officers, such
as Colonel Alem Zewd Tessema of the Airborne Brigade, who
then became its leader.
In April 1974, the Committee, perhaps with involvement of
Endalkachew Mekonin, arrested Aklilu Habte Wold and hundreds
of other high-ranking officials of the regime.
The Minister of Defense, Lt. General Abiy Abebe, who had
noticed the growing power of the Committee as well as series of
demonstrations and strikes, set up what was called the National
Security Commission to restore order and respect for the authority
of the government.
The leading opposition against the Endalkachew
cabinet were the students.
Not only did they stage their own demonstrations
against the cabinet but they also encouraged other
sectors of society to join the revolutionary tide.
Nevertheless, the students were less organized to
achieve their goals and eventually, the soldiers
hijacked the struggle.
The Formation of the Derg= Committee
The Derg was officially formed on June 28, 1974 when it
held its first meeting at the headquarters of the Fourth
Division.
“Derg” a Ge’ez word for “Committee” was the shorter
name given to the Coordinating Committee of
representatives from various military units:
of the Armed Forces, the Police and the Territorial Army.
However, officers above the rank of major were suspected
of supporting the old regime and therefore were not included.
Hence, Major Mengistu Haile-Mariam of the Third
Division of Hararghe, and the vice-chairman, Major
Atnafu Abate of the Fourth Division, came to be key
figures.
For some time the Derg exercised power parallel with the
Endalkachew’s cabinet and the emperor tied up in a dual
state, trying to keep a balance between the two.
However, on August 1, 1974, Endalkachew was
imprisoned and replaced by Lej Mikael Emiru as prime
minister.
Meanwhile, the Derg continued arresting other members
of the regime whom it considered obstacles to the
revolution.
The Derg also tried to define its ideology and declared the
motto, “Ethiopia Tikdem” (“Ethiopia First”), (“Without
any bloodshed”). “Yaleminim Dem”
The Derg continued systematically working to isolate the
emperor and removing the supports of his imperial power.
A strong propaganda campaign was launched against
the regime and the widespread corruption of government
functionaries.
Two enterprises, Anbessa Bus Company and the St.
George Brewery in which the emperor and the imperial
family had more than fifty percent stake were nationalized.
Moreover, a British documentary film disclosing the
hidden horrors of the Wollo famine precisely served the
awaited interest of the Derg.
Finally, on 12 September 1975, Emperor Haile-Selassie I
was deposed and detained at the Fourth Division
The Derg then proclaimed itself the Provisional Military
Administrative Council (PMAC) and assumed full powers.
All strikes and demonstrations were immediately banned. Very
soon, civilian revolutionaries, who had started calling for the
establishment of a provisional people’s government, started
gathering around the Confederation of Ethiopian Labor Unions
(CELU), the University teachers’ group known as Forum, and
the students.
Sections of the military, the Army Engineers Corps, the First
Division (the former Bodyguard), and the Army Aviation
opposed what was to become a military government.
However, the Derg was not prepared to make compromise on any
ground.
Instead, it imprisoned the leaders of CELU and a leader of the
Forum group.
On October 7,1975, a militant group within the Army Engineering
Corps was violently crushed in a tank assault which took the lives of five
soldiers and there was massive arrest afterwards.
The motto of “Ethiopia First, without any bloodshed” thus failed as early
as then.
On 23 November,1975, an even more violent phase commenced.
Lieutenant General Aman Mikael Andom, chairman of the
PMAC was shot dead after a disagreement within the Derg over the
Issue of Eritrea.
-Aman Mikael Andom who was of Eritrean origin believed in peaceful
approach against some radical members of the Derg particularly the First
Vice- Chairman Mengistu Haile- Mariam, who advocated for a military
solution.
The killing continued and the Derg announced execution of some 52
prominent members of the old regime who had been detained and half a
dozen other leaders of the military units who had opposed the Derg as a
7.2.2. Attempts at Socio-Economic Reform
END OF CHAPTER 7
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