Magic and Religion

BY

ANDREW LANG
AUTHOR OF
MYTH, RITUAL, AND liELIGION 'CUSTOM AND MYTH* ETC.
'

LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO.

39 PATEENOSTEE EOW, LONDON
NEW YORK AND BOMBAY
1901

ill V i yhts 1- eserVe d

^, \sxb%Q
 PREFACE
Recent years have brought rich additions to the materials
for the study of early religion, ritual, magic, and myth.
In proportion to the abundance of information has been
the growth of theory and hypothesis. The first essay in
this collection, '
Science and Superstition,' points out the
danger of allowing too ingenious and imaginative hypo-
theses to lead captive our science.
As, like others, I have not long since advanced a
provisional theory of my own, the second and third essays
are designed to strengthen my position. The theory is
that perhaps the earliest traceable form of religion was
relatively high, and that it was inevitably lowered in tone
during the process of social evolution. Obviously this
opinion may be attacked from two sides. It may be said
that the loftier religious ideas of the lowest savages are
borrowed from Christianity or Islam. This I understand
to be the theory of Mr. E. B. Tylor. It is with much
difUdence that I venture, at present, to disagree with so
eminent and sagacious an authority, while av/aiting the
publication of Mr. Tylor's Aberdeen Gifford Lectures.
My reply to his hypothesis, so far as it has been published
by him, will be found in the second essay, '
The Theory
of Loan-Gods.' Secondly, my position may be attacked
by disabling the evidence for the existence of the higher
elements in the religion of low savages. Mr. Frazer,
VI MAGIC AND KELIGION

in the second edition of hisGolden Bough,' has ad- '

vanced an hypothesis of the origin of reUgion, wherein

the evidence for the higher factors is not taken into
account. Probably he may consider the subject in a later
work, to which he alludes in his Preface. Should I live '

to complete the works for which I have collected and am

collecting materials, I dare to think that they will clear
me of any suspicion of treating the early history of religion
from a single narrow point of view.' ^
Meanwhile, however, Mr. Frazer has advanced a
theory of the origin of religion wherein evidence which
I think deserving of attention receives no recognition.
I hope, therefore, that it is not premature to state the
evidence, or some of it, which I do in the third essay,
'
Magic and Eeligion.'
Fourth comes a long criticism of Mr. Frazer's many
hypotheses, which are combined into his theory of the
origin, or partial origin, of the belief in the divine character

of Christ. This argument demands very minute, and, I

fear, tedious examination. I fear still more that my labour

has not, after all, been sufficiently minute and accurate.
It seems to be almost impossible to understand clearly and
represent fairly ideas with which one does not agree. If I
have failed in these respects it is unconsciously, and I shall
gratefully accept criticism enabling me to recognise and
correct errors.
Fifthly, I examine, in 'The Ghastly Priest,' Mr.
Frazer's theory of the Golden Bough of Virgil as con-
nected with the fugitive slave who was King of the '

Wood ' near Aricia. I offer a conjecture as to the origin

of his curious position, which seems to me simpler, and

not less probable, than Mr. Frazer's hypothesis that this
outcast '
lived and died as an incarnation of the supreme
'
Golden Bough, i. xvii, 1900.
 PREFACE Vll

Aryan god, whose life was in the mistletoe or golden

bough.' But my conjecture is only a guess at a problem
which, I think, we have not the means of solving.

There follow an essay, '

South African Eeligion,' and
another on the old puzzle of the '
Cup and Eing '
marks
on rocks and cists and other objects all over the world.
Next I consider the subject of Taboos,' with especial '

reference to the theory of Mr. F. B. Jevons. An essay

follows on the singular rite of the Fire Walk, with the
alleged immunity of the performers. This curious topic
I have treated before, but now add fresh evidence.
Of these essays the second, in part, appeared in the
'
The Ghastly Priest
Nineteenth Century,' and most of '

was published in The Fortnightly Review,' while Cup

' '

and Eing first saw the light in The Contemporary

'
'

Eeview.' My thanks are due to the Editors of those

periodicals for permission to republish. The essay on the
'
Fire Walk was '
in the '
Proceedings of the Society for
Psychical Eesearch,' though the topic does not appear to
be '
psychical.' All the other papers are new, and three
Appendices on points of detail are added.
The design on the cover is drawn by Mr. Donnelly,
the discoverer of the Dunbuie and Dumbuck sites and
relics, from an Australian design, in Messrs. Spencer and
Gillen's '
Native Tribes of Central Australia.'
For permission to reproduce this drawing I have
to thank the kindness of Messrs. Macmillan & Co. The
designs of feet, on the back of the volume (a subject
found in Australia), and the 'Jew's harp' ornament
(common to Scotland and Hindostan), are also by Mr.
Donnelly, from Scottish rock carvings.
 Corrigenda and Addenda

Page 4, lines 24, 25, for story read storey, /or stories recul storeys.

Page 13, line 7, compare p. 297, the second paragraph, as to Motagon

and Bishop Salvado.

Page 17, line 24, fm- 1871 read 1873.

Page 44. names oi writers who support the idea of an Australian

To the
religion should beadded that of Dr. John Mathew, in Eaglcliawk and Crow,
p. 147 (1899), I was once of opinion that notions about a divinity had been
'

derived from the whites and transmitted among the blacks hither and
thither, but I am now convinced that this idea was here before European
occupation.' But (pp. 130, 131) Dr. Mathew gives his reasons for thinking
importation from Indian mythology possible. But as they rest on his
decipherment of certain marks, which may be meant for characters, in Sir
George Grey's copy of an Australian wall-painting, the evidence is weak.
(Grey, North-west and Westei'n Australia, i. 201 et seq.). Supposing the
characters to be Sumatran, it would be necessary to show that the people of
Sumatra do represent their otiose deity as in the painting copied by Grey.

Page 58, line 6, for rights read rites.

Page 7.5, note 1, for Primitive Culture, i. 379, 1871, read Primitive Cul-
ture, i. 419, 1873.

Page 112, note 1. ' But have been informed

so there were in 1000 a.d.' I
M. Cumont
that there was no special fear of the end of the world in 1000 a.d.
gives good reasons for holding that the martyrdom of St. Dasius in 303 was
on record between 362 and 411 (Man, May 1901, No. 53).

Page 120. '

Ctesias flourished rather earlier than Berosus, who is about
200 B.C. ;
'
for 200 read 260. Ctesias was a contemporary of Herodotus.
 CONTENTS
PAGE
I. SCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION 1

II. THE THEORY OP LOAN-GODS ; OR BORROWED RELIGION 15

III. MAGIC AND RELIGION ... ... 46

IV. THE ORIGIN OF THE CHRISTIAN EAITH . 76

THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY

'

V. 82
I. THE EVOLUTION OF GODS . 82
THE ALLEGED MORTALITY OF GODS
II.

III. RELIGIOUS REGICIDE

ANNUAL RELIGIOUS REGICIDE
.... 85
94
IV. 100
...
.

V. THE SATURNALIA . . 108

THE GREEK CRONIA
VI.

VII. THE SACiEA .... ...

.
115
118
VI. ATTEMPTS TO PROVE THE SACjEAN CRIMINAL DIVINE . 123
I. SACRIFICE BY HANGING. DOES IT EXIST ? . 127
II. STAGES IN MR. FRAZER's THEORY 132
III. A POSSIBLE RECONCILIATION 136
IV. THE SACEA SUDDENLY CHANGES ITS DATE 137
V.' VARIOUS THEORIES OF THE VICTIM 138
ZAKMUK, SAC«A, AND PURIM ...
VII.

I. HISTORICAL DIFFICULTY
PERSIANS ARE NOT BABYLONIANS
.

.... 141
144
II. 147
III. ORIGIN OF PURIM 147
IV. IS PURIM PRE-EXILIAN OR POST-EXILIAN . 150
THEORY OF A HUMAN VICTIM AT PURIM
V.

VI. CONTRADICTORY CONJECTURE

A NEW THEORY OF THE VICTIM
.... 153
155
VII. . 156
VIII. NEW GERMAN THEORY OF PURIM 158
IX. ANOTHER NEW THEORY. HUMMAN AND THE VICTIM 159
X MAaiC AND RELIGION
PAGE

MORDECAI, BSTHEE, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 161

VIII.

1. ESTHER LOVED BY MORDECAI ... .

•
167
167
II. THE PERSIAN BUFFOON
III. A HELPFUL THEORY OF MY OWN . . . •
172

IX. WHY WAS THE MOCK-KING OF THE SAC/EA WHIPPED AND

HANGED ? 182
PERIODS OP LICENCE 185
I.

...
•

11. THE DIVINE SCAPEGOAT . . 189

III. MORE PERIODS OF LICENCE . . . 193
IV. THE SAC/EA AS A PERIOD OF LICENCE . . 196

X. CALVARY ... 200

XI. THE GHASTLY PRIEST ... .... 205

XII. SOUTH AFRICAN RELIGION 224 •

XIII. ' CUP AND RING :

'
AN OLD PROBLEM SOLVED . . . 241

XIV. FIRST-FRUITS AND TABOOS , . . . 257

XV. WALKING THROUGH FIRE . ... . 270

APPENDICES
A. MR. TYLOB's THEORY OF BORROWING . ... 295

B. THE MARTYRDOM OF DASIUS 298

C. THE RIDE OF THE BEARDLESS ONE . . . .SOI

INDEX . . . 307
 MAGIC AND EELIGION

SCIENCE AND SUPEB8TITI0N

We know what we mean by science

all ; science is

'organised common sense.' Her aim is the acquisition

of reasoned and orderly knowledge. Presented with a
collection of verified facts, it is the part of science to
reduce them to order, and to account for their existence
- in accordance with her recognised theory of things. If the
facts cannot be fitted into the theory, it must be expanded
or altered ; for we must admit that, if the facts are verified,
there is need for change and expansion in the theory.
The '
colligation '
of facts demands hypotheses, and these
may not, at the moment of their construction, be verifi-
able. The deflections of a planet from its apparently
normal course may be accounted for by the hypothesis
of the attraction of another heavenly body not yet dis-
covered. The hypothesis is legitimate, for such bodies are
known to exist, and to produce such effects. When the
body is becomes a certainty.
discovered, the hypothesis
On the other hand, the hypothesis that some capricious
and conscious agency pushed the planet into deflections
would be illegitimate, for the existence of such a freakish
agency is not demonstrated. Our hypotheses then must
be consistent with our actual knowledge of nature and of
B
2 MAGIC AND RELIGION

human nature, and our conjectured causes must be

adequate to the production of the effects. Thus, science
gradually acquires and organises new regions of know-
ledge.
Superstition is a word of much less definite meaning.
When we call a man '
superstitious,' we usually mean
that evidence which satisfies him does not satisfy us,
We see examples daily of the dependence of belief on
bias. One man believes a story about cruelties com-
mitted by our adversaries ; another, disbelieving the tale,
credits a narrative about the misconduct of our own
party. Probably the evidence in neither case would
satisfy the historian, or be accepted by a jury. A man in

a tavern tells another how the Boers, retreating from a

position, buried their own wounded. '
I don't believe
that,' says the other. 'Then you are a pro-Boer.'
The sceptic reasoned from his general knowledge of
human nature. The believer reasoned from his own pre-
judiced and mythopceic conception of people whom he
disliked. If the question had been one of religion the
believer might be called superstitious ; the sceptic might
be called scientific, if he was ready to yield his doubts
to the evidence of capable observers of the alleged fact.
Superstition, like science, has her hypotheses, and,
like science, she reasons from experience. But her
experience is usually fantastic, unreal, or if real capable
of explanation by causes other than those alleged by
superstition. A man
comes in at night, and says he has
seen a ghost in white. That is merely his hypothesis ;

the existence of ghosts in white is not demonstrated.

You accompany him to the scene of the experience, and
prove to him that he has seen a post, not a ghost. His
experience was real, but was misinterpreted by dint of an
hypothesis resting on no demonstrated fact of knowledge.
 SCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION 3

The hypotheses of superstition are familiar. Thus,

an event has happened : say you have lost your button-
hook. You presently hear of a death in your family.
Ever afterwards you go anxiously about when you have
lost a button-hook. You are confusing a casual sequence
of facts with a causal connection of facts. Sequence in
time is mistaken for sequence of what we commonly
style cause and effect. In the same way, superstition
cherishes the hypothesis that like affects like. Thus, the
smi is round, and a ball of clay is round. Therefore, if

an Australian native wishes to delay the course of the

round sun in the heavens, he fixes a round ball of clay on
the bough of a tree ; or so books on anthropology tell us.
Acting on the hypothesis that like affects like, a man
makes a clay or waxen image of an enemy, and sticks it

full of pins or thorns. He expects his enemy to suffer

agony in consequence, and so powerful is '
suggestion
that, if the enemy knows about the image, he sometimes
falls ill and dies. This experience corroborates the super-
stitious hypothesis, and so the experiment with the image
is of world-wide diffusion. Everything is done, or at-
tempted, on these lines by superstition. Men imitate the
killing of foes or game, and expect, as a result, to kill

them war or in the chase. They mimic the gathering

in
of clouds and the fall of rain, and expect rain to fall in
consequence. They imitate the evolution of an edible
grub from the larva, and expect grubs to multiply and ;

so on.
All this is quite rational, if you grant the hypotheses
of superstition. Her practices are magic. We are later
to discuss a theory that men had magic before they had
religion, and only invented gods because they found that
magic did not work. Still later they invented science,
which is only magic with a legitimate hypothesis, using
u 2
4 MAGIC AND RELIGION

real, not fanciful, experience. In the long run magic and

religion are to die out, perhaps, and science is to have the
whole field to herself.

This may be a glorious though a remote prospect. But

surely it is above all things needful that our science should
be She must not blink facts, merely because
scientific.

they do not into her scheme or hypothesis of the

fit

nature of things, or of religion. She really must give as

much prominence to the evidence which contradicts as to
that which supports her theory in each instance. Not
only must she not shut her eyes to this evidence, but she
must diligently search for it, must seek for what Bacon
calls instantice contradictories, since, if these exist, the
theory which ignores them is useless. If she advances an
hypothesis, it must not be contradictory of the whole
mass of human experience. If science finds that her
hypothesis contradicts experience, she must seek for an
hypothesis which is in accordance with experience, and,
if that cannot be found, she must wait till it is found.
Again, science must not pile one unverified hypothesis
upon another unverified hypothesis till her edifice rivals
the Tower of Babel. She must not make a conjecture on
p. 35, and on p. 210 treat the conjecture as a fact.
Because, if one story in the card-castle is destroyed by
being proved impossible, all the other stories will '
come
tumbling after.' It seems hardly necessary, but it is not
superfluous, to add that, in her castle of hypotheses, one
must not contradict, and therefore destroy, another. We
must not be asked to believe that an event occurred at
one date, and also that it occurred at another or that an ;

institution was both borrowed by a people at one period,

and was also possessed, unborrowed, by the same people, at
an earlier period. We cannot permit science to assure us
that a certain fact was well known, and that the knowledge
 SCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION 5

produced important consequences while we are no less;

solemnly told that the fact was wholly unknown, whence

it would seem that the results alleged to spring from the
knowledge could not be produced.
This kind of reasoning, with its inferring of inferences
from other inferences, themselves inferred from conjec-
tures as to the existence of facts of which no proof is

adduced, must be called superstitious rather than scientific.

The results may be interesting, but they are the reverse of
science.
It is perhaps chiefly in the nascent science of the
anthropological study of institutions, and above all of
religion, that this kind of reasoning prevails. The topic
attracts ingenious and curious minds. System after
system has been constructed, unstinted in material, elegant
in aspect, has been launched, and has been vsrrecked, or
been drifted by the careless winds to the forlorn shore
where Bryant's ark, with all its crew, divine or human,
lies in decay. No mortal student believes in the arkite
system of Bryant, though his ark, on the match-boxes of
Messrs. Bryant and May, perhaps denotes loyalty to the
ancestral idea.
The world of modern readers has watched sun
myths, and dawn myths, and storm myths, and wind
myths come in and go out autant en emporte le vent.
:

Totems and taboos succeeded, and we are bewildered by

the contending theories of the origins of taboos and
totems. Deities of vegetation now are all in all, and may
it be far from us to say that any one from Ouranos to Pan,

from the Persian King to the horses of Virbius, is not a

spirit of vegetablelife. Yet perhaps the deity has higher
aspects and nobler functions than the pursuit of his
'
vapid vegetable loves ;
' and these deserve occasional
attention.
6 MAGIC AND RELIGION

The result, however, of scurrying hypotheses and

hasty generaHsations is that the nascent science of rehgious
origins is received with distrust. We may review the brief
history of the modern science.

Some twenty years ago, when the ' Principles of

Sociology,' by Mr. Herbert Spencer, was first published,

the book was reviewed, in Mind,' by the author
'
of
'
That work, again, was published in
Primitive Culture.'
1871. In 1890 appeared the 'Golden Bough,' by Mr.
J. Gr. Frazer, and the second edition of the book, with

changes and much new matter, was given to the world in

1900.
Here, then, we have a whole generation, a space of
thirty years, during which English philosophers or scholars
have been studying the science of the Origins of Religion.
In the latest edition of the '
Golden Bough,' Mr. Frazer
has even penetrated into the remote region where man
neither had, nor wanted, any religion at all. We naturally
ask ourselves to what point we have arrived after the
labours of a generation. Twenty years ago, when review-
ing Mr. Spencer, Mr. Tylor said that a time of great
public excitement as to these topics was at hand. The
clamour and contest aroused by Mr. Darwin's theory of
the Origin of Species and the Descent of Man would be
outdone by the coming war over the question of the
Evolution of Eeligion. But there has been no general
excitement ; there has been little display of public interest
in these questions. They have been left to '
the curious
'

and '
the learned,' classes not absolutely identical. Mr.
Frazer, indeed, assures us that the comparative study of
human beliefs and institutions is '
fitted to be much more
than a means of satisfying an enlightened curiosity, and of
furnishing materials for the researches of the learned.' '

'
Oolden Bough, i. xxi., 1900.
 SCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION 7

But enlightened curiosity seems to be easily satisfied, and

only very few of the learned concern themselves with
these researches, which Mr. Tylor expected to be so
generally exciting.
A member of the University of Oxford informed me
that the study of beliefs, and of anthropology in general,
is almost entirely neglected by the undergraduates, and
when I asked him Why ? he replied There is no
'
'
'

money in it.' Another said that anthropology 'had no

evidence.' In the language of the economists there is no

supply provided at Oxford because there isno demand.

Classics, philology, history, physical science, and even lite-
rature, are studied, because '
there is money in them,' not
much money indeed, but a competence, if the student is

successful. For the study of the evolution of beliefs there

is no demand, or very little. Yet, says Mr. Frazer, well '

handled, it may become a powerful instrument to expedite

progress, if it lays bare certain weak spots in the founda-
tions on which modern society is built.' We all desire
progress (in the right direction), we all pine to lay bare
weak spots, and yet we do not seem to be concerned about
the services which might be done for progress by the study
of the evolution of religion. '
It is indeed a melancholy
and, in some respects, thankless task,' says Mr. Frazer,
'
to strike at the foundations of beliefs in which, as in a
strong tower, the hopes and aspirations of humanity
through long ages have sought a refuge from the storm
and stress of life.' '
Thankless,' indeed, these operations
are. '
Yet sooner or later,' Mr. Frazer adds, '
it is in-
evitable that the battery of the comparative method should
breach these venerable walls, mantled over with the ivy
and mosses and wild flowers of a thousand tender and
sacred associations. At present we are only dragging the
guns into position ; they have hardly yet begun to speak.'
8 MAGIC AND KELIGION

Mr. Frazer is too modest : he has dragged into posi-

tion a work of immense learning and eloquent style m
three siege guns, we may say, three volumes of the largest
calibre, and they have spoken about 500,000 words. No
man, to continue the metaphor, is better supplied than
he with the ammunition of learning, with the know-
ledge of facts of every kind. Yet the venerable walls,
with their pleasing growth of ivy, mosses, wild flowers,
and other mural vegetation, do not, to myself, seem in the
least degree impaired by the artillery, and I try to show
cause for my opinion.
Why is this, and why is the portion of the public
which lives within or without the venerable walls mainly
indifferent ?
Several sufficient reasons might be given. In the
first place many people have, or think they have, so many
other grounds for disbelief, that additional grounds,
provided by the comparative method, are regarded rather
as a luxury than as supplying a felt want. Again, but very
few persons have power of mind
leisure, or inclination, or

enough to follow an elaborate argument through fifteen

hundred pages, not to speak of other works on the same
theme. Once more, only a minute minority are capable of
testing and weighing the evidence, and criticising the
tangled hypotheses on which the argument rests, or in
which it is involved.
But there is another and perhaps a sounder argument
for indifference. The learned are aware that the evidence
for all these speculations is not of the nature to which
they are accustomed, either in historical or scientific
studies. More and more the age insists on strictness
in appreciating evidence, and on economy in conjecture.
But the study of the evolution of myth and belief has
always been, and still is, marked by an extraordinary use.
 SCIENCE AND SUPEESTITION 9

or abuse, of conjecture. The '

perhapses,' the '
we may
supposes,' the '
we must infers are countless.
'

As in too much of the so-called Higher Criticism '

hypothesis is piled, by many anthropologists, upon hypo-

thesis, guess upon guess, while, if only one guess is

wrong, the main argument falls to pieces. Moreover,

it is the easiest thing, in certain cases, to explain the
alleged factsby a counter hypothesis, not a complex hypo-
thesis, but at least as plausible as the many combined

conjectures of the castle architects, though perhaps as far

from the truth, and as incapable of verification. Of these
statements examples shall be given in the course of this
book.
We are all, we who work at these topics, engaged in
science, the science of man, or rather we are painfully
labouring to lay the foundations of that science. We are
all trying '
to expedite progress.' But our science cannot
expedite progress if our science is not scientific. We must,
therefore, however pedantic our process may seem, keep
insisting on the rejection which is not valid,
of all evidence
on the sparing use of conjecture, and on the futility of
piling up hypothesis upon unproved hypothesis. To me
it seems, as I have already said, that a legitimate hypo-
thesis must '
colligate the facts,' that it must do so more

successfully than any counter hypothesis, and that it

must, for every link in its chain, have evidence which will
stand the tests of criticism.
But the chief cause of indifference is the character
of our evidence. We can find anything we want to fihd
people say —not only '
the man in the street ' but the
learned say—among reports of the doings of savage and
barbarous races. We find what we want, and to what
we do not want we are often blind. For example,
nothing in savage religion is better vouched for than the
10 MAGIC AND RELIGION

belief in a being whom narrators of every sort call ' a

Creator who holds all in his power.' I take the first

instance of this kind that comes to hand in opening Mr.

Tylor's 'Primitive Culture.' The being is he whom
the natives of Canada '
call " Andouagni," without, how-
ever, having any form or method of prayer to him.' The
date of this evidence is 1558. It is obvious that
Andouagni (to take one case out of a multitude) was not
invented in the despair of magic. Mysticism has been
called the despair of philosophy, and Mr. Frazer, as we
shall see, regards religion as the despair of magic. By
his theory man, originally without religion, and trusting
in magic, found by experience that magic could not really
control the weather and the food supply. Man therefore
dreamed that there were other beings,
'
like himself, but
far stronger,' who, unseen, controlled what his magic
could not control. '
To these mighty beings .... man
now addressed himself .... beseeching them of their
mercy to furnish him with all good things ^
. . .
.'

But nobody beseeched Andouagni to do anything.

The Canadians had no method or form of prayer to
'

him.' ^ Therefore Andouagni was not invented because

magic failed, and therefore this great power was dreamed
of, and his mercy was beseeched with prayers for good
things. That was not the process by which Andouagni
was nobody prayed to him in 1558, nor
evolved, because
have we reason to believe that any one ever did.
From every part of the globe, but chiefly from among
very low savage and barbaric races, the existence of beings
powerful as Andouagni, but. like him, not addressed in
prayer, or but seldom so addressed, is reported by

'
G. B. i. 77.
^ Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 309, citing Thevet, Singularitez de la France
Antarctique, Paris, 1558, oh. 77.
 SCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION 11

travellers of many ages, races, creeds, and professions.

The existence of the belief in such beings, often not ap-
proached by prayer or sacrifice, is fatal to several modem
theories of the origin and evolution of religion. But these
facts, resting on the best evidence w^hich anthropology
can offer, and corroborated by the undesigned coincidence
of testimony from every quarter, are not what most
students in this science want to find. Therefore these
facts have been ignored or hastily slmTed over, or the beliefs
are ascribed to European or Islamite influence. Yet, first,

Christians or Islamites, with the god they introduced

would introduce prayer to him, and prayer, in many cases,
there is none. Next, in the case of Andouagni, what
missionary influence could exist in Canada before 1558?
Thirdly, if missionaries, amateur or professional, there
were in Canada before 1558 they would be Catholics, and
would introduce, not a Creator never addressed in prayer,
but crosses, beads, the Madonna, the Saints, and such
Cathohc rites as would leave material traces.
In spite of all these obvious considerations, I am un-
acquainted with any book on this phase of savage religion,
and scarcely know any book, except Mr. Tylor's Primi- '

which the facts are prominently stated.

tive Culture,' in
The evidence for the facts, let me repeat, is of the best
character that anthropology can supply, for it rests on
testimony undesignedly coincident, given from most parts
of the world by men of every kind of education, creed,
and bias. Contradictory evidence, the denial of the ex-
istence of the beliefs, is also abundant : to such eternal
contradictions of testimony anthropology must make up
her mind. We can only and examine, in each in-
test
stance, the bias of the witness, if he has a bias, and his
opportunities of acquiring knowledge. If the belief does
exist, it can seldom attest itself, or never, by material
32 MAGIC AND RELIGION

objects, such as idols, altars, sacrifices, and the sound of

prayers, for a being like Andouagni is not prayed to or
propitiated : one proof that he is not of Christian intro-
duction. We have thus little but the reports of Euro-
peans intimately acquainted with the peoples, savage or
barbaric, and, if possible, with their language, to serve as
a proof of the existence of the savage belief in a supreme
being, a maker or creator of things.
This fact warns us to be cautious, but occasionally we
have such evidence as is supplied by Europeans initiated
into the mysteries of savage religion. Our best proof,
however, of the existence of this exalted, usually
neglected belief, is the coincidence of testimony, from
that of the companions of Columbus, and the earliest

traders visiting America, to that of Mr. A. W. Howitt, a

mystes of the Australian Eleusinia, or of the latest

travellers among the Fangs, the remote Masai, and other

scarcely '
contaminated '
races.^

If we can raise, at least, a case for consideration in

favour of this non-utilitarian belief in a deity not ap-

proached with prayer or sacrifice, we also raise a presump-
tion against the theory that gods were invented, in the
despair of magic, as powers out of whom something use-
ful could be got : powers with good things in their gift,

things which men were ceasing to believe that they could

obtain by their own magical machinery. The strong
primal gods, unvexed by prayer, were not invented as
recipients of prayer.
To ignore this chapter of early religion, to dismiss it

as a tissue of borrowed ideas —though its existence is

attested by the first Europeans on the spot, and its

originality is vouched for by the very absence of prayer,

' Journal of Anthropological Institute, Oct.-Dec. 1900 andN.S. II., Nos.

1, 2, p. 85.
 SCIENCE AND SUPERSTITION 13

and by observers like Mr. A. W. Howitt, Miss Kingsley,

and Sir A. B. Ellis, who proposed, but withdrew, a
theory of '
loan-gods '
— is not scientific.

My own early readings in early religion did not bring

me acquainted with this chapter in the book of beliefs.

When I first noticed an example of it, in the reports of

the Benedictine Mission at Nursia, in Australia, I con-

ceived, that some mistake had been made in 1845, by
the missionary who sent in the report.^ But later, when
I began to notice the coincidence of testimony from many
quarters, in many ages, then I could not conceal from
myself that this chapter must be read. It is in conflict

with our prevalent theories of the development of gods

out of worshipped ancestral spirits : for the maker of

things, not approached in prayer as a rule, is said to exist

where ancestral spirits are not reported to be worshipped.

But science (in other fields) specially studies exceptional
cases, and contradictory instances, and all that seems out
of accord with her theory. In this case science has
glanced at what goes contrary to her theory, and has
explained itby bias in the reporters, by error in the
reporters, and by the theory of borrowing. But such
coincidence in misreporting is a dangerous thing for
anthropology to admit, as damages her evidence in
it

general. Again, the theory of borrowing seems to be

contradicted by the early dates of many reports, made
prior to the arrival of missionaries, and by the secrecy in
which the beliefs are often veiled by the savages as also ;

by the absence most potent being.

of prayer to the
We are all naturally apt to insist on and be pre-
possessed in favour of an idea which has come to our-
selves unexpectedly, and has appeared to be corroborated
by wider research, and, perhaps, above all, which runs
'Max Miiller, Eibbert Lectures, p. 16.
14 MAGIC AND RELIGION

contrary to the current of scientific opinion. We make a

pet of the relatively new idea ; let it be the origin of

mythology in a disease '
of language ;
'
or the vast religious
importance of totems ; or our theory of the origin of
totemism ; or the tremendous part played in religion by
gods of plants. We insist on the idea too exclusively
we find it where it is not —in fact, we are very human,
very unscientific, very apt to become one-idea'd. It is

even more natural that we should be regarded in this

lightby our brethren (est-il embetant avec son Eire
Supreme !) whose ovsti systems will be imperilled if our
,

favourite idea can be established.

I risk this interpretation when I keep maintaining
what ? —that the chapter of otiose or unworshipped
'

superior beings in the '

Early History of Eeligion
deserves perusal. Not to cut its pages, to go on making
systems as if it did not exist, is, I venture to think, less
than scientific, and borders on the superstitious. For to
build and defend a theory, without looking closely to
whatever may imperil it, is precisely the fault of the
superstitious Khond, who used to manure his field with a
thumb, or a collop from the flank of a human victim, and
did not try sowing a field without a collop of man's flesh,

to see what the comparative crops would be. Or science

of this kind is like Don Quixote, who, having cleft his
helmet with one experimental sword-stroke, repaired it,

but did not test it again.

Like other martyrs of science, I must expect to be
thought importunate, tedious, a fellow of one and idea,
that idea wrong. To resent this would show great want
of humour, and a plentiful lack of knowledge of human
nature. Meanwhile, I am about to permit myself to
criticise some recent hypotheses in the field of religious
origins, in the interests of anthropology, not of orthodoxy.
 16

II

THE THEORY OF L0AN-60DS ; OB BORROWED

RELIGION

The study of the origins of religion is impeded by the

impossibility of obtaining historical evidence on the
subject. If we examine the religious beliefs of extant
races, the lowest in material culture, the best representa-
tives of palaeolithic man, we are still a long way from the
beginnings of human speculation and belief. Man must -^

have begun to speculate about the origins of things as

soon as he was a reasoning animal. If we look at the
isolated and backward tribe of Central Australia, the
Arunta, we have the advantage of perhaps the best and
most thoroughly scientific study ever made of such a race,
the book by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen.'
Here we watch a people so '
primitive ' that they are
said to be utterly ignorant of the natural results, in the way
of progeny, of the union of the sexes. Yet, on the same
authority, this tribe has evolved an elaborate, and, grant-
ing the premises, a scientific and adequate theory of the
evolution of our species, and the nature of life. An
original stock of spirits is constantly reincarnated
spiritual pedigrees are preservedby records in the shape
of oval decorated stones, and it seems that a man or
woman of to-day may be identified as an incarnation of
a soul, whose adventures, in earlier incarnations, can be
traced back to the Alcheringa, or mythical heroic age of
'
Natives of Central Australia, London, 1899.
16 MAGIC AND RELIGION

the people. Their marriage laws are already in advance

of those of their neighbours, the Urabunna, and their
only magistracy, of a limited and constitutional kind,
descends in the male line.

Thus the Arunta are socially in advance of the Pictish

royal family in Scotland, whose crown descended in the
female line, no king being succeeded by his son. Manifestly
the religious or non-religious ideas of such a people, un-
clothed, houseless, ignorant of metals and of agriculture, and
without domesticated animals though they are, must be
ideas with a long history behind them. The Arunta philo-
sophy is a peculiar philosophy, worked out by thoughtful
men, and elaborated so artfully that there seems neither
room for a god, nor for the idea of a future life, except the
life of successive reincarnations. It is therefore impossible

for us to argue that mankind in general began its specu-

lative career with the singular and apparently godless
philosophy of the Arunta. Their working science is

sympathetic magic ; to the Great Spirit, with a trace of

belief in whom they are credited, they are not said to
pray and he seems to be either an invention of the
;

seniors, for the purpose of keeping the juniors and women

in order, or a being originally of higher character,
belief in whom has died out among the adults. To him
we return in another essay.
As historical information about the early or late evolu-
tion of the idea of a superior (not to say supreme) being
is thus unattainable, thinkers both ancient and modern
have derived the idea of God from that of ghost. The
conception of a powerful spirit of a dead father,
worshipped by his children, is supposed to have been
gradually raised to the power of a god. Against this
theory I have elsewhere urged that superior beings are
found among races who do not worship ancestral spirits ;
 THE THEOEy OF LOAN-GODS 17

and again that these superior beings are not envisaged as

spirits, but rather as supernormal magnified men, of un-
bounded power (an idea often contradicted in savage as in
Greek mythology) and of limitless duration.

The reply to me takes the form of ignoring, or dis-

abling the evidence, or of asserting that these superior
beings are '
loan-gods,' borrowed by savages from
Europeans or Islamites. It is to the second theory, that
these savage superior beings are disguised borrowings
from missionaries, explorers, traders, or squatters, that I
now address myself.' These beings certainly cause
difficulties to the philosophy which derives gods, in the
last resort, from ghosts.
It is probable that these difficulties have for some
time been present to the mind of Mr. E. B. Tylor (one
may drop academic titles in speaking of so celebrated
a scholar). When Mr. Tylor publishes the Gifford
Lectures which he delivered some years ago at Aberdeen,
we shall know his mature mind about this problem.
Meanwhile he has shown that the difficulty, the god
where no god should be, is haunting his reflections. For
example, his latest edition of his '
Primitive Culture
(1891) contains, as we shall show, interesting modifications
of what he wrote in the second edition (1871)
There are three ways in which friends of the current
theory that gods are grown-up ghosts may attempt to
escape from their quandary. (1) The low races "with the

high gods are degenerate, and their deity is a survival from

a loftier stage of lost culture. Mr. Tylor, however, of
course, knows too much to regard the Australians, in the
stone age, as degenerate. (2) The evidence is bad or (Fr.
Miiller) is that of prejudiced missionaries. But Mr. Tylor

With a case of ignoring the evidence

' I deal in the following essay,
Magic and Religion.
18 MAGIC AND RELIGION

knows that some of the evidence is excellent, and, at its

best, does not repose on missionary testimony. (3) The
high gods of the low races are borrowed from missionary
teaching. This is the line adopted by Mr. Tylor.
I recently pointed out, in '
The Making of Eeligion

(1898), the many difficulties which beset the current theory.

I was therefore alarmed on jfinding that Mr. Tylor had

mined the soil under my own hypothesis. His theory of
borrowing (which would blow mine sky-high if it exploded)
is expounded by Mr. Tylor in an essay, '
The Limits of
Savage Religion,' published in the '-

Journal of the Anthro-

pological Institute '
(vol. xxi., 1892). I propose to examine
Mr. Tylor's work, and to show that his own witnesses
demonstrate the unborrowed and original character of the
gods in question.
Mr. Tylor first opposes the loose popular notion that
all over North America the Indians believed in a being
named Kitchi Manitou, or '
Great Spirit,' a notion which
I do not defend. He says :
'
The historical evidence is

that the Great Spirit belongs, not to the untutored, but

to the tutored mind of the savage, and is preserved for us
in the records of the tutors themselves, the Jesuit mission-
aries of Canada.' ^ Now as to the word Manitou,'
'
spirit,

Mr. Tylor quotes Le Jeune (1633) By this word :

'

"Manitou," I think they understand what we call an

angel, or some powerful being.' ^ Again The Mon- :
'

tagnets give the name " Manitou " to everything, whether

good or bad, superior to man. Therefore, when we speak
of God, they sometimes call Him " The Good Manitou,"
while when we speak of the Devil, they call him " The
Bad Manitou."'^ When then, ninety years later, in
1724, Pere Lafitau dilates on '
The Great Spirit,' '
The
'
Op. cit. p. 284. ' Le Jeune, Relations, 1633, p. 17.
' Hid., 1637, p. 49.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 19

Great Manitou,' we are to see that in ninety years the

term which the Indians used for our God their transla- —
tion ofle ion dieu —
has taken root, become acchmatised,
and flom:ished. Lafitau, according to Mr. Tylor, has also
raised the Huron word for spirit, oki, to Okki, with a
capital 0, which he calls Le Grand Esprit. The eleva-
tion is solely due to Lafitau and other Christian teachers.
If all this were granted, all this is far indeed from proving
that the idea of a beneficent Creator was borrowed by
the Indians from the Jesuits between 1633 and 1724.
Mr. Tylor's own book, '
Primitive Culture,' enables us to
correct that opinion. Here he quotes Captain Smith, from
an edition of the '
History of Virginia '
of 1632. Smith
began to colonise Virginia in 1607. He says (edition
of 1632) :
'
Their chief god they worship is the Devil.
Him theyOkee (Okki), and serve him more of fear
call

than love.' Mr. Tylor cites this as a statement by a '

half-educated and whole-prejudiced European about '

'
savage deities, which, from his point of view, seem of a
wholly diabolic nature.' ' The word oki/ Mr. Tylor goes
on, '
apparently means "that which is above," and was,
in fact, a general name for spirit or deity.'
The chief deity of the Virginians then (in 1607, before
missionaries came), vsdth his temples and images, was a
being whose name apparently meant '
that which is above.'
Moreover, Father Brebeuf (1636) describes an oki in the
heavens who rules the seasons, is dreaded, and sanctions
treaties.

Consequently Lafitau did not, in 1724, first make oki,

a spirit, into Okki, a god. That had been done in Virginia

before any missionaries arrived, by the natives themselves,
long before 1607. For this we have, and Mr. Tylor has
cited, the evidence of Smith, before Jesuits arrived. What
' Prim. Cult. ii. 310.

c 2
20 MAGIC AND RELIGION

is yet more to the purpose, "William Strachey, a successor

of Smith, writing in 1611-12, tells us that Okeus (as he
spells the word) was only a magisterial deputy of ' the
great God (the priests tell them) who governs all the
world, and makes the sun to shine, creatyng the sun and
moone his companions, [him] they call Ahone. The
. . .

good and peaceable God requires no such duties [as are

paid to Okeus], nor needs to be sacrificed to, for he
intendeth all good unto them.' He has no image."-
Strachey remarks that the native priests vigorously
resisted Christianity. They certainly borrowed neither
Okeus nor Ahone, the beneficent Creator who is without
sacrifice, from Jesuits who had not yet arrived.

Do we need more evidence ? If so, here it is.

Speaking of New England in 1622, Winslow writes about

the god Kiehtan as a being of ancient credit among the
natives. He '
made all the other gods ; he dwells far

westerly above the heavens, whither all good men go when

theydie.' Thus Mr. Tylor himself (loc. cit.) summarises
Winslow, and quotes They never saw Kiehtan, hut they
:
'

hold it a great charge and dutie that one age teach another.
And to him they make feasts, and cry and sing for plentie,
and victorie, or anything that is good.'
Thus Kiehtan, in 1622, was not only a relatively supreme
god, but also a god of ancient standing. Borrowing from
missionaries was therefore impossible.
Mr. Tylor then added, in 1871 :
'
Brinton's etymology
is plausible, that this Kiehtan is simply the Great Spirit
(Kittanitowit, Great Living Spirit, an Algonquin word
compounded of Kitta= great, manitou = spirit, termination,
wit, indicating life).'

Historic of Travaile into Virginia. By William Strachey, Gent, (a

'

companion of Captain Smith). Habluyt Society. Date circ. 1612-1616.

See Myth, Ritval, and EeUgion, i. xx-xxxix, 1899.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 21

But all this etymology Mr. Tylor omitted in his

edition of 1891, probably no longer thinking it plausible.

He did, however, say in 1891 (ii. 342) : 'Another

famous native American name for the Supreme Deity is

Oki.'
Not content with Okeus, capital and all, before the
arrival of missionaries ; not content with Kiehtan, whose
etymology (in 1871) '
apparently ' means '
Great Spirit,'

before the arrival of Jesuits in New England, Mr. Tylor, in

'
Primitive Culture,' adds to these deities the Greenlanders' '

Torngarsuk, or Great Spirit (his name is an augmentative of

"tomgak," "spirit" [in 1891 "demon"]),' before the
arrival of missionaries For, says Mr. Tylor, he seems no
! '

figure derived from the religion of Scandinavian colonists,

ancient or modern. . . . He so clearly held his place as
supreme deity in the native mind that, as Cranz the
missionary alleges, many Greenlanders, hearing of God
and His Almighty power, were apt to fall on the idea that
it was their Torngarsuk who was meant.' '

Now, in 1891, Mr. Tylor dropped out '

he seems no
figure derived from the religion of Scandinavian colonists,
ancient or modern ;
' and he added that Torngarsuk was
later identified, not with our God, but with our Devil : a
foible characteristic, I may say — as Mr. Tylor said
concerning Captain Smith and Oki — of '
a half-educated
and whole-prejudiced European.' For the Algonquin
Indians Mr. Tylor cited Father Le Jeime (1633) When :
'

the missionary talked to them of an almighty creator of

heaven and earth, they began to say to one another
Atahocan, Atahocan.' But his name had fallen into
contempt and a verb, Nitatahocan, meant '
I tell an old
fanciful story.' In 1558 Thevet credits the Canadian
Indians with belief in '
a creator ' Andouagni, not
'
Frim. Cult. ii. p. 308.
22 MAGIC AND RELIGION

approached with prayers. None of these beings can have

been borrowed from Europeans. It will presently be seen
that between 1871 and 1892 Mr. Tylor became sceptical as

to the records of a Great Spirit in America. But he

retained Oki in the sense of Supreme Deity.
Here, then, from Virginia to Greenland, Mr. Tylor
presented in 1871 evidence for a being of supreme power,
called bynames which, perhaps, mean Great '
Spirit.' In
his essay of 1892 he does not refer to his earlier work
and his evidence there for a Great Spirit, nor tell us why
he has changed his mind. He now attributes the Great
Spirit to missionary influence. "We naturally ask in what
respect he has found the early evidence on which he
previously relied lacking in value. Mr. Tylor, in '
Pri-
mitive Culture,' '
gives a yet earlier reference than the
others for a Virginian Creator. He cites Heriot (an
author of 1586). Again: 'They believe in one who
made all things, but pay him no honour,' writes Pere
L'Allemant in 1626, in a region where '
il n'y ait point eu
de religieux.'
In 1871 Mr. Tylor said :
'
It has even been thought
that the whole doctrine of the Great Spirit was borrowed
by the savages from missionaries and colonists. But
this view will not bear examination. After due allowance
made for mis-rendering of savage answers and importation
of white men's thoughts, it can hardly be judged that a
divine being,whose characteristics are so unlike what
European intercourse would have suggested, and who is
heard of by such early explorers among such distant
tribes, could be a deity of foreign origin.' ^ In 1891 '
this
view will not bear examination '
is deleted — why ? — and
the deity, we are told, '
could hardly be altogether of

' Prim. Cult. ii. pp. 309, 310 (1873 and 1891).
' Prim. Cult. ii. p. 308.
 TPIE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 23

foreign origin.' He could not be, when found by the first

European had the creed been borrowed,

discoverers, and,
prayer to the being would have been borrowed with it.
Now, in his essay of 1892, Mr. Tylor never, I think,
alludes to his own evidence of 1873, or even of 1891, in
favour of a Red Indian creator, evidence earlier than the
Jesuits (1558, 1586, 1612-16, 1622, and of Le Jeune, 1633).
In the essay of 1892 that authentic evidence •
of such
early explorers among such distant tribes ' to a savage

conception of the Creator is not cited. The coincidence of

testincLony is the strongest possible evidence to the nature
and unborrowed character of the being. Such coincidence
is,in fact, Mr. Tylor's own touchstone of trustworthy
testimony. Yet in 1892 the Jesuits receive the whole
credit of introducing the idea. would be interesting to
It

know why the early evidence suddenly become

has
untrustworthy. The essay of 1892 ought, of course, to be
regarded as only a sketch. Yet we are anxious to learn
the reasons which made Mr. Tylor leave his evidence out of
sight, though republished by him only the year before he
put forth his tractate in favour of borrowing from Jesuits.
I turn to another point on which I cannot accept Mr.
Tylor's arguments.
In his essay of 1892 Mr. Tylor dates the Mandan
Deluge legend as not before 1700. Why? Because
Catlin (in 1830-1840) found iron instruments used rituaUy
in the native Mystery Play of the Flood. They were
supposed to represent the tools employed in making the
vessel wherein '
the only man '
escaped drowning. But
the Mandans did not get iron tools before 1700. The
Indians, however, we reply, had canoes before they had
iron tools, and, in modern times, might naturally employ
iron instead of flint instruments (discarded) in the
Mystery Play. They might do this, in spite of the
24 MAGIC AND EELIGION

marked preference for stone tools in ritual. Perhaps

they had none. It must here be observed that Catlin
does not use the word ark (as Mr. Tylor does) for the
' '

vessel of 'the only man.' Catlin always says 'the big

canoe.' Even if we admit (which we do not) that the
Mandans necessarily borrowed their Deluge legend from
whites, it does not follow, as Mr. Tylor argues, that
because the '
Great Spirit ' appears in the Deluge legend,
he '
cannot claim greater antiquity ' than 1700. In the
first place, as, in Mr. Tyler's earlier statement, Canadians,

Algonquins, Virginians, Massachusetts, and Greenlanders

had a Great Spirit before Christian influences began, the
Mandans may have been equally fortunate. Nor does it

seem safe to argue, like Mr. Tylor, that if the Great

Spirit figures in a (hypothetically) borrowed myth, therefore
the conception of a Great Spirit was necessarily borrowed
at the same time. That more recent myths are constantly
being attached to a pre-existing god or hero is a recog-
nised fact in mythology. Nor can mythologists argue
(1) that Biblical myth is a modified survival of savage
myth, and (2) that such natural and obvious savage
myths as the kneading of man out of clay, the origin of
death (' the Fall '), and the tradition of the Deluge are
necessarily borrowed by savages from the Bible. This
is, indeed, to argue in a vicious circle. Again, was the
Australian and American myth of a race of wise birds,
earlier than man, borrowed from the famous chorus in
the '
Birds '
of Aristophanes ? Is the Arunta theory of
evolution borrowed from Darwin, or their theory of re-
incarnation from Buddhism ? Borrowing of ideas seems
only to be in favour when savage ideas resemble more or
less those of Christianity.

Mr. Tylor remarks that Prince Maximilian, who knew

Mandanese better than Catlin, found among them no
 THE THEORY OF I,OAN-GODS 25

'
Great Manitou '
— so called. But he did find a Creator
whose name means Lord '
borrowed
of Earth.' Was He
from the whites ? would savages
Finally, on this point,

who remained so utterly un-Christian as the Mandans,

adopt from missionaries just one myth the Deluge and — —
make that the central feature in their national ritual ?
Indeed this seems very improbable conduct ! Nothing is

more conservative than ritual : that is notorious.

We do not follow Mr. Tylor into South America. If

our case is proved, by his own not repudiated authorities,

for North America, that suffices us. We turn to
Australia.
Let us first take the typical Australian case of Baiame,
Pei-a-mei, or Baiamai, at present alleged by Mr. Howitt
and others to be the moral creative being of many tribes,^

and served, without sacrifice, in their mysteries. Mr.

Tylor first finds him mentioned as a creator by Mr. Horace
Hale, whose book is of 1840.^ Next, in 1850, Baiame
was spoken of by a native to some German Moravian
missionaries as a being who, according to their '
sorcerers
or doctors,' made all things, but was easy to anger, and
was to be appeased by dances. Thus he was accepted by
the most notoriously conservative class, the class most
jealous of missionary influence, the sorcerers. Omitting
for the moment a later description of Baiame as seen by
a black devotee in a vision, we turn to Mr. Tyler's theory
of the origin of this god. Mr. Eidley (who began his
missionary career in Victoria in 1854) gives a pleasing
account of Baiame as a creator, with a paradise for the
good. According to Mr. Eidley, '
Baiame ' is discovered
by Mr. Greenway to be derived from baia, '
to make,' and

' Howitt, Journal of Anthropological Institute, 1884, 1885.

''
United States Exploring Expedition. Ethnology and Philology
p. 110.
26 MAGIC AND RELIGION

he concludes that '

for ages unknown ' the blacks have
called God '
the Maker.' ^

Mr. Tylor now asks, '

Was Baiame,' who is, he
avers, '
near 1840 so prominent a divine figure among
the Australians, known to them at all a few years
earher?' He decides that before 1840 Baiame was
'unknown to well-informed (white) observers.' This,

of course, would not prove that Baiame was unknown

to the blacks. As for the observers, who are three
in number, one, Buckley the convict, in spite of his
thirty-two years with the blacks, is of no real value. We
cannot trust a man who lied so freely as to say that in
Australia he '
speared salmon ' ! and often saw the fabled
monster, the Bunyip.^ Buckley could not read, and his

book was made up by a Mr. Morgan out of '

rough notes
and memoranda, . . . and by conversation.' If, then, as
'

Buckley says, '

they have no notion of a Supreme Being
(p. 57), we may discount that; Buckley's idea of such a
being was probably too elevated. Moreover he never
mentions the confessedly ancient native mysteries, in one
of which among certain tribes the being is revealed.'
Mr. Tyler's next well-informed observer before 1840,
Mr. Backhouse, a Quaker, takes his facts straight from
the third witness, Mr. Threlkeld ; he admits it for some
of them, and it is true, in this matter, of all of them.*
Buckley being out of court, and Backhouse being a mere
copy of Mr. Threlkeld, what has Mr. Threlkeld to say ?

What follows is curious. Mr. Threlkeld (1834-1857) does

'
Eidley, Kamilaroi Vocabularies, p. 17 (1875). Also in an earlier
Grammar, 1866.
^ The Life and Adventures
of William Btickley, 1852, pp. 40-48.
' Howitt, J. A. I., 1885. The Kurnai tribe.
* Backhouse, Narrative
of a Visit to the Australian Colonies, 1843,
p. 555. Compare Threlkeld, An Australian Language, 1892, p. 47. This
is a reprint of Mr. Threlkeld's early works of 1831-1857.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 27

not name Baiame, but speaks of a big supernatural black

man, called Koin, who carries wizards up to the sky,
inspires sorcerers, walks about with a fire-stick, and so
on.^ To honour him boys' front teeth are knocked out
in the initiatory stages.
As soon as I read this passage I perceived that Mr.
Threlkeld was amalgamating such a goblin as the Kurnai
call Brewin with the high God of the Mysteries. In
'
'

1881, when Mr. Howitt, with Mr. Fison, wrote Kamilaroi '

and Kurnai,' he knew no higher being among that tribe

than the goblin Brewin. But, being initiated later,
Mr. Howitt discovered that the God of the Mysteries is
Mungan-ngaur = '
Our Father ' (this shows the slight
value of negative evidence) . Women know about Brewin,
the goblin master of sorcerers, but the knowledge of
Mungan-ngaur is hidden from them under awful penalties.^
Not only I, biTt Mr. Horace Hale (1840), came to this
opinion that Koin is a goblin, Baiame a god, as we shall
:

see. In the same way, where Baiame is supreme, Dara-

mulun is sometimes a gobhn or fiend.
Mr. Threlkeld very properly did not use the name of the
fiend Koin as equivalent to God in his translation of the
'
'

Gospel of Luke into the native tongue (1831-1834).

St.

He there used for God Bloi, and no doubt did the same in
his teaching ; he also tried the word Jehovaka-birvrj.
Neither word has taken with the blacks ; neither word
occurs in their traditions.The word, though forced on
them, has not been accepted by them. That looks ill for
the theory of borrowing.
Here, then, of Mr. Tylor's three negative witnesses,
who, before 1840, knew not Baiame, Mr. Threlkeld alone
is of value. As Mr. Hale says, Mr. Threlkeld was (1826-
1857) the first worker at the dialects of those Baiame-
' Op. cit. p. 47. ^ Journal Anthrop. Inst., 1885.
28 MAGIC AND RELIGION

worshipping tribes, the Kamilaroi of the "Wellington

Valley, in Victoria. But whence did Mr. Hale get
what Mr. Tylor cites, his knowledge in 1840 of Baiame ?
He, an American savant on an exploring expedition,
could not well find out esoteric native secrets. I
shall prove that Mr. Hale got his knowledge of Baiame
from Mr. Tylor's own negative witness, Mr. Threlkeld.
Mr. Hale says that '
when the missionaries first came to
Wellington,'Baiame was worshipped with songs. There '

was a native famous for the composition of these songs

or hymns, which, according to Mr. Threlkeld, were passed
on,' &c. Mr. Hale thus declares (Mr. Tylor probably
overlooked the remark) that when the missionaries first

came to Wellington (where Baiame is the Creator) they

found Baiame there before them !
^ Then, why did Mr.
Threlkeld not name Baiame ? I think because Mr. Hale
says that Baiame's name and sacred dance were brought
in by natives from a distance, and (when he is writing)
had fallen into disuse.^ Had, then, a missionary before
1840 evolved Baiame from Kamilaroi baia, to make
'
'

(for that is Mr. Tylor's theory of the origin of the word

'
Baiame ') and taught the name to distant natives as a
,

word for his own God and had these proselytising

;

distant dancing natives brought Baiame's name and dance

to Wellington? Are missionaries dancing masters?
They would teach prayer and kneeling, or give rosaries
dances are no part of our religion. To demonstrate
missionary influence here we must find a missionary, not
Mr. Threlkeld, who was studying and working on the
Kamilaroi tongue before 1840. There was no such
missionary. Finally, Mr. Hale runs counter to Mr. Tylor's

He was supposed to live on an island, on fish

' wMoh came at his call,
probably a childlike answer to a tedious questioner.
^ Exploring Expedition of U. S., 1846, p. 110.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 29

theory of borrowing from whites, though Mr. Tylor does not

quote his remark. The ideas of Baiame may ' possibly
be derived from Europeans, though,' says Mr. Hale, the
'
'

great unwillingness which the natives always evince to

adopt any custom or opinion from them militates against
such a supposition.' So strong is this reluctance to
borrow ideas from the whites, that the blacks of the
centre have not even borrowed the idea that children are
a result of the intercourse of the sexes ! Here, then, in
part of the district studied by Mr. Threlkeld in 1826-1857,
an American savant (who certainly received the facts from
Mr. Threlkeld) testifies to Baiame as recently brought
from a distance by natives, but as prior to the arrival of
missionaries, and most unlikely to have been borrowed.
Whence, came Baiame ? Mr. Tylor
then, thinks the
evidence points rather to Baiame being the
'
missionary
translation of the word "creator," used in missionary
lesson books for God.' But by 1840, when Baiame is

confessedly '
so prominent a divine figure,' Mr. Threlkeld's
were the only translations and grammatical tracts in the
Kamilaroi tongue. Now Mr. Threlkeld did not translate
;
'
creator '
(or anything else) by '
Baiame ' he used '
Eloi
and Jehova-ka,' and the natives would have neither of
'

these words. Where is Mr. Tylor's reason, then, for

holding that before 1840 (for it must be prior to that date
if it is going to help his argument) any missionary ever

rendered creator by '

Baiame ' ? He has just argued that
no '
observer '
then knew the name Baiame, so no observer
could have introduced a name Baiame which he did not
know ;
yet there was the name Mr. Hale found it there.
;

Mr. Tylor's argument seems to be that Mr. Eidley in

1866, and again in 1877, printed extracts, in which occurs
Baiame = God, from the Missionary Primers prepared '
for
the Kamilaroi.' We might have expected Mr. Tylor at
30 MAGIC AND RELIGION

least to give the dates of the '

Missionary Primers '
that,

ex hypothesi, introduced Baiame before 1840. He gives no

dates, and the primers are of 1856 and are written by Mr.
Eidley, who cites Thus they must be posterior to
them.'
the Baiame of 1840, and Baiame was prior to missionaries
at "Wellington, at the when Mr. Tylor first notes his
time
appearance. Thus, by Mr. Tylor's own evidence, Baiame
is not shown to be a missionary importation ; the reverse.
As to Australia, it is not denied by Mr. Tylor that
practically all over the continent the blacks possess
religious mysteries of confessed antiquity. It is not denied
that the institution of these mysteries is now, in many
cases, attributed by the blacks to a moral creative being,
whose home is in or above the heavens. It is not denied that

his name now usually means, in different dialects, Maker

(Baiame), Master (Biamban), and Father (Papang, and
many other words) . It is not denied that the doctrine of
this being is now concealed from children and women, and
revealed to lads at the Bora, or initiatory mysterj^^ But,
on the other hand (as I understand Mr. Tylor), while
initiatory rites are old (they certainly existed when Dam-
pier touched at the Australian coast in 1688-1689), the
names of their institutor (Father, Maker), his moral
excellencies (?), and his creative attributes, are all due to
missionary influence. The original founder of the Bora,
'
in pre-missionary days, would only be a dead '
head-man
or leader, now religiously regarded.
To this we first demur. It is not shown — it is denied
by Waitz, and it is not even alleged by Mr. Herbert
Spencer —that the Australians ' steadily propitiate '
or
sacrifice at all to any ghosts of dead men. Plow can they ?
'
Gii/rreKamilaroi, or Kamilaroi Sayings. Sydney, 1856. It is a
scarce littlebook, with illustrations and Bible stories.
^ Howitt, Journal Antlwop. Institute, ut supra.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 31

The name of the dead is tabooed, and even where there is

in one instance an eponymous human patronymic of a

tribe, that patronymic alters in every generation. Now,

among such a ghost-worshipping people as the Zulus, the
most recently dead father gets most worship. In Australia,
where even the recent ghosts are unadored, is it likely

that some remote ghost remembered as founder of the

is

ancient mysteries ? This is beyond our belief, though

the opinion is, or at least was, that of Mr. Howitt. The
mere institution of female kin among some of these tribes

(though paternity makes against an ancient

is recognised)
worship of a male ancestor where even now ancestors are
unworshipped.
As to the aspect of this god, Baiame, Mr. Tyler pre-
sently cites a story told to Mr. Howitt by a native, of how
with his father he once penetrated in the spirit to Baiame's
home, and found him to be a very great old man with a '

long beard,' and with crystal pillars growing out of his

shoulders which support a supernal sky. His '
people,'
birds and beasts, were around him. Mr. Tylor says
'
These details are, it will have been noticed, in some
respects of very native character, while in others recalling
conventional Christian ideas of the Almighty.'
The '
Christian '
idea is, naturally, that of the old man
of Blake and Michael Angelo — Hartley Coleridge's '
old
man with the beard.' Is it likely thatthe savages had
seen _any_ such representations? Again, is the idea of \

Baiame as an old man not natural to a race where respect *

of age is regularly inculcated in the mysteries and prevails

in practice ? '
Among the Kamilaroi about Bundurra,
Turramulan [another name for this or a lower god] is
represented [at the mysteries] by an old man learned in
all the laws.' ' .

'
Greenway, J. A. I. vii. p. 243.
32 MAGIC AND EELIGION

As early as 1798 Collins found that the native word

for 'father' in New South Wales was applied by the
blacks as a title of reverence to the Governor of the nascent
colony.' It is used now in many native tribes as the name
of their Supreme Being, and Mr. Tylor thinks it of mis-
sionary origin. Manifestly, this idea of age and paternity
in a worshipped being is congenial to the natives, is illus-

trated in their laws and customs, need not be borrowed,

and is rather inevitable. The vision of Baiame, we may
add, was narrated to Mr. Howitt by a native fellow-initiate.
To lie, in such cases, is an unheard-of thing,' says Mr.
'

Howitt. The vision was a result of the world-wide

practice of crystal gazing. The seer's father handed
to him a crystal. '
When I looked at it,' says the
narrator, all manner of visions appeared, including that

of Baiame.^
It is manifest, we think, that when the natives attach
the attributes of fatherhood and antiquity to Baiame, they
need not be borrowing from Christian art notions so
natural, nay, so inevitable, in their own stage of society.
Though in many cases reckoning kinship through women,
they quite undeniably recognise paternity ih^fact. ~T^hus
the paternal title had no need to be borrowed as a word of

reverence. It was so used before missionaries came.

Mr. Howitt, who is deeply initiated, writes :
'
Beyond
the vaulted sky lies the mysterious home of that great
and powerful being who is Bunjil, Baiame, or Taramulan
in different tribal languages, but who in all is known by a
name the equivalent of the only one used by the Kurnai,
^
which is Mangun-ngaur, Our Father.'
Now, not to multiply evidence which is provided by

' Collins, Account of the Colony of New South Wales, 1798, vol. ii

p. 544.
2 J. A. I. xvi. pp. 49, 50. ' Op. cit., 1885, p. 54.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 33

other observers as to Central Australia (not so central

as the Arunta country) and the North, Mr. Tylor is

confronted with this problem : Have all the tribes v^ho

regard a povs^erful being, Baiame or another, as founder of

their ancient mysteries, borrowed his name and attributes,

since 1840 or so, from whites with whom they were

co nsta ntly in hostile relations? Ts it '"probable that,

having hypothetically picked up from Christians the

notion of a moral Father in heaven, their '
priests ' and
initiators instantly disseminated that idea over most of
the continent, and introduced it into their most secret
and most conservative ceremonies ? Would they be likely
to restrict so novel a piece of European information to the
men ? Mr. Dawson, in his '
Aborigines of Australia ' (p. 51),

writes :
'
The recent custom of providing food for it (a

corpse) is derided by intelligent old aborigines as " white

fellows' gammon " !
' Thus do they estimate novelties !

Yet m Mr, Tylor's theor,y_it.Js _the -most conservative

class of all, the medicine-men and learned elders —every-
where rivals and opponents of Christian doctrine — who
pick up the European idea of a good, powerful father or
master, borrow a missionary name for him (we have
shown that the name, Baiame, is not of missionary origin),
and introduce him in precisely the secret heart of the
mysteries. This knowledge is hidden, under terrible
penalties, from women what purpose ?
atrd^children : to
Do missionaries teach only the old rams of the flock, and
neglect the ewes and lambs ? Obviously the women and
children must know any secret of divine names and
attributes imparted by missionaries. Again, it is not
probable that having recently borrowed a new idea from
the whites the blacks would elaborately hide it from its

authors, the Europeans. So well is it hidden that, till he

D
34 MAGIO AND RELIGION

was formally initiated, Mr. Howitt had no suspicion of its

existence.^
Mr. Tylor may rest in his hypothesis of borrowing,
but for the reasons assigned we think it impossible in
our, and his, selected and incon- North American cases,
ceivable as an explanation of the Australian phenomena.
Finally, Mr. Tylor candidly adduces a case in which
Mr. Dawson, taking great and acknowledged trouble to
collect evidence, learned from the blacks that they had
believed in a benevolent being, Pirnmeheal, whose voice '

is the thunder,' '

before they knew of the existence of
Europeans,' who '
have given them a dread of Pirnme-
heal.' ^ We add Mr. Howitt's testimony to a supreme being
ruling '
from Omeo to Shoalhaven River, from the coast
to Yass Gundagai,' concerning whom '
old men strenuously
maintained that it was so before the white men came,'
they themselves, now aged, having only learned the secret
when they were initiated '
and made men ' at about the
age of fourteen.' In the same essay of 1885 * Mr. Howitt
tells of a native whose grandfather initiated him as to
an all-seeing personality, Bunjil, '
up there,' who would
mark his conduct. '
This was said before the white men
came to Melbourne ' (1835) . Bunjil, said William
Beiruk, a black, was called '
our father '
'
before white
men came to Melbourne.'
might give other evidence in favour of the un-
I
borrowed character of Australian belief in some such
being as Baiame. Thus Mrs. Langloh Parker, the
careful collector of '
Australian Legendary Tales,' ' was
herself interested in the question. She approached the
'
For concealment from women and children, see Howitt, J. A. I. xiii.

p. 192.
^ Dawson, Ahorigines of Australia, p. 49.
» J". A. I. xiii. 1885, p. 142.
* Op. cit. p. 194. ^ Two volumes. Nutt.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 35

subject as a disciple of Mr. Herbert Spencer, who allows

hardly a germ of religion to the Australians. On hearing
what she did hear, as to Baiame, from the tribesmen, she
asked one of them whether the idea was not borrowed
from Europeans. The old warrior answered that if it

were so the young men would Know most about Baiame.

But they know nothing, apparently because the old rites
of initiation have fallen into disuse. Nor are they much
more familiar with Christian doctrine. This black man
had logic in him. Mrs. Langloh Parker came, contrary to
her prepossessions, to the same opinion as our best
authority, Mr. Howitt, that the Australian belief is

unborrowed.
This lady, who has taken very great pains in criticis-

ing and collecting her evidence, kindly sent me an essay

of Mr. Manning's from '
The Journal of the Eoyal
Society of New South Wales,' vol. xvi. p. 159, 1883. Mr.
Manning was an early settler in the north border of the
southern colony. About 1832 he was in Europe, and met
Goethe, whose undiminished curiosity, he being then
about eighty-five, induced him to bid Mr. Manning
examine Australian beliefs. He did, but lost his notes,
made in 1845-1848. In these notes, which he later
recovered, Mr. Manning used Christian terminology,
instead of making a verbatim report. Struck by the
certainly singular savage idea of a son (begotten in some
cases, in others a kind of '
emanation ') of the superior
being, he employed theological phrases. The son, in his
story, sprang from a liquid like blood, which Boyma
(Baiame) placed in a vessel within a crystal oven. The
myth of such a birth, as Mr. Hartland remarks, is familiar
to Zulus and Eed Indians.^ It is therefore not likely to
be of European origin. But Mr. Manning's evidence,
'
Legend of Perseus, i. 97.

D 2
36 BIAGIC AND RELIGION
despite its terminology, so far agrees with Mrs. Langloh
Parker's account of the extant Baiame belief as to ' make
a case for further inquiry so Mr. Hartland concedes.
;
'

I ask forno more.^ Thus Mr. Manning has BaUima,

Mrs. Langloh Parker has BuUimah, for a kind of floral
paradise of souls, very beautifully described in the lady's
'
More Australian Legendary Tales.'
Both authorities mention prayers for the dead Mrs. ;

Langloh Parker quotes what Mr. Hartland calls very in- '

teresting funeral rites and prayers for the dead.' He adds :

'
We want to be assured whether these are usual, by means
of an accurate description of the customary ceremonies, and
that she does not give us.' I shall make inquiry; but what
does it matter whether the rites, in the overthrow of native
manners, are now usual or not ? Baiame is unknown to
the new generation, as we have seen. Prayers to him,
then, cannot be usual. The point is that Mr. Manning
in 1845, and Mrs. Langloh Parker in 1898, both mention
the prayers for the dead, certainly not borrowed from
Protestants. There is a similar account, only that of an
unnamed runaway convict who lived with the black
fellows in North-Western Australia.^ By a mythical
contradiction, the soul of the hero Eerin, prayed for in
Mrs. Langloh Parker's tale, now inhabits a little bird.

Another curious point needs to be considered by the

advocates of the theory of borrowing. Mr. Hartland
offers some deserved censures on Mr. Manning's termi-
nology in his report of Australian religion (1845-1848).
Mr. Manning says They believe in the existence of a
:
'

Son God, equal with him in omniscience, and but

of
slightly inferior to his Father in any attribute. Him
they call " Grogoragally." His divine ofBce is to watch over
all the actions of mankind, and to bring to life the dead
' Folk Lcrre, March 1899, p. 55. ^ Eidley, J. A. I., 1872, p. 282.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 37

to appear before the judgment seat of his Father, who

alone pronounces the awful judgment of eternal happiness
in heaven (Ballima) or eternal misery in "Oorooma" (hell),

which is the place of everlasting fire (gumby). The

Son . , . acts as mediator for their souls to the great
God, to whom the good and bad actions of all are knovm.'
As Mr. Hartland truly says, '
this is not an accurate
'
scientific account.' Even Mr. Manning's '
capital letters
are censured.
Probably the native theologian really said something
like this :
'
Boyma '
(Baiame) big man very budgery
;

man. Him sit on big glass stone. Him son Grogoragally

can see everything and go everywhere. See budgery
man, like him ; see bad man, plenty too much devil devil.
Likes budgery man no likes bad man he growl too
; :

much. Budgery man die, Grogoragally tell Boyma

Boyma Take him Ballima way, plenty budgery
say, '

place.' Bad man

die; Boyma say, Take him Oorooma '

way, plenty too hot, him growl there.' Grogoragally

plenty strong, him not so strong as Boyma.
This, or something like this, would be the actual
statement of the dusky theologian. It is easily rendered
into Mr. Manning's terminology ; but at the same time
the native, in his rude lingua franca, or pidgin English,
could hardly do justice to his creed. It was his creed
Mr. Hartland himself recognises the original character
of the native version of the Supernatural Birth.'
Here are certainly '
Biblical analogies,' as Mr. Tylor
recognises, but they are as certainly unborrowed.
Now let us fancy that a traveller, not a Greek scholar,
is storm-driven to a hitherto unknown island. He finds
a race of heathen white men. He describes their religion.
'Despite their polytheism, they have certainly been
'
Folk Lore, March 1899, pp. 52, 53.
38 MAGIC AND EELIGION

visited by Christian missionaries, or are descended from a

Christian colony. They believe in a supreme being
whom they call Zeus. He has a son named ApoUon or
Phoebus Apollon, vs^ho is all-knowing and all-seeing. He
acts as a kind of mediator between Zeus and men, to
whom, as one of the native hymns says, he " delivers the
counsels of the Father, and his unerring will." This
Apollo is consulted through an hysterical woman, who
lives in a cave. After being convulsed, like other savage
mediums, she speaks in a kind of verse. Her advice is

often obscure and ambiguous, but generally of a moral

tendency.
'
This son of Zeus is believed to be the only god who
really knows the future and the will of his father.
There is another son, Hermes, one of whose duties is to
conduct the souls of the dead into the presence of their
judge, who is not Zeus, but another god.
'
There is also a son of Apollo, whom I take to be only
a kind of double of that god ; be sometimes appears to
his worshippers as a serpent : his name is Asclepius.
'
This reminds us of what Winslow writes about the
Red Indians of New They have a supreme
England.
being, Kiehtan, whose son, Hobamok, appears in their
assemblies as a serpent. Ridley has the same story about
the blacks of Australia. I infer, then, that the natives of
this island have inherited or been taught some elements
of Christianity, as in the case of Apollo, the mediator
between Zeus and men ; and Hermes, the Guide of Souls as
they call him, psychopompos in their language. But they
have mixed up all this with degrading superstitions.'
Of course our traveller has arrived among Greeks, and
quotes the Homeric hymn to Apollo. But the Greeks,
being prior to Christianity, did not borrow from it, as our

traveller supposes. On the other hand, the Greek beliefs

 THE THEORY OP LOAN-GODS 39

which he describes resemble Australian and American

beliefs more closely than Australian and American beliefs
reserdble the creed taught by missionaries. Yet neither
Mr. Tylor nor any other friend of the borrowing theory
asserts that the Australians or Americans borrowed their
tenets from Greece.
The truth seems to be that where j|_supreme being is

regarded as top remote and impassive, he is naturally

supplied with a deputy. Ahone has Oki, Kiehtan has
Hobamok, Boyma has Grogoragally, Baiame has Tundun,
or in places Daramulun Nyankupon, in West Africa, has
;

Bobowissi. Sometimes, as in the Australian Noorele's

case, these active deputies are sons of the supreme being.
No borrowing is needed to explain ideas so natural to
early men, believing in a supreme being remote and
retired, little concerned with mundane affairs, and acting
through a deputy or deputies. In other cases, as of the
Finnish Num, or the Zulu Unkulunkulu, or the Algonquin
Atahocan, the being is quite neglected in favour of spirits
who receive sacrifices of meat or grease. Human minds
work on similar lines, without borrovsdng, which is only
alleged in the case of Christianity to account for the
beliefs which do not fit the '
ghost theory ' of modern
speculators.
The essential point of Mr. Manning's report, injured
as it is by his impossible terminology, is the extreme
secrecy maintained on these points by his savage
informants. They used to believe that the world would
perish if the women heard of their dogmas. Thus a man
said to Mr. Howitt (whose competence as a witness is

indisputable) :
'
If a woman were to hear these things, or
hear whatwe tell the boys, I would kill her.' ' One of
Mr. Manning's witnesses slunk into a wooden '
fireplace,'

'
J. A. I. vol. xiv. p. 310.
 40 MAGIC AND RELIGION

whence he whispered his behefs. He had previously

examined doors and windows in search of hsteners. A
man who reported these creeds would, if they became
divulged among the women, be obliged to kill his
wiie.
If the religious ideas were borrowed from missionaries,
the women would know them as well as the men. They
would not be reserved for initiates at the mysteries,
through which Mr. Howitt derived his most esoteric
knowledge of creeds, whereof, in 1881, he was absolutely
ignorant.'
If the beliefs were of missionary origin, the young
men, not the old men, would know most about Baiame.
For similar beliefs in North-West Central Queensland I
may cite Mr. Eoth.^ The being Mulkari is described by
Mr. Both as '
a benevolent, omnipresent, supernatural
being ; anything incomprehensible.' '
Mulkari is the
supernatural power who makes everything which the
blacks cannot otherwise account for; he is a good, beneficent
person, and never kills any one.' His home is in the skies.
He was also a medicine-man, has the usual low myths
about him, and invented magic. So writes Dr. Eoth,
who knows the local Pitta Pitta language — and is not a
missionary. Dr. Eoth is pursuing his researches, and
his remarks are only cited provisionally, awaiting con-
firmation.
Sometimes European observers do not see the trend of
their own reports. In 1845 Mr. Eyre described 'the
origin of creation '
as narrated to him by Australian blacks
on the Murring Eiver. A being, Noorele, with three
unbegotten sons, lives up among the clouds. He is '
all

See his andMi-. Fison'a Kamilaroi and Etirnai, 1881.

North-West Central Queensland Aborigines, pp. 14, 36, 116, 153, 158,
165.
 THE THEORY OF LOAN- GODS 41

powerful and of benevolent nature. He made the earth,

trees, water, &c. He receives the souls (lad]co = shades,
umbra) of the natives, who join him in the skies and will

never die again.' Yet Mr. Eyre adds :

'
A Deity, a Great
First Cause, can hardly be said to be acknowledged.'
What is Noorele if not a '
Great First Cause '
?

Among some tribes Bunjil, merely a title of authority,

meaning master, lord, headman, is a name of the superior
being. Abundance of the mythology of Bunjil, often
ludicrous or degrading, the being showing as a super-
normal medicine-man, may be found in Mr. Brough
Smyth's great But no evidence can be better
collections.^

than that of native poetry, which proves a higher aspect

of Bunjil.
A Woiworung bard of old made a song which moved
an aged singer to tears by '
the melancholy which the
words conveyed to him.' was an inspired song, for
It ' '

the natives, like ourselves, would think Tennyson inspired

and Tupper not so. Usually '
the spirits '
inspire singers ;

this song was inspired by Bunjil himself, who ' " rushes

down " into the heart of the singer,' just as Apollo did of

old. It is a dirge of the native race

We go all
The bones of all
Axe shining white.
In this Dulur land I

The rushing noise

Of Bunjil, our Father,
Sings in my breast,
This breast of mine 1

The missionaries do not inspire these songs. They put

them down. The white man,' says Mr. Howitt, knows
' '

Eyre, vol. pp. 355-357.

''
ii.

' Aborigines of Victoria.

' Arranged in lines from the literal translation, preserving the native
idiom. Howitt, J. A. I. vol. xvi. pp. 330, 331.
42 MAGIC AND RELIGION

little One of Mr.

or nothing of the black fellows' songs.'
Manning's informants (1845) was angry when asked for
the Hymn to Baiame (Boyma) He said that Mr. Manning
.

knew too much already.

I have dwelt specially on Australia, because there, as
the natives do not worship ancestral spirits (the names of
the dead are tabooed), their superior being cannot have
been evolved out of ghost worship. I have expressly
avoided the evidence of missionaries, except the early
Jesuits, because missionaries are believed by some writers
to be biassed on this point, though, in fact, on other points

they are copiously cited by anthropologists. As Mr. Tylor

and often martyred Jesuits of 1620-1660
finds the saintly
worth quoting, I have therefore admitted Father Le
Jeune's testimony to the existence of Atahocan before
their arrival in America, with Father Brebeuf's Oki, or
'
un Oki,' whose anger is feared and who sanctions treaties.
It is impossible to me to understand how the savages could
borrow from Europeans the beliefs which the Europeans
found extant when they arrived. I have not touched the
case of Africa. In The Making of Eeligion
'
' (pp. 222-228),
I argued against Sir A. B. EUis's elaborate theory of
borrowing a god, in the case of the Tshi-speaking races.
I did not know that this exact writer had repudiated
his theory, which was also rejected by Miss Mary
Kingsley.
As to Australia, in face of the evidence (which settled
Mr. Howitt's doubts as to the borrowing of these ideas)

can any one bring a native of age and credit who has said
that Baiame, under any name, was borrowed from the
whites Mr. Palmer is perfectly satisfied that none
? ' ' '

of these ideas were derived from the whites.' He is

speaking of the tribes of the Gulf of Carpentaria, far away
indeed from Victoria and New South Wales. There is no
 TPIE THEORY OP LOAN-GODS 43

greater authority among anthropologists than Waitz,

and Waitz rejects the hypothesis that the higher Aus-
trahan rehgious behefs were borrowed from Christians.'
To smn up, we have proved, by evidence of 1558, 1586,
1612-16, and 1633, that a sort of supreme creative being
was known North America before any missionary in-
in
fluence reached the regions where he prevailed. As to
the Australian god Baiame, we have shown out of the
mouth of Mr. Tylor's own witness, Mr. Hale, that Baiame
preceded the missionaries in the region where literary
evidence of his creed first occurs. "We have given Mr.
Hale's opinion as to the improbability of borrowing. We
have left it to Mr. Tylor to find the missionary who,
before 1840, translated '
Creator '
by the Kamilaroi word
'
Baiame while showing the
'
difficulty —I think the im-
possibility — of discovering any Kamilaroi philologist
before Mr. Threlkeld. And Mr. Threlkeld certainly did
not introduce Baiame ! We have proved that, contrary to
Mr. Tylor's theory of what a missionary can do, Mr.
Threlkeld could not introduce his own names for God,
Eloi and Jehovah-ka, into Kamilaroi practice. We note
the improbability that highly conservative medicine-men
would unanimously thrust a European idea into their
ancient mysteries. We have observed that by the nature
of Mr. Tylor's theory, the hypothetically borrowed divine
names and attributes must (if taken over from mission-
aries) have been well known to the women and children
from whom they are concealed under dreadful penalties.
We have demonstrated the worthlessness of negative
evidence by proving that the facts were discovered, on
initiation, by a student (Mr. Howitt), confessedly in the
first rank, though he, during many years, had been ignorant
of their existence. We show that the ideas of age and
'
Anthropologie, vi. p. 798.
44 MAGIC AND RELIGION

paternity, in an object of reverence, are natural and

habitual to Australian natives, and stood in no need of
being borrowed. We suggest that the absence of prayer
to a powerful being is fatal to the theory of borrowing.
We show that direct native evidence utterly denies the
borrowing of divine names and attributes, and strenuously
asserts that before Europeans came to Melbourne (1835)
they were revealed in the secret doctrine of ancient
initiatory rites. This evidence again removed the doubts
which Mr. Howitt had entertained on the point, and Mr.
Palmer and Mr. Dawson agree with Mr. Howitt, Mr.
Eidley, Mr. Gunther, and Mr. Greenway, all experts, all

studying the blacks on the spot. In the study, Waitz is

of the same opinion. Australian religion is unborrowed.

It is rare, in anthropological speculations, to light on
a topic in which verifiable dates occur. The dates of the
arrivals of missionaries and other Europeans, the dates of
Mr. Hale's book, of Mr. Threlkeld's books, of Mr. Eidley's
primer, are definite facts, not conjectures in the air.

While this array of facts remains undemolished, science

cannot logically argue that the superior beings of low
savage belief are borrowed from Christian teachers and
travellers.That idea is disproved also by the esoteric
and hidden nature of the beliefs, and by the usual, though
not universal, absence of prayer. The absence of prayer
again, and of sacrifice, proves that gods not bribed or
implored were not invented as powerful givers of good
things, because good things were found not to be pro-
curable by magic.
This condition of behef is not what a European,
whatever his bias, expects to find. He does not import
this kind of ideas. If they are
misreports, due to
all

misunderstandings in America and Australia from 1558

to 1898, what is the value of anthropological evidence?
 THE THEORY OF LOAN-GODS 45

It ought to be needless to add that when good observers

like Miss Kingsley find traces of Jesuit or other missionary
teaching in regions, as Africa or Canada, where Jesuits
actually taught in the past, I accept their decision.^ My
arguments against the theory of borrowing apply chiefly to
cases where the beliefs reported were found already extant
by the first white observers, to tribes where missionaries
like Mr. Threlkeld could not introduce their names for
deity, and to tribes which jealously conceal their theology
from the whites.
' Miss Kingsley, •
African Religion and Law,' National Review, Sep-
tember 1897, p. 132.
46 MAGIC AND RELIGIOxN

III

MAGIC AND BELIGION

'The sin of witchcraft is as the sin of rebellion.' The

idea which inspires this text probably is that a person who
seeks to obtain his ends by witchcraft is rebelling against
the deity or deities through whom alone these ends should
be sought. Witchcraft is also an insult and injury to the
official priests, who regard the witch as the surgeon
regards the bone-setter, or as ^be geologist regards the
'
dowser '
or water-finder who "uses the divining-rod.
Magic or witchcraft falls into two main classes. The
former is magic of the sort used by people who think
that things accidentally like each other influence each
other. You find a stone shaped like a yam, and you sow
it in the yam plot. You find a stone like a duck, and
expect to have good duck-shooting while you carry the
stone about in a bag. In the same way the part in-

fluences the whole ; you burn some of a man's hair, and

so he catches a fever. Imitation works in the same
manner; you imitate the emergence of grubs from the
larvffi, and you expect grubs to emerge.

All magic of this kind is wrought by material objects,

sticks, stones, hair, and so forth, which sometimes have

been charmed by songs chanted over them. Among

'
'

the Arunta of Central Australia, in many respects a back-

ward people, we do hear of an '
evil spirit ' influencing the
material object which has been charmed.^ We also hear
'
Spencer and Gillen, p. 549.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 47

of spirits which instruct men in medical magic. But, as

a rule, the magic is materialistic. It really does produce
effects, by suggestion a man dies and a woman is won,
:

if they know that magic is being worked to kill or woo.

The second sort of magic acts by spells which constrain
spirits or gods to do the will of the magician. This
magic involves itself in religion when the magical
ceremonies are, so to speak, only symbolic prayers
expressed in a kind of sign-language. But if the idea is

to put constraint by spells on a god or spirit, then the

intention is magical and rebellious. Though the official

priest of a savage god may use magic in his appeal to

that deity, he is not a wizard. It is the unofficial
practitioner wjio is a witch, just as the unqualified
medical practitioner is a quack. In the same way if a
minister of the kirk was clairvoyant or second-sighted
that was a proof of godliness and inspiration. But if a
lay parishioner was second-sighted, he or she was in
danger of the stake as a witch or wizard.
These, briefly stated, are the points of contrast and
points of contact between magic and religion. The
question has recently been raised by Mr. Frazer, in the
j

new edition of his '

Golden Bough,' whether magic has
not everywhere preceded religion. Have men not
attempted to secure weather and everything else to their
desire by magic, before they invented gods, and prayed to
them for what magic, as they learned by experience,

failed to provide ?

This question cannot be -——

~—-———"-— historically determined. If
"•
II -ff rx— fill II III 1 1
III 11^
-

m iij-
i
i

we find a race which has magic but no religion, we cannot

be certain that it did not once possess a religion of which
it has despaired. I once knew a man who, as a child,
suffered from toothache. He prayed for relief : it did not
come. He at once, about the age of eight, abandoned
 48 MAGIC AND EELIGION

religion. What
may do, in the way of despair of
a child
religion, a childlike race may do. Therefore, if we find a race

with magic but without religion, we cannot scientifically

say that the race has never possessed a religion. Thus^th^

relative priority of religion or magic cannot be as certained
M Mi ^i
nwy i»iii,-iiirimiV' mnatfais.^mimm'- 'v •^^<''<~"'»aiWSSI WjWMW W3
Wi«**M*»'-> -
'

i ' «i' «i H-'

I
iiii ii

historically.
Again, all depends on our definition of religion, if we
are to pursue a speculation rather airy and unbottomed
on facts. Mr. Erazer defines religion as '
a propitiation or
../ -j— conciliation of powers superior to man which are believed
to direct and control the course of nature and of human
life.' ^
But clearly this definition does not include all

that mean by religion.

we usually If men believe in a
potent being who originally made or manufactured the
nature of things or most things (I am warned not to use
the word '
creator ') , that is an idea so far religious
that it satisfies, by the figment of a supernatural agent,

the speculative faculty. Clearly the belief in such a

being germ whence may spring the ideas of duty
is a
towards, and an affection for, the being. Nobody can deny
that these are religious ideas, though they do not appear
in Mr. Frazer's The believers in such a
definition.

being, even if they never ask him for anything, cannot be

called irreligious. At a period of his life when Coleridge
never prayed, he would have been much and not unjustly
annoyed if Mr. Frazer had called him irreligious. A man
may believe in God, and yet trust him too utterly to
address him in petitions for earthly goods and gear.
'
Thy Will be Done may be his only prayer yet he does
'

not lack religion. He only lacks it in the sense of Mr.

Frazer's definition.
If that definition is granted, Mr. Frazer is prepared
to produce a backward race, houseless, without agriculture,
"^a. B. pUs^,'
Oil i.
 MAGIC AND EELIGION 49

metals, domestic animals, and without religion in Mr.

Frazer's sense. They have magic, but they have no
religion, says Mr. Frazer, who presently informs us that
'
the first -born child of every woman was eaten by the
tribe as part of a religious ceremony.' ^ So they have a
religion, and a bloody religion it is. »

That people is the Australian, among whom, while '

magic is universally practised, religion in the sense of a

propitiation or conciliation of the higher powers seems to

be nearly unknown.' ^ '
Nobody dreams of propitiating

gods or spirits by prayer or sacrifice.'

We are presently to see that Mr. Frazer gives facts

which contradict his own statement. But first I must
cite all that he says about Australian religion. In the '

south-eastern parts of Australia, where the conditions of

life in respect of climate, water, and vegetation are more

favourable than elsewhere, some faint beginnings of

religion appear in the shape of a slight regard for the
comfort of departed friends. Thus some Victorian tribes
are said to have kindled fires near the bodies of their dead
in order to warm the ghost, but " the recent custom of
providing food for it is derided by the intelligent old
aborigines as '
white fellows' ' gammon." '
' Some tribes
in this south-eastern region are further reported to believe
in a supreme spirit, who is regarded sometimes as a
benevolent, but more frequently as a malevolent, being.''
Brewin, the supreme being of the Kurnai, was at first

identified by two intelligent members of the tribe with

Jesus Christ, but on further reflection they thought he
must be the devil.^ But whether viewed as gods or devils

'
G. B. ii. p. 51. '
G. B. i. p. 71.
' J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, pp. 50, sq.
' A. W. Howitt in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiii. (1884),
.191.
' L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai, p. 255.

E
60 MAGIC AND RELIGION

it does not seem that these spirits were ever worshipped.'

It is worth observing that in the same districts which
thus exhibit the germs of rehgion, the organisation
of society and the family has also made the greatest
advance. The cause is probably the same in both cases
namely, a more plentiful supply of food due to the greater
fertility of the soil.^ On the other hand, in the parched
and barren regions of Central Australia, where magic
attains its highest importance, religion seems to be
entirely wanting.^ The traces of a higher faith in
Australia, where they occur, are probably sometimes due
to European influence. I am strongly of opinion,' says
'

one who knew the aborigines well, '

that those who have
VTritten to show that the blacks had some knowledge
of God, practised prayer, and believed in places of reward
and punishment beyond the grave, have been imposed
upon, and that until they had learned something of

Christianity from missionaries and others the blacks had

no beliefs or practices of the sort. Having heard the
missionaries, however, they were not slow to invent what
I may call kindred statements with aboriginal accessories
with a view to please and surprise the whites.' * Some-
times, too, the reported belief of the natives in a great or
good spirit may rest merely on a misunderstanding.
Mr. Lorimer Fison informs me (in a letter dated June 3,

1899) that a German missionary, Mr. Siebert, resident in

the Dieri tribe of Central Australia, has ascertained that
their Mura Mura, which Mr. Gason explained to be the
Good Spirit,^ is nothing more or less than the ancestors in

'
See A. W. Howitt in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiii.

(1884), p. 459.
^ See A. W. Howitt in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xviil.
(1889), pp. 32, sg. is not mentioned here.
Eeligion
^ See Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia.
'
E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, i. 45.
* Native Tribes of South Australia, p. 260.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 61

the 'dream times.' There are male and female Mura

Mura —husbands, wives, and children —just as among the
Dieri at the present day. Mr. Fison adds :
'
The more
I learn about savage tribes, the more I am convinced that
among them the ancestors grow into gods.'
This is all that Mr. Prazer has here to say about the
religious behef of the Australians. He has found, in '
the
museum of the past,' a people with abundance of magic,
yet with no religion, or not enough to affect his theory that
religion was everywhere second in order of time to magic.
I am very content to meet him on Australian ground.
There we find abundance of testimony to the existence of
a belief speculative, moral, and emotional, but not practical.
The beings of this belief are not propitiated by sacrifice,
and very seldom by prayer, but they are makers, friends,
and judges. Mr. Tylor accepts (I think) the evidence for
the beliefs as at present found, but presumes many of their
characteristics to be of European importation. Against
that theory I have argued in the preceding essay, giving
historical dates. Mr. Frazer omits and ignores the
evidence for the beliefs. He denies to the Australians
more than 'some faint beginnings of religion,' and puts
down '
traces of a higher faith '
as '
probably sometiines
due ' (and perhaps it sometimes
European influ-
is) '
to
ence. For this theory Mr. Curr is cited
'
Having heard :
'

the missionaries, they were not slow to invent what I call

kindred statements with aboriginal accessories, with a view
to please and surprise the whites.'
To please and surprise the whites the natives concealed
their adaptations of Christian ideas in the mysteries, to
which white men are very seldom, or were very seldom,
admitted! Is this likely? I believe that the exclusive
rule is now relaxed where the natives are practically paid
'
E. M. Curr, The Australian Race, i. 45.

E 2
62 MAGIO AND RELIGION

to exhibit.^ One Bora was under European patronage, and

the old men and children were fed on European supplies.

But when Mr. Howitt was initiated by the Kurnai, and so

first learned the secret of their religion, ' the old men. . . .

desired to be satisfied that I had in very deed been fully

initiated by the Brajerak black fellows in their Kuringal.'
He therefore retired to a lonely spot, '
far from the possi-
woman's presence,' and exhibited the token of his
bility of a

previous initiation by the Murrings. Hitherto long as the '

Kurnai had known me, these special secrets of the tribe had
been kept carefully from me by all but two,' one of whom
was now dead. The inmost secret was the belief in Mungan-
ngaur, the Great Father of the tribe, who was once on
'

earth, and now lives in the sky, [he] is rather the beneficent

father, and the kindly though severe headman of the

whole tribe, than the malevolent wizard, such as are other
of the supernatural beings believed in by the Australian
2
blacks.'
Mr. Frazer cites Mr. Howitt thus :
'
Some tribes in this
south-eastern region are further reported to believe in a
supreme spirit, who is regarded sometimes as a benevolent
but more frequently as a malevolent being.' ' What has
become of Mr. Howitt 's evidence after initiation by the
Kurnai, evidence published in 1885 ? How can the
blacks invent beliefs to please the whites when they only
reveal them to Mr. Howitt, after he has produced a bull

roarer as a token of initiation ? Mr. Frazer then writes :

'
Brevsdn, the supreme being of the Kurnai, was at first
identified by two intelligent members of the tribe with
Jesus Christ, but on further reflection they thought he
must be the devil.' This is cited from a work of 1881,

'
Cf. Mr. Matthews and Mr. Crawley, J. A. I. xxiv. 413.
^ J. A. I. xiv. 1885, p. 521.
' G. B. i. 72, note J. A. I. ;
xiii. p. 191 (1884).
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 53

Messrs. Fison Kamilaroi and Kumai

and Hewitt's '

(p. 255).must have escaped even Mr. Frazer's erudi-

It
tion that Mr. Hov^itt says When I wrote of Brewin in :
'

my paper on Some AustraHan BeHefs " I was not aware

"

of the doctrines as to Mungan-ngaur. These the Kurnai

carefully concealed from me until I learned them at the
^
Jeraeil, or mysteries.'

Had Mr. Frazer observed this remark of Mr. Howitt's,

he could not have cited, without comment or correction,
Mr. Howitt's earlier and confessedly erroneous opinion
that 'Brevrin' is 'the supreme being of the Kurnai.'^
To Mr. Howitt's correction in 1885 of his mistake of
1881 Mr. Frazer, as far as I observe, makes no allu-
sion.

Mr. Frazer must either have overlooked all the evidence

for an Australian belief ruinous to his theory of the origin
of religion (ruinous if Australia represents the earliest
known stages of religion), or he must have reasons, not
produced, for thinking all that evidence too worthless to
deserve confutation or even mention. We are anxious to
know his reasons, for, on other matters, he freely quotes
our witnesses. Yet I cannot think Mr. Frazer consist-
ently so severe as to Australian evidence. He has a
picturesque theory that the origin of the Passover was
a rite in which masked men ran about through Hebrew
towns in the night, butchering all the first born of Israel.^
No people, we exclaim, ever did such a thing ! In proof
of the existence of the custom Mr. Frazer adduces an
Austrahan parallel :
'
In some tribes of New South Wales
the first-born child of every woman was eaten by the

J. A. I., 1885, p. 321, note 2.

'

G. B. i. 72, note 1. In the first edition of Myth, Ritual, and BeUgion

^

I quoted Mr. Howitt's evidence of 1881. In the second edition I naturally

cited his later testimony.
' G. B. ii. 49, 50.
64 MAGIC AND RELIGION

tribe as part of a religious ceremony.' ' Mr. Frazer's

authority is a communication by Mr. John Moore Davis,
and was published in 1878, twenty-three years ago, by
Mr. Brough Smyth. Here is what Mr. Davis says In :
'

parts of N. such as Bathurst, Goulburn, the

S. "W.,

Lachlan, or Macquarie, it was customary long ago for the

first-born of every lubra to be eaten by the tribe, as part

of a religious ceremony, and I recollect a black fellow

who had, in compliance with the custom, been thrown
when an infant on the fire, but was rescued and brought
up by some stock-keepers who happened accidentally to be
passing at the time. The marks of the burns were
distinctly visible on the man when I saw him. ..."
The evidence is what the Society for Psychical Re-
search calls 'remote.' In 1878 the event was already
'
long ago.' The testimony is from we know not how
remote a hand. The black sufferer, as a baby at the

time, could not remember the facts. The stock-keepers

who were present are not named, nor do we even know
whether Mr. Davis was informed by them, or heard their
story at third or fourth hand. "We do not know whether
they correctly interpreted the alleged sacrifice, in a
religious ceremony (by a people said to be almost or quite
irreligious), of all the first-born children of women. Mr.
Frazer has circulated inquiries as to Australian customs,
and has published the results in the 'Journal of the
Anthropological Institute.' ^ He does not appeal to the
answers in corroboration of Mr. Davis's remarkable story.'

Imbued with the superstition of psychical research,

I once investigated the famous Australian tale of Fisher's
ghost (1826). I sent for the Court archives (the ghost led
to a trial for murder), and I received these and a contem-
'
O. B. ii. 51, citing Brough Smyth's Aborigines of Victoria, ii. 311.
^ November 1894, pp. 158-198. " G. B. ii. 51-53.
 MAGIC AND EELIGION 55

porary plan of the scene of the murder and the apparition.

These documents left me doubtful about the ghost of
Fisher.^ May I not say that similar researches and good
corroborative evidence are needed before we accept a
settler's tale of an Australian sacrifice, '
long ago,' as
confirming a theory of a Hehie-w yearly massacre of all the
first-born ? Mr. Moore's evidence is good as
Moreover, if

to a sacrifice, why is the latest evidence of Mr. Howitt and

all my other witnesses as to Australian religion not worth

mentioning ? Why is
bad that Mr. Frazer goes back
it so
to Mr. Howitt's evidence of 1881, before he knew the
secret, and is silent about Mr. Howitt's evidence of 1885 ?

We may quote Sir Alfred Lyall :

'
One effect of the
accumulation of materials has been to encourage specu-
lative generalisations, because it has provided a repertory
out of which one may make arbitrary selection of examples
and precedents to suit any theory.' Has Mr. Frazer
escaped this error ?
he has escaped, and the error is
I cannot think that
fatal. He
Mr. Howitt, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Oldfield,
cites

Mr. Dawson, and Mr. Cameron (whom I am about to

quote), all of whom speak to a native religion of the kind
for which I contend. Their witness is enough for him
in other matters, but as to this matter these witnesses,
for some reason, are absolutely ignored. I myself have
omitted the affirmative evidence of Mr. Oldfield and Mr.
Foelsche as to religion, because I think it contaminated,
although in part corroborated. But my witnesses, all

cited for other points by Mr. Frazer, are not even mentioned
on the point where, if their reports be correct, they seem
rather to invalidate his central theory — that religion was
invented in the despair of magic.

' For '

Fisher's Ghost '
see Blackwood's Magazine, August 1897, p. 78
et seq.
56 MAGIC AND RELIGION

As to that despair, it does not exist. The religions

of Babylon, Greece, and Egypt lived side by side with

superabundant magic. The Australians, when their

magic fails, merely say that some other black fellow

is working stronger counter-magic'
However, that is a different question. The question at
present is. Why does Mr. Frazer not cite and confute the
evidence of witnesses, whom he quotes on other points,

evidence fatal to his theory ? Why does he ignore it ?

Among so many witnesses, distrustful of facts that

surprise them, anxious to explain by borrowing, all

cannot be biassed. If they were, why is not the testi-

mony of witnesses with the opposite bias also discredited

or ignored ? Why is it welcomed ? Mr. Frazer prefers
the opinion of Mr. Siebert, a German missionary, that the
Dieri propitiate ancestral spirits, to the opinion of Mr.
Gason, that the being of their belief is a good spirit who
made them. I do not know which of these gentlemen is

right ;
possibly both views are held by different native
informants. But Mr. Siebert's ancestral spirits come
through Mr. Fison, who says :
'
The more I learn about
savage tribes, the more Iam convinced that among them
ancestorsgrow into Gods —
so natural a process where
'

the names of the dead are tabooed !

'
Oh no, we never mention them,
Their names are never heard.'

So they grow into gods ! Mr. Fison is a Spencerian

so, for all that I know, may Mr. Siebert be. If so, both
have a theory and a bias, yet they are cited. It is only
witnesses who hold that the Australians, certainly not,
as a rule, ancestor worshippers, believe in a kind of god,
who are not deemed worthy of mention on this point,
though quite trustworthy on other points.
'
J. A. I. XV. 4.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 57

I cannot imderstand this method. The historian has

a theory. He searches for contradictory facts. The

chemist or hiologist does not fail to mention facts hostile

to his theory.
We Mr. Frazer to accept the testimony
are not asking
of Mr. Howitt, Mr. Cameron, Mr. Eidley, Mr. Greenway,
Mr. Gason, Mr. Hale, Archdeacon Giinther, the Benedic-
tines of Nursia, Mr. Dawson, Mr. Eyre, Mr. Eoth, Mrs.
Langloh Parker ; or to accept the opinion of Waitz, Mr.
Howitt, and others as to unborrowed A-ustralian religion.
Their testimony may when it is proved
be erroneous ;

erroneous I shall abandon But perhaps anthropologists

it.

may be allowed to be curious as to the reasons for which

this and similar testimony is ignored. The reason cannot
be that there is contradictory evidence, for some observers
deny magic to the tribes whom they know.' Yet Mr.

To be true to my own principles, I note a few points in Mr. Frazer's

'

Australian evidence, published by him in J. A. J., November 1894.

Mr. Gason, an excellent witness, says that the Dieri think some souls
turn into old trees or rocks, or 'as breath ascend to the heavens,' to
'
Purriewillpanina.' The Dieri believe the Mooramoora created them and
will look after their spirits (op. cit. p. 175).
Mr. Frazer, however, calls the
Mura Mura remote ancestral spirits,' who would have a difficulty, one
'

thinks, in creating the Dieri. The names of the dead may not be men-
tioned (p. 176).
The
station master at Powell's Creek denies that magic exists in any '

shape or form.' There are no religious dances, no belief in a future hfe

(p. 180). Mr. Lindsay Crawford says nothing is known of the nature of
'

souls.' For the last ten years this gentleman had held no communication
'

with the natives at all, except with the rifle.' Perhaps his negative
evidence is not very valuable, as he does not appear to have won the

friendly confidence of the blacks. Mr. Matthews says : Many tribes believe '

future existence is regulated by due observances at burial according to the

rites of the tribe '
(p. 190). Mr. Foelsche, described by Dr. Stirling as a '

most intelligent and accurate observer, who knows the natives well,' con-
tributes a belief in a benevolent creator, with a demiurge who made the
blacks. He inhabits Teelahdlah, among the stars. He never dies.' He '

is a very good man,' not a spirit.' A subterranean being can read and
' ' '

write, and keeps a book of men's actions.

'
This is so manifestly due
to European influence that I have not cited Mr. Foelsche's evidence.
58 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Frazer has no doubt as to the prevalence of magic, though

one of his witnesses, Mr. Foelsche, gives no magic, but gives
religion. 'Whether viev^ed as gods or devils,' Mr. Frazer
says of South-Bast Australian beings, 'it does not seem that
these spirits were ever worshipped.' He has ignored the
evidence that they are worshipped (if the rights of the
Bora are worship), but, if they are not worshipped, so much
the worse for his theory. Gods, in his theory, were invented
just to be worshipped. '
To these mighty beings ....
man now addressed himself .... beseeching them of

theirmercy to furnish him with all good things . . .

.' ^

As against the correctness of my witnesses I only

know the mass of evidence by white observers who have
detected no religion among these savages. But I do not
necessarily accept the negative evidence, because the
beliefs are reported, by the affirmative witnesses, to be
guarded with the utmost secrecy.^ It is not every
inquirer who has the power of eliciting beliefs which, for
many reasons, are jealously guarded. Many Englishmen
or Lowlanders are unable to extract legends of fairies,
ghosts, and second-sight from Gaelic Highlanders. On
the other hand, they are kind enough to communicate to
me plenty of their folk-lore. '
The Urkus were very shy
and frightened when asked about their religion,' says Mr.
Pope Hennessy in his Notes on the Jukos and other'

Tribes of the Middle Ben® '

(1898).
Thus I prefer the affirmative evidence of Europeans
who have won the confidence of the Australians, and
have been initiated, to the denials of observers less

Mr. Foelsche '

knows of no magic or witchcraft being practised (p. 197). '

The blacks believe that after death their souls 'go up they then point
' ;

skywards (p. 198).

G. B. 1. 72, note
'
i. 77.
2 See '
The Theory of Loan Gods.'
^ /. A. I. January to June, 1900, No. 31, p. 27.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 59

fortunate. As for their theory that the religious practices,

if they exist, are borrowed from Christians, I have stated
my case in the preceding essay. There could be no
stronger evidence than the absence of prayer that the
Australian religion is not borrowed.
This argument ought especially to appeal to Mr. Frazer.
His definition of religion is that of Enthyphro, in the
Platonic Dialogue of that name.

Socrates. Sacrificing is giving to the Gods, and piety

is asking from them ?
Euthyphro. Yes, Socrates.
Socrates. Upon this view, then, piety is a science of
asking and giving ?
Euthyphro. You understand me capitally, Socrates.

Mr. Frazer agrees with Euthyphro. But if we find

that the most backward race known to us believes in a
power, yet propitiates hiip neither b}' prayer nor sacrifice,

and if we find, as we do, that in many more advanced

races in Africa and America it is precisely the highest
power which is left unpropitiated, then we really cannot
argue that gods were first invented as powers who could
give good things, on receipt of other good things, sacrifice
and prayer.
Sir Alfred Lyall here agrees with Mr. Frazer. '
The
foundation of natural religion is ... . the principle of
Do ut des '
(' I give that you may give '), '
and the most
ingenious researches into the evolution of primitive ideas
will hardly take us beyond or behind it.' ^ My '
researches
'

do not pretend to be '

ingenious.' It is a mere question of
facts. Have Mr. Hewitt's tribes the idea of a power, a
very great power, which is interested in conduct, sanctions
conduct, but is not asked for material benefits ? Have, or
had, all the American and African peoples whom I have

'
Asiatic Studies, ii. 172.
60 MAGIC AND RELIGION

cited a highest power often unconcihated ? If so, why did

they invent these beings ? Certainly not to play with them
at the game of Yet that game was the origin of
Do ut des.
rehgion, according to Sir Alfred and Mr. Frazer. The facts
must be mentioned, must be disproved, before the theory
of Do ut des can be established.
Even if we accepted the theory of Buthyphro and of
Mr. Frazer it is beset by difficulties. Eeligion is the
despair of magic, says the theory. Magic is found by the
higher minds to be a failure. Rain is not produced, nor
sunshine, nor food, as a result of magic. Consequently
invisible powers, '
like himself, but far stronger,' are
invented by man. They are immortal, and are asked to
take man's immortal spirit home to them.^ Yet they are
mortal themselves.^ They are so dependent on man, these
beings which are far stronger, that man actually has to
sacrifice his kings to them annually to keep these far
stronger beings in vigour.' I am willing to suppose, with
Mr. Frazer, a very gradual process of evolution in religious
thought. Man began by thinking his own magic all

powerful. He found that a failure, '

and came to rest, as
in a quiet haven after a tempestuous voyage, in a new
system of faith and practice. ... a substitute, however
precarious, for that ' (magical) '
sovereignty over nature
which he had reluctantly abdicated.' To be sure he had
not abdicated, Greek and Babylonic magic are especially
notorious. But let us fancy that man at large but
gradually reached the conception of powers far higher
than himself. They were very limited powers at first

they helped him, but he had to help them, to the extent,

sometimes, of killing his kings annually to keep them in
health. This is Mr. Frazer's position.* But if our

' G. B. i. 77. ' G. B. ii. 1.

' G. B. ii. 1-59, and passim, almost. ' G. B. i. 78, 79.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 61

Australian evidence is correct, this theory is baseless.

That is why our evidence cannot be neglected.

It is another difficulty that the more man ought to be
finding out the fallacy of magic, the less does he find it

out. Mr. Frazer chooses the Arunta of Central Australia

as a people wholly without religion, but universally

magicians. I have frequently read the account of Arunta
magic by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, but I never found
that it included a belief like this :
'
A man god ....
draws his extraordinary power from a certain sympathy
with nature.' He is defined not as an incarnation of a god
'
of an order different from and superior to man,' but as only
a superior sorcerer where most men are sorcerers. '
He is

not merely the receptacle of a divine spirit.' We have

just been told that he is not the receptacle of a divine
spirit at all, and we shall take it to be so. '
His whole being,
body and soul, is so attuned to the harmony of the world,
that a touch of his hand or a turn of his head may send
a thrill vibrating through the universal framework of
.'
things.^ . . .

But you will look in vain for this portentous belief

among the Arunta, who, not having found out the fallacy
of magic, have not invented beings superior to man.
For
this sorcerer of the very highest magic you have to go to
the civilisation of Japan, or to the peoples on the Congo,
much more civilised than the Arunta.^ These peoples, by
Mr. Frazer's theory, had experience and intelligence
enough to find out the fallacy of magic, and had gods in
great plenty. But they have carried the belief in magic,
in a magician much superior to his neighbours, to a pitch
infinitely beyond the Arunta. Yet the Arunta have no
gods with whom to draw comparisons invidious and

' G. B. i. 81. G. B. ii. 8i i. 232,233.

 62 MAGIC AND RELIGION

unfavourable to magicians ; they have, it is said, no gods

at all.

Just as magic thus reaches its highest power, accord-

ing to Mr. Frazer, where there is most religious competi-
tion (while the reverse should be the case by his theory),
so religion flourishes most in by Australia, exactly where,
Mr. Frazer's theory, the circumstances are most un-
favourable to religion and most favourable to magic.
Magic, by the hypothesis, must prosper most, its fallacy
must be latest discovered, it must latest give place to
religion, jwhere it appears to be most successful, and vice
versa. LZet Mr. Frazer assures us that in Australia magic
flourishes alone, where every circumstance demonstrates
its failure ; and religion begins to blossom precisely where
magic must seem to
... its devotees a relative success. /
Before examining this apparent inconsistency,
_,,-»*
let us
note Mr. Frezer's inadvertent proof that his irreligious
Australians are religious. One part of the business of
magic is to produce rain in season, sun- in season, and
consequently an abundant food supply.^ The Dieri of
Central Australia need especially excellent magic. ' In a
dry season their lot Having no religion,
is a hard one.'
they ought, of course, to work by mere materialistic
magic, like the Arunta.^ But they, oddly enough, call '

upon the spirits of their remote ancestors, which they call

Mura Mura, to grant them power to make a heavy rain,'
and then men inspired by the Mura Mura work magic, or
pray in sign-language, as you please.' Now the Mura
Mura, the rain-givers, by evidence which Mr. Frazer
himself has published, is a Good Spirit,' not a set of'

remote ancestral spirits. The witness is Mr. Gason,

'
than whom (says Mr. Frazer's authority, Dr. Stirling)
'

'
no man living has been more among blacks or knows
'
G. B. i. 81-114. 2 Q B. i. 88, 89. ' G. B. i. 86.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 63

more of their ways.' If on this excellent evidence the

Australian Dieri call for rain to a good spirit, then they
have religion, which Mr. Frazer denies. But if Mr.
Siebert, a German missionary, is right (and Mr. Frazer,
as we saw, prefers his view to that of Mr. Gason), then
the Mura Mura are only ancestral spirits.
Yet to demand the aid of remote ancestral spirits by
prayer is religion. In fact Mr. Frazer had said of the
powerful beings of the Southern Australians '
it does not
seem that these spirits are ever worshipped.' ^ But prayer
is worship, and the Dieri pray, whether to a good spirit
or to ancestral spirits, potent over the sky, and dwelling
therein. If this is not religion, by Mr. Frazer' s own
definition, namely '
a propitiation or conciliation of
powers superior to man, which are believed to direct and
control the course of nature,' what is reUgion?^ Yet in
Australia nobody dreams of propitiating gods or spirits
'

by prayer and sacrifice,' says our author.^ None the less

they call upon the spirits of their remote ancestors,
'

which they call Mura Mura, to grant them power to

make a heavy rain.' After ceremonies magical, or more
prayers in sign-language, the Mura Mura at once cause '

clouds to appear in the sky.' ^ They see the signs which

their worshippers are making. Here then we have
prayer to '
powers superior to man ' (whether to the
Good Spirit or to ancestral spirits), and that, on evidence
collected by Mr. Frazer, occurs in a country where,
fourteen pages earlier, he had assured us that '
nobody
thinks of propitiating gods or spirits by prayer and sacrifice.'
Sacrifice, happily, there is none ; the Dieri have not
degenerated to sacrificing human victims like the Greeks.

'
a. B. i. 72, note 1.
2 G. B., i. 86, 87.
>
= G. B. i. 72. G. B. i. 87.
64 MAGIC AND RELIGION

The scene is Central Australia, where 'the pitiless

sun beats down for months together out of a' blue and
cloudless sky on the parched and gaping earth.' Conse-
quently rain-making magic must perpetually prove a
failure. Therefore, I presume, the Dieri have been driven
into religion by discovering the fallacy of magic. This
would be a logical argument, but Mr. Frazer's argument
is the converse of what I suggest and contradicts his
theory. He dubiously grants the existence of possible
faint '
germs of religion '
'
in the south-eastern parts of
where the conditions of life in respect of climate,
Australia,
water, and vegetation are more favourable than else-
where .... It is worth observing that in the same
regions which thus exhibit the germs of religion, the
organisation of society and the family has also made the
greatest advance. The cause is probably the same in

both cases — namely, a more plentiful supply of food due to

the greater fertility of the soil.' 'jT^ow, according to

Mr. Frazer's whole argument, the confessed failure of

magic is But in Central Australia,

the origin of religion.^
where magic most conspicuously to'
notoriously fails

supply water and vegetation, magic flourishes to the

entire exclusion of religion, except among the Dieri. On
the other hand, in South-Eastern Australia, where magic,
if practised, is abundantly rewarded by more water and
more vegetation, there these proofs of the success of magic
are '
of the germs of religioin But,
probably the cause '

by Mr. Frazer's hypothesis, what must be the apparent

success of magic in securing a more plentiful supply of '

food '
ought to encourage the
belief in magic, and prevent
religionfrom even germinating. On the other hand, the
successful result of magic (for to what else can a people

' G. S. i. 72, note.

^ G. B. ii. 75-80. The hypothesis is '
offered with all due diffidence.
 iriAUiU AiMJ KiDLillilON 65

of sorcerers attribute the better food supply ?) has been

•
probably the cause ' of the first germs of religion. How
can these things be ?

All this time, one tribe of Central Australia, the Arunta,

remains resolutely godless '
in spite of all temptations to
join denominations ' of a religious character. For the
Arunta live in the worst country, the most rainless, and
therefore their magic is most manifestly a failure. Yet,
unlike the natives of South-Eastern Australia (where
magic is most successful), the Arunta cling to magic, and
have developed no religion. If so, as of all rain-making
magic theirs is about the most unsuccessful, they must
be very stupid, or they would detect the failure, and fly to
religion, ' a quiet haven after a tempestuous voyage.' The
Arunta are very far from stupid ; they have the most com-
plete and adequate of savage metaphysics.
If, then, they

have not approached superior powers, in face of the failure

of their magic, may be that they have tried and discarded
it

religion. '
Eeligion for the women and the children, magic
for men '
appears to be the Arunta motto : not so very
uncivilised ! This I suggest because Mr. Frazer tells

us that at the initiatory rites of the Arunta 'the

women and children believe that the roaring noise ' of
the wooden slat, tied to a string and swung about, is '
the
voice of the great spirit Twanyirika.' ' A great spirit
(above all if spelled with capital letters) is rather a
religious conception. '
This spirit, the women are told,
lives in wild and inaccessible regions. . . . Both un-
initiated youths and women are taught to believe in the
existence of Twanyirika.' So vnrite Messrs. Spencer and
Grillen, our only sources.^
A brief note is all that these inquirers give in their
copious book to the great spirit. ' This belief,' they say,
' G. B. iii. 424. « Natives of Central Australia, p. 246, note 1.

F
66 MAGIC AND RELIGION
'
is fundamentally the same as that found in all Australian
tribes.' Now in the tribes reported on by Mr. Howitt,
the spirit whose voice is the sound of the slat or bull
roarer called the tundun, and by other names, is the son
or other deputy of Baiame, or some such powerful good
being, Mungan-ngaur, Pirmeheal, Bunjil, Noorele, or by
whatever style he may be called. One of his duties is to
superintend the Bora, or mysteries of the tribes. The
Wiraijuri believe that their Twanyirika was
type of
destroyed, for misconduct, by his superior, Baiame. This
sinful great spirit was called Daramulun, but in other
tribes Daramulun is apparently the superior, and goes on
existing. He is, says Mr. Howitt, the Great Master,' the
' '

Father,' the sky dweller, the institutor of society, the power

whose voice '
calls to the rain to fall and make the grass
green.' He is the moral being for whom '
the boys are
made so that Daramulun likes them '
— a process involving
cries of nga (' good '), so says Mr. Howitt. His attributes
and powers (where he is supreme) are precisely those of '

Baiame,' who, by Mr. Eidley and many others, is spoken

of as a maker, if I may not say creator. It was in 1854,
two Gurre Kamilaroi (in
years before publishing his '
'

which 'Baiame' was used for 'God'), that Mr. Eidley

asked a Kamilaroi man, Do you know Baiame ? He
' '

said, Kamil zaia zummi Baiame, zaia winuzgulda I ('

have not seen Baiame I have heard, or perceived him.

;

They hear him in the thunder'). Among this tribe

Daramulun was not the superior ; he was '
author of
disease and medical skill, of mischief and wisdom also
he appears in the form of a serpent at their assemblies,'

like Asclepius and the American Hobamok.^ Though

Mr. Eidley is a missionary, I venture to cite him, because

' J.ii. J., 1872, pp. 268, 269. Lang's QMeewsZared, pp. 444, 445. Winslow,
in Arber's Captain Smith, p. 768.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 67

his evidence goes back nearly fifty years, to a time when

the blacks had less contact with Europeans. Moreover,
Mr. Eidley is corroborated by Mr. Howitt and other
laymen, while Mr. Frazer even prefers the evidence of a
German missionary to that of Mr. Gason, a lay English-
man of the greatest experience. Mr. Howitt finds, among
the Kurnai, Tundun as the patron of the mysteries and
the bull roarer, like Twanyirika. In Mr. Manning's
tribe ^ the same role is taken by Moodgeegally, under the
control of Boyma.
We have thus five or six parallels to the Twanyirika
of the godless Arunta, and all are subordinate to a higher
power. If then, as Messrs. Spencer and Gillen tell us,

the belief in the Arunta Twanyirika, the great spirit,

'is fundamentally the same as that found in all the

Australian tribes,' Twanyirika ought to have a much
more powerful benevolent superior. In that case the
Arunta would
lucline to think there is a god,
Or something very like one,

as Clough says. If so, as they do not propitiate him,

they did not conceive him as a partner in the game of
Do ut des. But our only witnesses, Messrs. Spencer
and Gillen, are extremely reticent about Twanyirika.
Nothing is said about his having a superior, and I assume
that he has none. It seems to follow that he is a mere
Mumbo Jumbo, or bogle, devised by the men to keep the
women and children in order.
But in South-Eastern Australia (if I may trust Mr.
Howitt's evidence, to which Mr. Frazer does not here
allude) the counterpart of Twanyirika is a mere servant of
a much higher being, everywhere called by names meaning
'
our father.' Therefore either our father Baiame, • '

'
See '
The Theory of Loan-Gods,' supra.

F 2
68 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Mungan-ngaur, and the rest, have been developed out of a

sportive bugbear like Twanyirika, or Twanyirika (if he
really has no superior) is a rudimentary survival of a
behef like that in Mungan-ngaur, and his subordinate,
Tundun. In the former case Twanyirika, a germ of the
more advanced religion of South-Eastern Austraha, was
not invented as a power behind nature, who might be
useful if propitiated, as in Mr. Frazer's theory. In the
latter case the Arunta do not represent man prior to
religion (as Mr. Frazer holds), but man who has cast off

religion. But Mr. Frazer does not seem to notice this

dilemma.
The evidence for what most people call religion '

among the Australian natives is so far from scanty that

one finds it when looking for other matters, as I am
going to show. True, in the following report the religion
does not answer to Mr. Frazer's definition, no powerful
being is here said to be conciliated or propitiated : he is

only said to exist and favour morality. But Mr. Frazer's

definition, if pressed, produces the effect of arguing in a
vicious circle. His theory asserts that powerful beings
are only invented by man, in view of man's tardy
discovery that his own magic is powerless. The invented
beings are then propitiated, for selfish ends, and that, by
the definition, is religion.

If we produce, as we do, evidence that the belief in

powerful beings has been evolved, and yet that these
beings are certainly not propitiated by sacrifice, and
seldom if ever by prayer, that they are only won by
conduct, and by rites not involving sacrifice, Mr. Frazer
cau reply, '
Perhaps ; but by my definition that kind of
belief is not religion.' Then what is it ? '
What else can
you call it ? ' Its existence, if proved, is fatal to Mr.
Frazer's theory of the origin of religion in the despair of
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 69

magic, because the faithful of the behef of which I speak

do not usually implore the god to do for them what magic
has failed to do. Their belief satisfies their speculative
and moral needs : it does not exist to supply their
temporal wants. Yet it is none the less, but much the
more, a religion on that account, except by Mr. Frazer's
definition. If religion is to be defined as he defines it, '
a
propitiation or conciliation of powers superior to man,'
and so on, religion can only have arisen as it does in his
theory, setting aside a supernormal revelation. But if

we do not deny the name of religion to the speculative

belief in a power superior to man, and to the moral belief

that he lends a supernormal sanction to conduct, and to

the emotional belief that he loves his children, then the
belief is religion, but something other than religion as
defined by Mr. Frazer. Nobody will deny the name of
religion to such a belief. Mr. Prazer says I would ask
:
'

those who dissent from my conclusions to make sure that

they mean the same thing by religion that I do for other- ;

wise the difference between us may be more apparent

^
than real.'

I mean by religion what Mr. Frazer means and more. —

The conciliation of higher powers by prayer and sacrifice
is religion, but it need not be the whole of religion. The
belief in a higher power who sanctions conduct, and is a
father and a loving one to mankind, is also religion ; few,
if any, will dispute the fact. But this belief, if unaccom-
panied, as in Australia, by prayer and sacrifice, cannot be
accounted for on Mr. Frazer's theory : that religion was
invented, for worldly ends, after the recognised failure
of magic, which aimed at the same ends fruitlessly. It
is only by limiting his definition of religion, as he does,
that he can establish his theory of the origin of religion.
'
O. B. i. xvii.
70 MxVGlC AND RELIGION
It is onlyby omitting mention of the evidence for what
nobody else can deny to be religion, that he can secure
his theory.
I return to my additional evidence for Australian
religion. As will be seen, it does not come within Mr.
Frazer's definition, but will anybody deny that the belief
is religious? The evidence is that of Mr. A. L. P.
Cameron,' and contains a brief comparative glossary of
words used by different tribes of New South Wales to
indicate the same objects. Mr. Cameron had been
interested in the black fellows since 1868 at least, when
their numbers were much larger than at present. He
had seen gatherings of from 800 to 1,000. The tribes
chiefly in question dwelt along the Murrumbidgee and
Murray rivers, and do not include the Kamilaroi, the
Kurnai, and Coast Murring of whom Mr. Howitt speaks.
As to religion, ghosts of the dead are believed to visit
the earth, and to be frequently seen. The blacks will '

often resort to peculiar devices to avoid mentioning the

names of the dead,' a practice hostile to the development
of ancestor worship. No ghost of a man can grow into
a god if his name is tabooed and therefore forgotten.
'
The people of all these tribes appear to have a belief in
some kind.' The Wathi
a Deity, and in a future state of
Wathi call this being Tha-tha-pali the Ta-ta-thi call ;

him Tulong. Mr. Cameron could not obtain translations

of these names, any more than we know the meaning of
the names Apollo or Artemis. The being is regarded as '

a powerful spirit, or perhaps a supreme supernatural

being. They say that he came from the far north, and
now lives in the sky. He told each tribe what language
they were to speak. He made men, women, and dogs,
and the latter used to talk, but he took the power of

' /. A. I., 1885, pp. 344-370.

 MAGIC AND RELIGION 71

speech from them. The Ta-ta-thi do not care to speak

much of Tulong, and say that he does not often come to
the earth. Although it seems that in many of the Austra-
han tribes there is only a very dim idea as to the attributes
of the Supreme Being and of a future state, yet in the Ta-
ta-thi and its allied tribes there is certainly a belief not
only in a future state of existence, but also in a system of
rewards and punishments. My Ta-ta-thi informant stated
that one of the doctors ascended long ago through the
sky, and there saw a place where wicked men were
roasted.'
Mr. Cameron, of course, had the strongest suspicions
of a '
place ' so ostensibly Christian. To this we return.^
These tribes practise the Bora rites or initiatory
mysteries. If women witness them the penalty
'
is death.
The penalty for revealing the secrets is probably the same.'
Mr. Cameron, unlike Mr. Howitt, has not been initiated,

and does not know the full secret. The presiding being
(Hke the Twanyirika of the Arunta) is called Thuremlin,
who, I conjecture, Daramulun in
is his subordinate
capacity. '
Their belief in the power of Thuremlin is

undoubted, whereas the Arunta adults do not appear

to believe in Twanyirika, a mere bugbear of the women
and children. The bull roarer is Kalari, or among the
Ta-ta-thi Kalk [or Kallak] —that is to say, "word."'
Concerning the instruction given to the boys, and described
by Mr. Howitt, Mr. Cameron, not being initiated, gives
no information.

' Parenthetically, I may remark that many beliefs as to the future state
originate in, or are confirmed by, visions of who visit the Hades or
'
doctors '

Paradise of a tribe, and by reports of men given up for dead, who recover
and narrate their experiences. The case of Montezuma's aunt is familiar
to readers of Mr. Prescott's Conquest of Mexico. The new religion of the
Sioux is based on a similar vision. Anthropologists have given slight
attention to these circumstances.
72 MAGIC AND EELIGION

As to the future life, Mr. Cameron received his account

from a tribesman named Makogo, '
an intelligent member
of the Wathi Wathi tribe.' The was that current belief
'
before his people came into contact with Europeans,
and Makogo expressed an opinion that, whether right or
wrong, they would have been better off now had their
beliefs never been disturbed.' Probably Makogo was right.
The beliefs were in a future state of reward or punish-
ment. European contact does not import but destroy
the native form of this creed.
The Wathi "Wathi belief answers in character to the
creeds expressed in the Egyptian Book of the Dead, the
Fijian hymns, the famous Orphic gold talisman of Petilia,
the Red Indian belief published by Kohl, and to many
other examples.^ The Way of Souls, as in these ancient
or savage beliefs, is beset by dangers and temptations,
to which the Egyptian Book of the Dead is a guide-book.
If any one desires to maintain that this Australian idea,
held before contact with Europeans, and now to some
extent abandoned after that contact, is of Christian origin
(we know this argument), he must suppose that the
Wathi Wathi adapted the idea from our old Lyke Wake '

Dirge :

When Brig o' Dread is over and past,

Every night and all,
To Whinny Muir thou comest at last,
And Christ receive thy saul.

A weak point there is. The soul of the Wathi Wathi,

after death, is met by" another soul, who directs him to '

the road for good men.'

But the natives had no roads, the opponent will reply.
They have trade routes and markets, however, and barter
of articles made in special localities goes on across

' See my Modern Mythology, and introduction to my Homeric Hymns.

 MAGIC AND KELIGION 73

Let us allow that the

hundreds of miles of country.^
Wathi Wathi may know a clean path or track from a
dirty one.
The soul meets a dirty and a clean path. The good
soul, being instructed, chooses the dirty path : the other
path is kept clean by bad spirits '
in order to induce the
unthinking to follow it,' as Bunyan's Mr. Ignorance
unwarily chose a by-path into hell. The soul next
meets a woman who tries to seduce him. He escapes her
lures, and comes to two women who try to trip him by
whirling a rope. One of them is blind, and the soul
evades her. Next comes a deep narrow gap, in which
flames rise and fall. The good soul watches the fall of the
flames, and leaps across there is no Brig o' Dread.
; Bed
Indian souls cross by a log which nearly spans the abyss.
Two old women meet the good soul, and take him to the '

Deity, Tha-Tha-Puli.' He tests the soul's strength and skill

by making him throw a nulla-nulla. 'When the Wathi
Wathi see a shooting star, they believe it to be the
passage of such a nulla-nulla through space, and say
" Tha-Tha-Puli is trying the strength of some new spirit."
The soul of a bad man, if it escapes the traps set for it, is

sure to fall into the hell of fire. Many of the natives

have had their beliefs modified by contact with the whites,'
and I feel doubtful,' says Mr. Cameron,
'
whether the pit '

of firewas not of this kind, and questioned my informant

very closely on the subject, but he assured me that there
was no doubt whatever that the above was the exact belief
before the settlement of the country by the white men.'
It is the standing reply of believers in the borrowing
theory that a native, cross-examined, will always agree
with whatever the European inquirer wishes him to say.

' Both, North- West Queensland Central Aborigines, p. 132. Spencer

and Gillen, 575.
74 MAGIC AND RELIGION

The natives examined by Mr. Cameron, Mrs. Langloh

Parker, Mr. Howitt, Mr. Manning, and others were
exceptions. They would not allow that their beliefs were
borrowed.
This particular form of native belief is exactly
analogous to that of ancient Egypt, of Greece, of Fiji, and
so on : The
not to the doctrine of our missionaries.
believers in borrowing must therefore say that the Wathi
Wathi stole heaven, hell, and the ways thither from
missionaries, and adapted them, accidentally coinciding
with Egyptians, Greeks, Eed Indians, Fijians, Aztecs, and
the rest, as to a gulf to be crossed, and temptations on the
way to the abode of the powerful being and the souls of
the good. The native proverbial explanation of a shoot-
ing star establishes, as historical fact, their belief in
Tha-Tha-Puli and his home for good spirits. Mr. Frazer
has six pages on beliefs about shooting stars.' One case
is to our point. The Yerrunthally of Queensland think
that the souls of the dead climb to a place among the
stars by a rope when they let the rope
; fall, it '
appeared
to people on earth as a shooting star.' ^
Now if the evidence of Mr. Palmer, in the '
Journal of
the Anthropological Institute,' is good evidence for this
Australian belief, why is the evidence of Mr. Howitt and
Mr. Cameron, in the same serial, to an unborrowed
Australian religion (in this case with Tha-Tha-Puli and
his home for good souls) unworthy even of mention ?

We fall back on Sir Alfred Lyall :

'
I think that one effect
of the accumulation of materials has been to encourage
speculative generalisation, because it has provided a
repertory out of which one may make arbitrary selection
^
of examples and precedents to suit any theory.'

'
G. B. ii. 18-24. '
G. B. ii. 21. E. Palmer, J. A. I. xiii. p. 292.
' Asiatic Studies, i. ix.
 MAGIC AND RELIGION 75

Here I have the pleasure of agreeing with this great

authority. Mr. Frazer has chosen Australia as the
home of magic, as a land where magic is, but religion has
not yet been evolved. As I have shown, in this and the
preceding paper, there is abundance of evidence for an
unborrowed Australian religion. I shall abandon the evi-

dence so soon as it is confuted, but I cannot reject it while

the witnesses are treated as good on many other points,
but are unmentioned just when their testimony, if true,

seems inconsistent with a theory of the priority of magic

to religion.
'
By the concurring testimony of a crowd of observers,'
writes Mr. Tylor, '
it is known that the natives of Australia
were at their discovery, and have ever since remained, a
race with minds saturated with the most vivid belief in
souls, demons, and deities.' ' What can a young student
commencing anthropologist think, when he compares Mr.
Tylor's '
concurring testimony of a crowd of observers '
of
Australian religion with Mr. Frazer's remark that there
are '
some faint beginnings of religion ' in Southern
Australia, but that '
traces of a higher faith, where they
occur, are probably sometimes due to European influence,'
though the people, Mr. Tylor says, were in all things so
'
saturated with the most vivid belief in souls, demons, and
deities '
— ' at their discovery ' ? There is no use in building
a theory of the origin of religion on the case of Australia
till we are at least told about the '
concurring testimony
of a crowd That Mr. Frazer has some
of observers.'
reason for disregarding the testimonies which I have cited,
that he must have grounds for doubting their validity, I
feel But the grounds for the doubt are not
assured.
apparent, and to state them would make Mr. Frazer's
abstention intelligible.

'
Primitive Culture, i. 379, 1871.
76 MAGIC AND RELIGION

IV
TRE ORIGIN OF THE CHBISTIAN FAITH
Among the many recent theories concerning the origin of
religion, certainly the most impressive is Mr. Frazer's
hypothesis as to the origin of the belief in the divinity of
Christ. Unlike several modem speculations, Mr. Frazer's
is based on an extraordinary mass of erudition. We are
not put off with vague and unvouched-for statements, or
with familiar facts extracted from the collections of Mr.
Tylor, Lord Avebury, and Mr. Herbert Spencer. Mr.
Frazer does not collect knowledge, as his Babylonian kings
are supposed by him to have been sacrificed —by proxy.
No writer is so erudite, and few are so exact in their
references. While venturing to differ from Mr. Frazer, I
must often, as it were, make use of his own ammunition in

this war. Let me say sincerely that I am not pitting my

knowledge or industry against his. I rather represent the
student who has an interest in these subjects, and peruses
'
The Golden Bough,' not as the general reader '
' does,

but with some care, and with some verification of the

citations and sources.

It is first necessary to state, as briefly as possible, Mr.
Frazer's hypothesis as to the origin of the belief in the
Divinity of our Lord, or, at least, as to what he thinks a
very powerful factor in the evolution of that creed.
The Babylonians, he holds, and their Persian con-
querors were wont yearly, at a vernal feast, to dress a con-
 OEIGIN OF THE CHRISTIAN FAITH 77

demned criminal in the royal robes, to enthrone him, to

obey him, to grant him access to the ladies of the royal
harem, and then, at the end of five days, to strip, whip,
and hang him. The reason why they acted thus, Mr.
Frazer guesses, was that the condemned man acted as
proxy for the divine King of Babylon, who, in an age less
civilised,had been sacrificed annually so Mr. Frazer con-
:

jectures. The King was thus sacrificed as a being of

divine or magical nature, a man-god, and the object,
according to Mr. Frazer, was to keep providing the god or
magical influence resident in him with a series of fresh
human vehicles. It appears, or may appear, to be Mr.
Frazer's opinion, though the point is stated rather
casually and late in the long argument, that the King
himself was believed to incarnate a known and recognised
god of vegetation, a personal principle of vegetable life.
The King's proxy, therefore, the condemned criminal, is

sacrificed (by hanging) in a character at once royal (as

representing the King) and divine (since the Bang incarnates
a god). All this occurs, by one of the theories advanced,
at about the time of year in which our Easter falls, at a
feast called Zakmuk in Babylonian, in Persian (by the
theory) Sacsea : a period of hard drinking and singular
licence.
The Jews, by the theory, or by one of the theories,
had probably no such feast or custom before they were
carried into exile in Babylonia. But from the Babylonians
and Persians Mr. Prazer holds that they probably borrowed
the festival, which they styled Purim, and also borrowed
the custom (historically unheard of among them) of
crowning, stripping, flogging, and hanging a mock-king,
a condemned criminal, in March. It does not appear that
this man, in Judsea, was allowed to invade the harem, for
example, of Herod, as in the case of the Persian royal
78 MAGIC AND RELIGION

harem^ The Jews also are conjectured to have borrowed

a practice, presumed by Mr. Frazer to have perhaps
prevailed at Babylon, of keeping a pair of condemned
criminals. One them was hanged the other was set
of ;

free for the year. The first died as an incarnation of the

god of vegetable life. The second, set free, represented in a
pseudo-resurrection the first, and also represented, I under-
stand, the revival of the god of vegetable life. The first

man was called Haman, probably in origin Humman, a

deity of the vanquished foes of Babylon, the Elamites. The
second man, in Hebrew Mordecai, probably represented
Merodach, or Marduk, the supreme god of the victorious
Babylonians. Each man had a female consort, probably
inBabylon a sacred harlot Haman had Vashti, probably
:

an Elamite goddess Mordecai had Esther, doubtless

;

Ishtar, the Venus of the Babylonian creed. These ladies

do not occur in any account of the Babylonian or Persian

feasts, nor in the Gospels : their existence is a conjecture.
The victims, as descending from the Babylonian and
Persian criminals, who stood both for the king and also,

at least in some parts of the theory, for a god of vegetation,

were conceived of as divine. Since Christ, by what looks

like a chapter of accidents, was put to death as one of
these mock-kings, He inherited their recognised divinity,
and His mission, which had been mainly that of a moral
lecturer, at once was surrounded by a halo of divinity.
Such, in brief, if I follow Mr. Frazer, is the contention,
which, I must repeat, is presented as the combination
of many hypotheses into a single theory, offered for

criticism.
To myself, after studying Mr. Frazer's theory with
such care as it deserves, an hypothesis of its evolution
presents itself. Before writing the first edition of '
The
Golden Bough' (1890), Mr. Frazer had become acquainted
 OEIGIN OF THE OflRISTIAN FAITH 79

with a statement which Dio Chrysostom, a Greek

rhetorician of the first century, puts into the mouth of

Diogenes the Cynic, in an imaginary dialogue with

Alexander the Great. In this essay Diogenes is made
to tell Alexander ahout the Persian custom of yearly
dressing up a condemned criminal in royal robes, at the

feast called Sacaea, allowing him to Hve '

hke a king ' for

five days, giving him the entrSe of the royal harem,

and then stripping, scourging, and hanging or crucifying
him. The resemblance of Dio's words to the account of
the Mockery of Christ is very remarkable.
Mr. Frazer tells us that he saw this resemblance in
1890, but could not explain it. In 1897 he became
acquainted with a legend, written in Greek, of the
martyrdom of St. Dasius, a Roman Christian soldier, in
Moesia (303 a.d.). According to this legend, Dasius was
drawn by lot as the yearly victim who, the story says,
was made to represent King Saturnus, for a month of
military revelry, and then was sacrificed, or obliged to
slay himself, beside Saturn's altar, at the close of the
Saturnalia. Dasius declined the part, and was put to
death.
Here, then, in Moesia, if we believe the legend of St.
Dasius, was a mock-king, personating a god, sacrificed
to a god, and therefore himself, it may be, regarded as
divine. At the other extreme, in Jerusalem, was Christ,
who, after mock royal honours, was scourged, crucified,
and acquired a halo of divinity. The middle term was
the criminal, who, in the character of a mock-king, was
stripped, scourged, and hanged- in the Persian feast.
There was no trace in Persia of sacrifice, of a victim in
the technical sense, or of any halo of divinity. But Mr.
Frazer was familiar with barbaric kings who are or were
put to death, to save them from dying naturally, or after
80 MAGIC AND EBLKilUJN

a fixed term of years. In his opinion they are killed to

provide the god whom they incarnate with afresh vehicle.
Combining all these facts, and strongly drawn by the
resemblance of Dio's anecdote to the narratives of the
Crucifixion, Mr. Frazer adopted the argument that the
criminal executed at the Sacsea, in Babylon, had once
been, like the Saturn sufferer in Moesia, a divine victim,
not at first hanged, but sacrificed yearly, to redeem the
life of the Persian king, who in earlier ages must
himself have been a yearly sacrifice. The divinity inherited
by the criminal from that divine King was transmitted
by a succession of executed malefactors to the victim of
Calvary.
The ingenuity of the idea is undeniable. But it
appears to me that the author's mind was throughout
unconsciously drawn to the Crucifixion. This attraction
became a mental prepossession.' In a recent work,
'

'Fact and Fable in Psychology' (Boston, U.S., 1900),

Professor Jastrow has illustrated '
mental prepossession
by a common and trivial experience. A beginner in the
art of bicycling is unconsciously drawn into collision with
every obstacle on the road which his conscious self is

doing its best to avoid.

In the same way, I fancy, our author's mind was led

straight to an explanation of the halo of divinity round the

what was needed first, an explanation of
Cross, instead of to
the Persian custom, isolated, and examined only in the light
of its attendant circumstances, as described in our very
scanty information. Had our author examined the circum-
stances of the Persian custom with an intellect unattracted
by the hope of throwing new light on the Crucifixion, and
uninfluenced by a tendency to find gods of vegetation almost
everywhere, he would have found, I think, that they admit of
being accounted for in a simple manner, granting that our
 ORIGIN OF THE CHRISTIAN FAITH 81

information is true. There was, as far as we are informed,

no sacrifice at the Sacsea, and in that Persian festival
nothing religious. The religious element has to be im-
ported by aid of remote inference, daring conjecture, and
even, I venture to say, some disregard of documentary
history.

The consequence, as I shall try to show, is that the

theory has, in the Regent Moray's words, '
to pass over
the bellies '
of innumerable obstacles, by aid of a series of
conjectures increasing in difficulty. Thus the reader's
powers of acquiescence are strained afresh at the intro-
duction of each new trial of his faith. If one stage out
of so many stages of remote inference and bold presump-
tion is unstable, the whole edifice falls to the ground.
Meanwhile we shall have to offer a simple explanation of
the circumstances of the Sacsean victim, only in a single
instance demanding the use of one of Mr. Frazer's ovtu
conjectures, itself a legitimate hypothesis. The remainder
of this essay is concerned with an examination of the
difficulties of his theory, and of the '
bridges of hypothesis,'
by which the '
yawning chasms '
are to be crossed.
82 MAGIC AND RELIGION

V
THE APPROACHES TO MB. FBAZEB'8 THEOBY
I. THE EVOLUTION OF GODS

Kites so remarkable as those of the pair of criminals,

supposed to have played their parts in Babylon and
Jerusalem, each with his female mate, are not historically
known, but are part of Mr. Frazer's theory, and have
analogies in folklore. Institutions so unparalleled as a
whole, in our knowledge of human religion, cannot have
been evolved except through a long series of grades of
development. Mr. Frazer traces these grades throughout
the 1,500 pages of his book. There are, in accordance
with the method, large sections of the work devoted to
illustrativeexamples of matters which do not bear directly
on the main stream of the argument, and these are apt, by
the very abundance of their erudition, to distract attention
from the central hypothesis. To that I try to adhere
through its numerous ramifications.
To account, then, for these hypothetical rites of the
double pairs of divinised human beings, we are to suppose
that, before attaining the earliest germs of religion, men
were addicted to magic, a theory which we have already
examined in the essay 'Magic and Eeligion.' They
believed that by imitating the cosmic processes, they
could control or assist them.Thus the Arunta of Central
Australia have magical rites, by which they assist the
development of larvae into grubs, increase and improve
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 83

the breed and reproductive energies of kangaroos, foster

the growth of edible tubers, and bring down rain. These
rites are harmless, and involve no sacrifices, human or
animal, for the Arunta, we are to believe, have no god to

accept offerings.' But as men advanced from almost the

lowest savagery, they gradually attained to higher material
culture, developing the hitherto unknown arts of agricul-

ture, developing also religion, in the despair of magic,

developing gods, and evolving social and political rank,
with kings at the head of society. In disgust with their
old original magic (by which they had supposed that they
controlled cosmic forces and animal and vegetable life),

they invented gods and spirits who, as they fancied, did

really exercise cosmic control. These gods they pro-
pitiated by prayer and sacrifice. But though it was in
the despair of magic that men invented gods and religion,
yet, as men will, they continued to exercise the magic of
which they despaired. They persisted, like the godless
Arunta, in imitating the processes of nature, in the belief
(which, after all, they had not abandoned) that such
imitation magically aided the efforts of nature or of the
gods of nature.
Men now evolved three species of god, from one or
other of which descends the godhead of the Persian
criminal, whipped and hanged, and the Divinity of Christ.
First, there were gods of an order different from and
'

superior to man.' Second, there were men in whom these

superior gods became incarnate. Third, there were men
who were merely better magicians than their neighbours,
'
sensitives who trembled at a touch of nature, and at
'

whose touch nature trembled.^ It is not, in thought,

diificult to draw a firm line between these two kinds of

'
Spencer and Gillen, Natives of Central Australia.
^ 0. B. i. 80, 81.

G 2
84 MAaiC AND RELIGION

man-gods, though magic and reHgion overlap and shade

into each other. The distinction of the two types, the
man incarnating god, and the sorcerer with no god to
incarnate, is absolutely essential, and must be kept firmly
in mind. Mr. Frazer says '
In what follows I shall
not insist on it,' on this essential distinction.^ Essential
it is : for the second sort, the magical sort, of man-god,
may, by Mr. Frazer's theory, be prior to all religion. He
is only a high kind of sorcerer, '
a dealer in magic and
spells.' The other kind of man-god comes in after magic
is despaired of and gods are invented. I shall insist on
the distinction.
The growth of society was advancing and developing
at the same time as religion and agriculture. The original
sorcerer or medicine-man, or magic-worker, through his
influence on his neighbours, was apt to acquire leadership,
and to accumulate property, as, indeed, I myself remarked
long ago in an essay on the '
Origin of Eank.' ^ In Mr.
Frazer's theory these magic-men finally develop into
both kings or chiefs and man-gods. I have observed
that there is often a lay or secular king or chief, a war-
leader, beside them. His position, if it becomes here-
ditary, is apt to end in leaving the man-god-king on one
side in a partly magical, partly religious, but not secular
kingship, whence may evolve into a
it priesthood, carrying
the royal title. The man is more or less a man-god,
more or less a priest, more or less a controller of cosmic
processes, but is still a titular king. Of course all sorts

of varieties occur in these institutions. The general

result is the divinity of kings, and their responsibility for

the luck of the state, and for the weather and crops. If

the luck, the weather, and the crops are bad, the public
asks '
Who is to be punished for this ? '
Under a constitu-
'
G. -B. ii. 81. ^ Etudes Traditionistes. A. L.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 85

tion such as our own, the pubHc notoriously makes the

Government responsible for the luck ; a general election
dismisses the representatives of the party in power. But,
four hundred years ago, and previously, executions took
the place of mere loss of office : the heads of the Boyds,
of Morton, or of Gowrie fell when these nobles lost
office.

In the earlier society with which we are dealing, the

king, as responsible for the weather and crops, is sometimes
punished in bad times. The Banjars '
beat the king till

the weather changes,' elsewhere the king is imprisoned,

or, in a more constitutional manner, merely deposed.^
There are traces of and
actually killing the unlucky
responsible monarch. In Sweden he is said, in a time
of public distress, to have been not only killed, but
sacrificed to Odin. This is not, however, an historical
statement. i-T '^

II. THE AiLEGED MOETALITY OF GODS

There were other magico-religious reasons for killing

kings. Mr. Frazer writes :

^ '
Lacking the idea of eternal
duration, primitive man naturally supposes the gods to be
mortal like himself.'
Here is, I venture to think, a notable fault in the
argument. Early men, contrary to Mr. Frazer's account,
suppose themselves to be naturally immortal. The
myths of perhaps all races tell of a time when death
had not yet entered the world. Man was born deathless.
Death came in by an accident, or in consequence of an
error, or an infraction of a divine command. To this
effect we have Zulu, Australian, Maori, Melanesian, Cen-
tral African, Vedic Aryan, Kamschadal, and countless

'
G. B. i. 157. ^ G. B. ii. 1-5.
86 MAGIC AND RELIGION

other myths ; not to speak of the first chapters of

Genesis.' 'In the thought of immortahty ' early man is

cradled. His divine beings are usually regarded as prior

to and unaffected by the coming of death, which invades
men, but not these beings, or not most of them.
Indeed, some low savages have not yet persuaded
themselves that death is natural. '
Amongst the Central
Australian natives,' say Spencer and Gillen, is no
'
there
such thing as belief in natural death ; however old or
decrepit a man or woman may be when this takes place,

it is at once supposed that it has been brought about by

the magic influence of some enemy,' and it is avenged on
the enemy, as in the blood-feud.^ These Australians in
Mr. Frazer's opinion (though not in mine) are '
primi-
tive.'

Thus, far from lacking the idea of eternal duration of

life, '
primitive man ' has no other idea. Not that he
formulates his idea in such a term as '
eternal.' Mariner
says, indeed, concerning the Tongan supreme being
Ta-li-y-Tooboo, '
Of his origin they had no idea, rather

supposing him to be eternal.' But, in Tongan, the

metaphysical idea of eternity is only expressed in the
meaning of the god's name, wait-there-Tooboo.' This '

god occasionally inspires the How, or elective king, but

the How was never sacrificed to provide the god with a
sturdier incarnation, a process which Mr. Frazer's theory
of the Divinity of Christ demands as customary. Being
'
eternal Td.-li-y-Tooboo was independent of a human
'

vehicle.'
These facts must be remembered, for it is indis-

pensable to Mr. Frazer's theory to prove that the

immortals are believed, to a sufficient extent, to be

'
Modern Mythology, ' Myths of the Origin of Death.'
^ Spencer and Gillen, p. 476. ' Mariner, ii. 127.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. ERAZER'S THEORY 87

mortal. Hence the supposed need of killing divine kings,

their vehicles. Primitive man, according to Mr. Frazer,
thinks his gods mortal. But primitive man by his initial
hypothesis had no gods at all. Mr. Frazer clearly means
that when man was no longer primitive, he conceived the
gods to be mortal like himself. I have elsewhere given
many examples of the opposite belief among races of
many grades of culture, from the Australian blacks to the
immortal gods of Homer.' The point will be found to
be important later, and I must firmly express my opinion
that, so long as people believe their and
gods to be alive,

testify that belief by prayers, hymns, and sacrifices, it is

impossible to argue from a few local, and contradictory,
and easily explicable myths, that these peoples believe
their gods to be dead, or in danger of dying. Here, I
think, the common sense of students will agree with me.
However, as this general and pervading belief in the
mortality of the gods is absolutely essential to Mr. Frazer's
argument, perhaps the point had better be settled. As
examples of belief in the fact that the god is dead, we
have the Greenlanders.^
The Greenlanders believed that a wind could kill their
most powerful god, and that he would certainly die if he
touched a dog. Mr. Tylor, on the other hand, tells us
that to '
the summerland ' of the Greenland deity, '
be-
neath the sea, Greenland souls hope to descend at death.'
Let us trust that '
No Dogs are Admitted.' This Green-
land divine being, Torngarsuk, '
so clearly held his place as
supreme deity in the native mind that,' as Cranz the
missionary relates, 'many Greenlanders hearing of God
and His almighty power were apt to fall on the idea that
it was their Torngarsuk who was meant.' The Greenland

' Making of Religion, chapters xi.-xiii. *

G. B. ii. 1.
 88 MAGIC AND RELIGION

deity was unborrowed ; he '

seems no figure derived from
the religion of Scandinavian colonists, ancient or modern.'
From Cranz's evidence (and much more might be
cited) the most powerful god of the Greenlanders was
not dead, nor likely to die, in spite of the apprehensions
of certain Greenlanders, communicated to a person not
named by Mr. Frazer, but quoted in a work of 1806.^
At the best the Greenland evidence is contradictory ; all

Greenlanders did not agree with Mr. Frazer's Greenland

authority. Nor was the Accuser of the Brethren currently
believed to be deceased, when the ancient folk-song
assures us that
Some say the Deil's deid.
The Deil's deid, the Deil's deid,
Some say the Deil's deid,
And buried in Kirkcaldy :

Some say he's risen again,

Risen again, risen again,
Some say he's risen again.
To dance the Hieland Laddie.

'
Eisen again ' he was, and did dance the Hieland Laddie
at Gledsmuir and Falkirk. The '
Volkslied ' scientifically

represents the conflict of opinion as unsettled, despite the

testimony of the grave of Satan at the lang toun of

Kirkcaldy ; like the grave of 2!ieus in Crete.

Mr. Frazer, then, ought not, I think, to assume a

general belief in the mortality of Greenland gods in face
of contradictory but uncited evidence.
1. A North American Indian told Colonel Dodge that
'
the Great Spirit that made the world is dead long ago.

'
Prmi. Cult. ii. 308, 1871 ; ii. 340, 1873. In the edition of 1891, Mr.
Tylor, in accordance with his altered ideas, dropped his denial of borrowing,
and said that Tomgarsuk was later identified with the devil —a common
result of missionary teaching, just as Saints under Protestantism became,
or their statues became, '
idols.'
^ G. B. ii. 1. Meiners, OescMchte der Beligionen, Hanover, 1806, 1807,
i. p. 48.
 THE APPEOACHES TO MR. FRAZER S THEORY 89

He could not possibly have lived so long as this.' ^ Now

this was the ipse dixitand personal inference of a vague
modern 'North American Indian,' living in an age
which, as Mr. Frazer remarks, must '
breach those vene-
rable walls' of belief. To prove his case, Mr. Frazer
needs to find examples of the opinion that the '
Great
Spirit ' was believed to be dead (if he grants that there ever
existed an American belief in a Great Spirit) among the
American Indians as first studied by Europeans. I have
elsewhere argued that the supreme being of most barbaric
races is may come to
regarded as otiose, inactive, and so
be a mere name and by-word, like the Huron Atahocan,^
who made everything,' and the Unkulunkulu of the Zulus,
who has been so thrust into the background by the competi-
tion of ancestral spirits that his very existence is doubted.
'
In process of time we have come to worship the spirits
only, because we know not what to say about Unkulun-
kulu.' '
We seek out for ourselves the spirits that we may
not always be thinking about Unkulunkulu.' ^ In the same
way, throughout the beliefs of barbaric races, the com-
petition of friendly and helpful spirits pushes back such
beings as the Australian Baiame and Mungan-ngaur, who
exist where sacrifice to ancestral spirits has not yet been
developed ; and the Canadian Andouagni of 1558.* Thus
a modern North American Indian may infer, and may
tell Colonel Dodge, that the creator is dead, because he is

not in receipt of sacrifice or prayer. But the cult of such

high beings, where it existed and still exists, in North
America, the cult of Ti-ra-wa with whom the Pawnees

' I. Dodge, Our Wild Indians, p. 112.

E.
Le Jeuue, Relations des Jesuites, 1633, p. 16 1634, p. 13.
^ ;

" Callaway, Religion

of the Amaeulu, pp. 26, 27.
* Theyet, Singularitez de la France Antarctigue, cli. 77. Paris, 1855.
Andouagni is a creator, not addressed in prayer. See Science and '

Superstition,' pp. 10, 11.

90 MAGIC AND RELIGION

expect to live after death, of the Blackfoot Na-pi of

Ahone, Okeus, Kiehtan, and the rest, proves belief in gods
who are ahve, and who are not said to be in any danger
of death.
2. A tribe of Philippine Islanders told the Spanish
conquerors that the grave of the Creator was on the top
of Mount Cabunian. So the Philippine Islanders did
believe in a Creator. The grave may have been the result

of the usual supreme being already

neglect of the
explained, or may have meant no more than the grave of
Zeus in Crete, while Zeus was being worshipped all over
the Greek world.
3. Heitsi Eibib, of the Hottentots, had a number of

graves, accounted forby the theory of successive lives and

deaths. But so hadTammuz and Adonis yearly lives and
deaths, yet the god was en permanence.
The graves of Greek gods may be due to Euhemerism,
a theory much more ancient than Buhemerus. People
who worship ancestral spirits sometimes argue, like Mr.
Herbert Spencer, that the gods were once spirits of living

men, and show the men's graves as proofs the bricks ;

'

are alive to testify to it.' But that the Greeks regarded

their gods as mortal cannot be seriously argued, while
they are always styled '
the immortals ' in contrast to
mortal men ; and while Apollo (who had a grave) daily
inspired the Pythia. Her death did not hurt Apollo.
She was not sacrificed for the benefit of Apollo. The
grave of Zeus '
was shown to visitors in Crete as late as
about the beginning of our era.' But was it shown as

early as the time of Homer ? Euhemerus was prior to

our era.
4. The Egyptian gods were kings over death and the
dead, with tombs and mummies in every province. But
they were also deathless rulers of the world and of men.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER S THEORY 91

'
If Ea rises in the heavens it is by the will of Osiris ; if he
sets it is at King of eternity,
the sight of his glory.' '

great god whoso knoweth

. . humility
. and reckoneth
deeds of righteousness, thereby knows he Osiris.' '

This is a living god, and Seb and Nut can scarcely die.
Despite myth and ritual the gods of Egypt lived till they
'
fled from the folding star of Bethlehem.'

5. As to the legend of '

great Pan is dead,' in the
reign of Tiberius, Mr. Frazer mentions a theory that not
Pan, but Adonis or Tammuz was dead ; he was always
dying. The story is pretty, but is not evidence.
About 1064
6. A.D. there was a Turkish story of the
death of the King of the Jinn. The Jinn are not gods
but fairies, and we have heard of fairy funerals.
7. Concerning '
the high gods of Babylon ' it is

especially needful for Mr. Frazer to prove that they were

believed to be mortal and in danger of death, for Dr.
Jastrow denies that they are mortal. '
The privilege
of the gods ' is '
immortality.' ^ But Mr. Frazer's
hypothesis derives the doctrine of the Divinity of Christ
from the opinion that he represented, in death, a long
line of victims to a barbarous superstition.' And that
superstition was, in Mr. Frazer's conjecture, that a
substitute died for the King of Babylon, and that the
King of Babylon died to reinforce the vitality of a mortal
god of Babylon, whose life required a fresh human
incarnation annually.
To prove the Babylonian belief in the mortality of the
deities, Mr. Frazer writes The high gods of Babylon :
'

also, though they appeared to their worshippers only in

dreams and visions, were conceived to be human in their

bodily shape, human in their passions, and human in their

'
Hymns in Maspero, Musie de Boulaq, pp. 49, 50.
^ Religion of Babylon and Assyria, p. 483. ^ G. B. iii. 198.
92 MAGIC AND RELIGION

fate for like men they were born into the world, and
;

like men they loved and fought and even died.' How '

many of them died ? If they were dead in religious

belief, how did they manage to attend 'the great
assembly of the gods which, as we have seen, formed
a chief feature of the feast of Zakmuk, and was held
annually in the temple of Marduk at Babylon ? ' Did
Marduk die ? If so, why is he addressed as
merciful one who lovest to give life to the dead
Marduk, King of heaven and earth,
The spell affording life is thine,
The breath of life is thine.
Thou restorest the dead to life, thou briugest things to completeness (?)

Supposing, again, that the King was really sacrificed

to keep a god in good condition — why only one sacrifice ?
There were at least scores of gods, all of them, if I under-
stand Mr. Frazer, in the same precarious condition of
health. They appear, he might argue, to have been
especially subject to hepatic diseases.

supreme mistress of heaven, may thy liver be pacified,

says a hymn to Ishtar.*

Of course every one sees that 'thy liver' is only a
;
phrase for ' thy wrath ' the liver (as in our phrases
'
pluck '
and '
lily-livered ') being taken for the seat of the
'
pluck ' of men. It is manifest that the Babylonian gods
are not dead but living, otherwise they could not attend
the yearly divine assembly, nor could they be addressed in
prayer. Moreover, if they could only be kept alive by
human vehicles, great holocausts
yearly sacrificing their
ofhuman vehicles would have been needed every year
one man for one god, and their name was legion.
'
G. B. ii. 3, 4, citing L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology,
p. 8 (1899). 2 O. B. iii. 154.

,
' Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 307. Boston, U.S.,
1898. * Jastrow, p. 311.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZEE'S THEORY 93

Once more, if men believed that gods could die, unless

kept alive by sacrifices of their human vehicles, we must
say of the Greeks that they
did not strive
Officiously to Iseep alive

their deities. Had the Greeks known that this was in

their power to do, then Apollo, Dionysus, Cronos, Zeus,
Hermes, Aphrodite, Ares had not died. Yet die they did,
if the graves of each of these mortals prove the prevailing
belief in their decease.^ Mankind, according to Mr.
Frazer, believed in '
mighty beings,' '
who breathed into
man's nostrils and made him He implored them
live.'

'
to bring his immortal spirit ... some happier world
to
. . . where he might rest with them,' and so on.^
Yet, '
lacking the idea of eternal duration, primitive man
naturally supposed the gods to be mortal like himself.'
Mr. Frazer has, we see, also told us that they did not
believe their gods to be mortal. Probably, then, the
belief in their immortality was a late stage in a gradual
process.^ Yet it had not prevailed when the grave of
*
Zeus was shown '
about the beginning of our era.'

Man, then, believed that he could keep one out of the

crowd of gods alive (though he implored them to keep
him alive) by sacrificing his rightful king once a year,
thereby overthrowing dynasty after dynasty, and upsetting
the whole organisation of the state. All this we must
steadfastly believe, before we can accept Mr. Frazer's
theory of the origin of the Nicene Creed. It is a large
preliminary demand.
The gods keep on being '
immortals,' and this we
must insist on, in view of Mr. Frazer's theory that man-
gods who are slain are slain to keep alive the god who
' G. B. ii. 2. 2 G. B. i. 77.
' G. B. i. 77, 78. ' (?. B. ii. 1.
 94 MAGIC AND RELIGION

is incarnate in them, of which he does not give one

example. His instances of beliefs that the high gods are
dead notoriously contradict the prevalent belief that
they are deathless. And the prevalent belief regulates
religion.
However, man-gods certainly die, and some South Sea
Islanders —by a demonstrated
scientific experiment —
that Captain Cook was no god, because he died when
stabbed, which a genuine god would not have done.
This, of course, proves that these benighted heathen knew
the difference between an immortal god and a deathly
man as well as did Anchises in the Homeric hymn to
Aphrodite.

III. RELIGIOUS REGICIDE

Peoples who think that all the luck depends on their

king-man-god (the second sort, the superior sorcerer,

with no god in him) hold, we are to believe, that his luck

and cosmic influence wane with his waning forces.

Therefore they kill him, and get a more vigorous recipient

of his soul (not of a god) and of his luck.' Of king-killing
for this reason Mr. Fraser gives, I think, one adequate
example. Of the transmission of the soul of the slain
divinity to his successor he has no direct proof,' though
'

souls of incarnating gods are transmitted after natural

deaths.'*

Now this is a very important part of the long-drawn

argument which is to suggest that Christ died as a mock-
king, who also represented a god. First, we have seen
that there are two kinds of man-god. In one kind a real

god, '
of an order different from and superior to man,' is

supposed to become incarnate. The other kind of man-

god is only a superior 'sensitive '
and sorcerer.'

'
G. B. ii. 6. ^ G. B. ii. 56 ; i. 151 et. se^. ' G. B. i. 80-82.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 95

Now Jesus, by Mr. Frazer's theory, died as representa-

tive of a god, therefore as one of the first two kinds of

man-gods. But Mr. Frazer does not here, as I said, pro-

duce one soUtary example of a man-god proved to be of
the first class—a king in whom an acknowledged god is

incarnate —being slain to prevent his inspiring god from

waning with the man's waning energies.' Many examples
of that practice are needed by the argument. I repeat
that not one example is produced in this place. Mr.
Frazer's entire argument depends on his announced failure

to 'insist on' the distinction between two sorts of man-

gods which he himself has drawn.^ So I keep on
insisting.

Again, it can hardly be said that any examples are

produced of a king of the second sort (a man-god who is

really no god at all, but a '

sensitive,' sorcerer, or magic-
man) being slain to preserve the vigour of his magic.
The examples no proof
to be cited all but universally give
of the idea of preserving man's magical vigour from the
decay of old age.
The cases given, as a rule, are mere instances of super-
annuation. It is possible (would that it were easy) to
pension off aged professors in the Scottish Universities.
But to pension off a king merely means a series of civil

wars. The early middle ages '

tonsured ' weak kings.
How tempting to represent this dedication of them to
God as a mitigation of sacrifice ! Kings, in fact, among
some barbaric races, are slain merely by way of super-
annuation. Nay, the practice is not confined to kings.
It is usual among elderly subjects.'
Let us take Mr. Frazer's examples.^

' The mortals who incarnate gods are catalogued in G. B. vol. i.

pp. 139-157. Not one is said to be put to death.

' G. B. i. 80, 81. 3 G. B. ii. 6-8. * G. B. ii. 8-57.
96 MAGIC AND EELIGION

1. A Congo people believe that the world would perish

if their chitome, or pontiff, died a natural death. So he
was clubbed or strangled by his successor. But what
god is incarnate in the chitome ? None is mentioned.'
The king himself '
is regarded as a god in earth, and all

powerful in heaven.'
2. The Ethiopian kings of Meroe were worshipped as
gods, but were ordered to die by the priests, on the
authority of an alleged oracle of the gods, '
whenever the
priests chose.' That they first showed any signs of decay
'
we may conjecture.' "We have no evidence except that
^

the priests put an end to the king whenever they chose. '

And, far from alleging the king's decay or bad crops as

the regular recognised reason, they alleged a special oracle

of the gods.
3. When the King of Unyoro, in Central Africa, is old,

or very ill, his loives kill him (an obvious reason readily
occurs : it is the wives, not a god, who need a more spirited
person), alleging an old prophecy that the throne will pass
from the dynasty if the king dies a natural death. But it

is not here shown that this king is a man-god of either

species ; and the prophecy does not concern injury to a

god, or to magical rwpport.^

The King of Kibanga, on the upper Congo,
4. is killed

by sorcerers when he seems near his end.' So ' are old

dogs and cats and horses in this country, and peasants are
even thought to provide euthanasia for kinsfolk near their '

end.' If the King of Kibanga is a man-god, Mr. Frazer

does not say so.

5. If woimded in war the King of Ginger o is killed by

his comrades or kinsfolk, even if he be reluctant. The
reason alleged is that he may not die by the hands
' of his

'
6. B. i. 236. ' G. B. ii. 11.
' Emin Pasha in Central Africa, p. 91.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 97

enemies.' Did Saul, Brutus, and many other warriors

who refuse to survive wounds and defeat die as man-gods ?
Is the King of Gingero a man-god ?
6. Chaka, King of the Zukis, used hair-dye, having a
great aversion to grey hairs. The Zulus, a warlike
people, would not elect, or accept, a greyhaired king, and,
though I know no instance of slaying a Zulu king because
he was old, Mr. Isaacs (1836) says that grey hair is

'
always followed by the death of the monarch.' Even if

an historical example were given, a warlike race merely

superannuates a disabled war-leader in the only safe way.
7. At last we reach a king-man-god in Sofala, who,
according to Dos Santos, was the only god of the CafEres,
and was implored to give good weather.' A modern Zulu
told Dr. Callaway that '
when people say the heaven is

the chief's they do not believe what they say.' ^ The

Sofalese, or rather their neighbours, were perhaps more
credulous ; and it appears to have been a custom or law
among them that a blemished king should kill himself,
though a reforming prince denounced this as insanity,
and altered the law. We are told that the king-god of
the was under this law, and a neighbouring
Sofalese
king (who is nowhere said to have been a man-god) was.
But what god, if any, was incarnate in this man-god, if
he was a man-god, like his neighbour ? •''

' G. B. i. 155 ; compare ii. 10.

''
Callaway, Religion of the Amazulu, p. 122.
' Here the facts of Dos Santos are confused.
In volume i. p. 155 we
read :
' The King Eastern Africa, ranks with the deity
of Quiteva, in ;

' indeed, the Caffres

acknowledge no other gods than their monarch, and
to him they address those prayers which other nations are wont to prefer
to heaven' (Dos Santos, Pinkerton, xvi. 682, 687, seq.). If the Caffres
have no gods, a god cannot be incarnate in their king. But, elsewhere
in Dos Santos (ii. p. 10), there is no '
King of Quiteva ' (as in i. p. 155).
Quiteva is no longer a district, but we read ' contiguous to the domains of
the Quiteva ;
' a title like '
the Inca,' in fact, as Dos Santos tells us the
Quiteva is ' the King of Sofala.' Is Sofala also known as Quiteva, and
98 MAGIC AND RELIGION

8. The Spartans were warned by an oracle against a

lame king, as the Mackenzies were warned by the Brahan
seer against a set of physically blemished lairds. The
seer's prophecy was fulfilled.' We do not hear that
the Spartans killed any lame king.
9. The King of the Eyeos is warned to kill himself,
warned by a gift of parrot's eggs, when the people have '

conceived an opinion of his ill-government.' His wives

strangle him, and his son succeeds, or did so before
1774, when the King refused to die at the request of his
ministers. To make a case, it must be shown that the
king was a man-god of one or other variety. He is, in

fact, merely king while popular, '

holding the reins of
government no longer than whilst he merits the approval
of his people.'
10. The old Prussians were governed by a king called
God's Mouth. '
If he wanted to leave a good name
.

behind,' when weak and ill he burned himself to death,

in front of a holy oak.
11. In Quilacare, in Southern India, the king cut
himself to pieces, before an idol, after a twelve years' reign.
We are not told that he was an incarnation of the god,
if any, incorporated in, or represented by, the idol.

12. The King of Calicut, on the Malabar coast, used to

cut his throat in public after a twelve years' reign. About

1680-1700 this was commuted. If any man could cut
his way through 30,000 or 40,000 guardsmen, to kill the
king, he succeeded. Three men tried, but numbers over-
powered them. Other examples are given in which every

the King of Sofala as ' the Quiteva '

? The King of Quiteva '
ranks with the
deity '
—though the Caffres have no deity for him to rank with (ii. 155). But

when the Quiteva becomes King of Sofala (ii. 10), the neighbouring prince
' '

who kills himself is the Sedanda,' who is not said to rank with the deity.'
' '

And Dos Santos assures us that the Caffres have a God, unworshipped !

Prophecies of the Brahan Seer, Maokay, Stirling, 1900.

'
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 99

regicide might become king, if he could, Hke Macbeth.

It was held, at Passier, that God would not allow the
king to be killed if he did not richly deserve it. These
kings are not said to incarnate gods.
13. Ibn Batuta once saw a man throw a rope into the
air, and climb up it. Another man followed and cut the
first which fell on the ground, were reunited, and
to pieces,
no harm done. This veracious traveller also saw a man,
at Java, kill himself for love of the Sultan, thereby
securing liberal pensions for his family, as his father and
grandfather had done before him. '
We may conjecture
that formerly the Sultans of Java, like the Kings of
Quilacare and Calicut, were bound to cut their own throats
at the end of a fixed term of years,' ' but that they deputed
the duty to one certain family. We may conjecture, but,
considering the lack of evidence, and the stories that
Ibn Batuta freely tells, I doubt ! Ibn, at the Court of
Delhi, saw cups and dishes '
at a wish appear, and at a
wish retire.' Did the Sultan of Java incarnate a god?
14. This case is so extremely involved and hypo-
thetical (it concerns where I never heard that
Sparta,
the king was a man-god) that the reader must be referred
to the original.^

Meanwhile the list of instances is numerically respect-

able. But are the instances to the point? Do they
prove a practice of killing a royal man-god, for the
purpose of helping a god incarnate in him, or even of
preventing his magical power (or viana, in New Zealand)
from waning? They rather prove regicide as a form
of superannuation, or as the result of the machinations
of priests, or of public discontent. Above all, they do not
demonstrate that the king is ever killed as an incarnation
of a deity who needs a sturdier person to be incarnate in.

'
G. B. ii. 18. G. B. ii. 18-24.

n 2
100 MAGIC AND RELIGION

So recalcitrant is the evidence, that of all Mr. Frazer's

kings who are here said to be gods, or to incarnate gods,
not one is here said to be put to death by his worshippers.'
And of all his kings who are here said to be put to death,
not one is here said to incarnate a god.^ Such are the
initial difficulties of the theory : which we may add
to
that elderly men are notoriously killed by many savages
just because they are elderly, whether they are kings or
commoners.
Mr. Frazer's point is that Christ died in '
a halo of
divinity,' visible '
wherever men had heard the old, old

story of the dying and rising god.' ' But, apart from
other objections already urged, Mr. Frazer's present
instances do not contain one example of a '
dying and
rising god,' stated to be represented by a living man who
is therefore killed ; even if there are one or two cases of
a slain king who is a medicine-man, sorcerer, or cosmic
sensitive. Thus the argument fails from the first. Christ
is to be reckoned divine as representing a king who was
killed as an incarnation of a god. But of regicide for this
reason no proof is afforded, as far as I can see.

IV. ANNUAL RELIGIOUS REGICIDE

Next we arrive at an absolutely necessary hypothesis,
which I find it difficult to accept. In some places it '

appears that the people could not trust the king to

remain in full mental and bodily vigour for more than a
year ; hence at the end of a year's reign he was put to

death, and a new king appointed to reign in his turn a

year, and suffer death at the end of it. . . . "When the
time drew near for the king to be put to death (in Baby-
lon this appears to have been at the end of a single year's

'
6. B. i. 139-157. " G. B. ii. 8-24. = Q. B. iii. 197.
 THE APPEOACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 101

reign), he abdicated for a few days, during which a

temporary king reigned and suffered in his stead.' ^

Later we read of '

the time when the real king used
to redeem his own Ufe by deputing his son to reign for

a short time and die in his stead.' ^

The hypothesis is, then, that at Babylon the king
used to be sacrificed once a year. Later he appointed
a son, or some other member of the royal family, or
some one else, to die for him, while, last of all, a criminal
was chosen.
Is not this a startling hypothesis? Yet on it the
whole argument about the Divinity of Christ depends.
Mr. Frazer overestimates human ambition. We wonder
that Moray, Lennox, and Morton pined to be Regents of
Scotland. Yet at least they had a faint chance of escap-
ing death within the year. But the kings of Babylon
had no chance : they were sacrificed annually. Mr.
Frazer asks us to suppose that any men of royal race,
anywhere, men free and noble, not captives, not con-
demned criminals, would accept a crown, followed, in
365 days, by a death of fire ! A child knows that
no men have ever acted in this way. Even if
they were so incredibly unlike all other human beings
as to choose a year's royalty, followed by burning to
death, how was the succession regulated? Even the
primitive Arunta, naked savages in Central Australia,
have a kind of magistrate, merely a convener, called the
Alatunja, 'the head man of a local totemic group.' He
isan hereditary official, inheriting in the male line.' Does
any one believe that a poor black man would accept the
Alatunjaship if he knew he was to be roasted, and so
die, at the end of a year? Now the Babylonians (or

G. B. ii. 24, 26. ^ G. B. iii. 194.

^ Spencer and Gillen, Glossary, s.v. Alatuja and pp. 9-11.

102 MAGIC AND EELIGION

rather the Persians) were infinitely more civihsed than

the Arunta. Their kings were hereditary kings. How,
then, would Mr. Frazer's system work? The king is

sacrificed ; his eldest son succeeds ; is sacrificed next

year ; they soon work through the royal family. Thus, in
Scotland, Darnley is sacrificed (1567). Next year you
sacrifice the baby, James VI. Next year you begin on
the Hamiltons. Chatelherault lasts a year : then Arran,
then Lord John, then Lord Claude. Beginning in 1567
you work out that Then you start on the
result in 1572.
Lennox Stewarts. You have Lennox offered up in 1573,
his son Charles in 1574,and by the end of the century
you have exhausted the female and illegitimate branches
of the royal family. You can only sacrifice males, and
these must be adults, for each sacrificed man, by Mr.
Frazer's theory, has to consort before his death with a
lady, probably '
a sacred harlot.'
Mr. Frazer perhaps will say '
these Babylonian kings
were polygamous, and had large families of sons.' But
think of the situation ! When the king comes to pro-
viding a son as a substitute, to reign for a few days and
be sacrificed in his stead, he may be a young king, just

married. Even if he could count on a male baby, or a

score of them, annually, they would be of no use : they
could not consort with the sacred harlot, which is indis-

pensable.^ So, after the young king is sacrificed, we are

in a quandary. We must overlook primogeniture, and
begin sacrificing the king's brothers ; they will not last

long ; we fall Soon we need a new

back on the cousins.
dynasty. Now
no government could be carried on in the
circumstances imagined by Mr. Frazer. The country
would not stand it. No individual king would ever
accept the crown. Human beings never had such a pre-
I
O. B. iii. 178. ^ Ibid.
 THE APPROACHES TO ME. FEAZEH'S THEORY 103

posterous institution. But, if they had not, Mr. Frazer's

whole theory of the Crucifixion is baseless, for it all

hangs on the yearly sacrifice of the divine king in

Babylon. Where there is no historical evidence of
annual regicide, we must appeal to our general know-
ledge of human nature. The reply is that the thing
is impossible. Moreover, that sacrifice is wholly without
evidence.
The only reason for believing that the kings of the
great Babylonian Empire, or even the kings of Babylon
when it may have been a small autonomous town, were
sacrificed once a year, is the faint testimony existing to
show that once a year at a Persian feast a mock-king
was hanged. To account for that hanging Mr. Frazer
has to invent the hypothesis that real kings, in olden
times, were annually sacrificed. The only corroboration
of actual fact is in the savage instances of king killing,

not annual, which we have explained as, in most cases, a

rude form of superannuation ; in no case as certainly the

deliverance of a recognised god incarnate in the king
There are also instances in folklore of yearly mock
executions of a king of May, or the like, and a
the
dubious case in Lower Mcesia. These do not prove
annual sacrifices of actual kings in the past, if they
prove any sacrifice at all. In these circumstances, I
venture to hold, science requires us, if we must explain
the alleged yearly hanging of a mock-king at Babylon, to
which does not contradict
look for a theory, an hypothesis,
all that we know of human nature. For all of human
nature that we know is contradicted by the fancy that the
kings of Babylon were once sacrificed annually. I shall

later produce a theory which, at least, does not run

counter to the very nature of man, and so far is

legitimate and scientific.

 104 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Mr. Frazer says that his theory '

will hardly appear
extravagant or improbable ' when we remember that, in

Ngoio, the chief who puts on the cap of royalty one day
is, by the rule, killed the next day.^ So nobody puts on
the cap. And nobody would have put on the Babylonian
crown under the condition of being roasted to death at
the end of the year.
If the theory were correct, the king incarnating a god

would be slain yearly. But he would not like that, and

would procure a substitute, who would yearly be slain {a)
as a proxy of the king, or {h) as the god of vegetation,
incarnate in the king, or as both. Yet, I repeat, not a
single instance has been given of a king who is slain for

magico-religious reasons, and who is also the incarnation

of any god whatever. The slain kings in the instances

IDroduced were, as a rule, superannuated because they were

old, or got rid of because they were unpopular, or
because a clerical cabal desired their destruction, or for
some other reason : at most, and rarely, because they were
outworn '
sensitives.' We know scores of cases of god-
possessed men, but none are killed because they are god-
possessed.
The argument has thus made no approach to Mr.
Frazer's theory of the origin of the belief in the divine
character of Christ and of his doctrine.
At this point Mr. Frazer's theory turns from god-man-
kings slain to preserve their mana, or cosmic rapport, to
persons who suffer for these kings. Not one single
historical proof that there ever was such a custom is
adduced. All is a matter of inference and conjecture.
There is, we saw, a region Ngoio, in Congo, where the
throne is perpetually vacant, because whoever occupied
it was killed the day after coronation day —no substitute
'
G. B. ii. 26.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 105

is suggested, and no one sits in the Siege Perilous.'

There are cases of '
temporary kings,' as King February,
for three days in Cambodia —the temporary king being of

a cadet branch of the royal family. H^ is not killed. In

Siam a temporary king for three days conducted a quete,
or jocular pillaging, like our Eobin Hood in Scotland.
This an example of the Period of Licence when law is
is

in abeyance, and the importance of this period we shall

later prove. The mock-king also ploughed nine furrows,
and stood later with his right foot on his left knee. He
did the same thing on a later occasion, and omens were
drawn from his steadiness ; he was supposed, if firm, to
conquer evil spirits, and had another quete. In Upper
Egypt a king of unreason for three days holds mock
tribunals, then is condemned, and his '
shell ' is burned
probably, as I shall show, to mean that '
the gambol has
been shown '
andThere are two or three similar
is over.^

cases, and Mr. Frazer suggests that the mock-king is

invested with the '
divine or magical functions ' of the real
king. But the local Pacha, on the Nile, has no such func-
tions, and his august representative wears '
a tall fool's
cap.' None are put to death : the Upper Egyptian case
alone and dimly, if at all, suggests the proxy supposed (as
in Ibn Batuta's tale interpreted by Mr. Frazer) to die for
the king.
Next we approach instances of sons of kings who are
sacrificed, but these are cases of sin offerings (as when the
King of Moab sacrificed his son on the wall), and, even if

the lads were substitutes for their royal fathers, there is

no presumption raised that the fathers were habitually

killed year by year, to keep their cosmic rapport unim-

paired, or to release the god incarnate within them, a

custom of which I find no example at all.

' G. B. ii. 26. G. B. ii. 30.

106 MAGIC AND RELIGION

One instance of what he conjectures to be a proxy

sacrifice for a king Mr. Erazer finds in a festival at

Babylon called the Sacsea.^ To this we return in due order.

We must first examine cases of similar customs, or inferred
ciTstoms, in Greece and Eome.
Meanwhile we hope to have shown that Mr. Frazer's
theory of the origin of the belief in the Divinity of Christ
already rests on three scarcely legitimate hypotheses.
First, there is the hypothesis that kings were slain to
release a known deity, incarnate in them, and to provide a
better human vehicle. Of this rite no instances were given.
Next, there is the hypothesis that the King of Babylon
was annually sacrificed, and succeeded by a new king, who
was sacrificed at the end of the year. Historical evidence
does not exist, and the supposed custom is beyond belief.

Thirdly, we are to believe in proxies or substitutes who

die annually for the king. Of this practice no actual
example is adduced.
Here, perhaps, the reader may be invited to ask
himself whether he believes that there ever was, anywhere,
a custom of yearly killing the king, the head of the
state. If he cannot believe this, in the entire lack of
proof, he may admire the faith which can move this

mountain in the interests of Mr. Frazer's conclusions.

For my part I may say that I was so hypnotised, after
first reading through the long roll of Mr. Frazer's '
sad
stories of the deaths of kings,' that I could only murmur
'
But there is no historical evidence for the yearly
Babylonian, or rather Persian, regicides.' Then I woke
out of the hypnotic trance ; I shook off the drowsy spell
of suggestion, and exclaimed '
The king is killed

annually !
' Next, I asked myself whether mortal men
would take the crown, and how the arrangement would
'
G. B. ii. 24.
 THE APPEOACHES TO ME. FEAZEE'S THEOEY 107

work, and, alas ! it was my belief in Mr. Frazer's theory

thatwas shattered.
But the general '
reader,' perusing an argument of
1,400 pages, inay fall under the hypnotic spell of

numerous '
cases,' though none are to the point, and may
accept an hypothesis, however violently opposed to his
knowledge of human nature. To that test we are, in a

case like this, compelled to appeal, however little we

may value common
'
sense '
in other fields of speculation.
Ours is the field of normal human nature, motive, and
action, in which every man may be a judge. I cannot
but think that the author of the theory would have been
stopped by considerations so obvious and obstacles so
insuperable. But first he had the remote analogy of the
Aztec war-prisoner who personated a god, and to a god
was sacrificed. That example is of no real service : the
man was a captive and could not help himself ; he was
not King of Anahuac. Moreover, he was sacrificed : he
was not put to a death of special shame. Again, there was
the Saturnian victim, if we believe the legend about to be
narrated. But he too was sacrificed : he was not stripped,
scourged, and hanged. Our author, however, was
by the Cross at the end of the long vista of the
fascinated
argument. In place, therefore, of seeking, or at least in
place of finding, a simple explanation of the Persian custom,
or leaving it unexplained, he accepted the impossibility of
the annual regicide at Babylon, and was launched into a
new wilderness and inferences to explain
of conjectures
the absence, in the Persian case, of sacrifice and religion,
the presence of a merrymaking and a hanging.
108 MAGIC AND KELIGION

V. THE SATURNALIA

We are next to look for an historical case of the yearly-

sacrifice, not of a king, but of a mock-king. The argu-

ment thus carries us to the Boman feast of the Saturnalia.
This festival (in late times held in December, 16-23) so
closely resembled our Christmas in jollity, that Pliny (like
some of us) used to withdraw to the most retired room in
his Laurentine villa to escape the noise. Mr. Frazer
does not remark the circumstance, but in Eome before
the Empire, or earlier, the Saturnalia seem to have been
a feast of one day only. '
Among our ancestors,' says
Macrobius, '
the Saturnalia were completed in a single
day,' though he does not seem very certain of his fact. Livy
says :
'
The Saturnalia were instituted as a festal day.'
After the time of Caligula, the Saturnalia endured for five

days, '
precisely like the feast of the Sacsea at Babylon,'
of which we are fated to hear a great deal.^
It would thus appear that the Saturnalia were
originally a feast of one day, later lengthened to five days,
and again to seven days. By the time of writers like
Lucian and Martial the feast continued for a week, and
Lucian represents Cronos (Saturn) as a jolly old king of

unreason.' The rich helped the poor, people made

presents to each other, '
a Christmas carol philosophy,' as
Dickens calls it, prevailed. The masters served the slaves
at table; all was licence and riot. Wax candles were
given as presents {cerea), like those on our Christmas
trees. These cerea, according to Macrobius, were thought

Macrobius himself is an author of the fourth or fifth century

' of our

era. Macrobius, i. x. 2 Livy, ii. xxi. 2. ;

- Cumont, Bevue de Philologie, July 1897, vol. xxi. p. 149, citing

Momnisen, C.I.L. V p. 337, and Marquhardt, Staatsverw. iii.'' 587.
' Lucian, Saturnalia, 2.
 THE APPROACHES TO ME. FEAZER'S THEORY 109

by some antiquaries to be substitutes for human sacrifices.

Originally, it was said, the Pelasgi, before migrating to
Italy, received an oracle from Dodona :

T^ warpl Tre'^ireTe ipwra :

'
Send a man to the Father,' that is, to the god Cronos or,

in Italy, Saturn. But, by a pun on the Greek <jiu>Ta, they

were induced to substitute lights, the wax candles.
Now it is a really astonishing thing that, if actual
human sacrifices were offered after our era, at the
Saturnalia, no Roman antiquary (and there were plenty
of antiquaries) should mention the fact, while discussing
the theory that cerea were commutations of sacrifice. If,

now and then, under the Empire a survival or re-

crudescence of human sacrifice was heard of in a rural

district, the antiquaries would catch at it greedily, as a
proof that wax tapers really were commutations of human
sacrifice, which some doubted. That rural recrudescences
do occur we know from the recent case of burning an
Irish peasant woman to death, to deliver her from a fairy."

Mr. Frazer, however, believes that survivals of human

sacrifices at the Saturnalia did really occur. He is
'
tempted to surmise ' that the king of the revels (who
answered to our Twelfth Night ' '
'
King '
or '
Queen of the
Bean ') '
may have originally personated Saturn himself.' ^

In the following page we read that the victim cut his '

own throat on the altar of the god whom he personated.'

The only known or alleged instance of human sacrifice at
the Saturnalia follows.
In A.D. 303, when the persecution under Diocletian
began, one Dasius, a Christian soldier, in Lower Moesia,
is said to have been the victim whom the soldiers yearly
'
Maorobius, i. vii. 31-33.
''
The reason was probably a mere '
blind ' for wife-murder.
= O. B. iii. p. 140.
110 MAGIC AND RELIGION

chose for the mock-king of a month, not a week, the

Saturn of the occasion. Why a month, if the ancient
feast lasted but a day, and, later, but a week? After

being a merry monarch for thirty days, he should have

cut his own throat at the altar of Saturn (Kpovos, in the
Greek MSS.)-^ Dasius declined the crown and was
knocked on the head, on November 20, by a soldier,
apparently a christened man, named John. The
Saturnalia at Eome lasted (at least under the Empire)
from December 16 to December 23. Dasius must have
been executed for his refusal, announced before his month's
week is elsewhere known) should have begun
reign (only a
— on November 23 if the regnal month ended on
;

December 23. Thus the festive Saturnalian kings at

Rome may be guessed to descend from a custom, at Eome
unknown, but surviving among the soldiers, of killing a
mock-king Saturnus. Dasius was no slave or criminal, but
himself a soldier. The revels of a month, in place of a day
or a week, must also, one presumes, be a survival, though
a day was the early limit. The date of the MSS. about
Dasius Mr. Frazer does not give, but he thinks that
the longest MS. is probably based on
'
official documents.'
To the MSS. I shall return.
The grotesque figure of Carnival, destroyed at the end
of a modern Eoman feast which does not fall in December,
is also a survival of a slain mock-king who personated '

Saturn,' so Mr. Frazer suggests, though in ancient Eome

even this carnival practice is to us unknown.
It will already have been observed that even if the
Eomans were, in some remote age, wont yearly to sacrifice
a mock-king who represented a god, they did not do so at

Easter, as in the case of Christ, did not do so in spring,

and did not scourge the victim. Their rite, if it really

'
Analecta Bollmtdiana, xvi. pp. 5-16. ''
O. B. iii. p. 143.
 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 111

corresponded to that of the soldiers who slew Dasius,

began in November, and ended in December, lasting
thirty days, or, teste Macrohio, originally lasting one day.
If the slaying of Dasius really occurred, and was a survival
of a custom once prevalent (as in ancient Anahuac), then
the early Saturnalia lasted for a month, from Novem-
ber 23 to December 23 but Roman antiquaries knew
;

nothing of this. The month date is remote indeed from

Easter, so Mr. Frazer must try to show that originally
the Saturnalia were a spring festival, like carnival.
To make the carnival and Saturnalia coincide, Mr.
Frazer points out that '
if the Saturnalia, like many other
seasons of licence, was always observed at the end of the
old year or the beginning of the new one, it must, like
the carnival, have been originally held in February or
March, at the time when March was the first month of
the Eoman year.' ' Thus, in conservative rural districts,

the Saturnalia would continue to be held in February,

not, as at Eome, in December, though Eoman writers do
not tell us so, and though non-Eoman pagan peoples held
festival at the winter solstice. The soldiers who killed
poor Dasius were ultra-conservative, but they killed him
in November, when their month of Saturnalia began, not
in February, when, as they held by old usage, their
Saturnalia should have been kept. The hypothesis may
be stated thus :

1. In rural districts '

the older and sterner practice ' of
murder may long have survived.^
2. In rural districts the Saturnalia continued to be
held in February-March, not in December.'
3. Therefore the soldiers, who kept up the older and
'

sterner practice '

of remote districts where the Saturnalia
fell in February-March, killed Dasius — in November
"
'
G. B. iii. p. 144. G. B. iii. p. 142. = 0. B. ii. p. 144.
 112 MAGIC AND RELIGION

4. Meanwhile, so wedded were the rural districts to

Saturnalia in February-March, that the feast continued

in these months under the Church and became our
carnival.
5. The Lower Moesia kept up the
eclectic soldiers in
old killing month of revelry (though we never
and full

hear of a full month in older or later Rome), but they

accepted the new date, November (not kept in Eome) and
December though in their remote rural homes the
;

Saturnalia were in February-March. Doubtless their

officers insisted on the new official date, while permitting
the old month of revel and the human sacrifice. Yet,
apparently, of old there was but one day of revel.
But is the story of St. Dasius a true story ? The
editor and discoverer of the Greek text in which the
legend occurs at full length. Professor Franz Cumont of

Ghent, at first held that as far as the sacrifice of the

military mock-king goes the story is false. I have already
observed that Mr. Frazer says nothing about the date
of the Greek MS. containing the longest legend of Dasius.
M. Cumont does. The MS. is of the eleventh century of
our era, and the original narrative, he thinks, was done
into Greek out of the Latin, which may have been based
on official documents, before the end of the seventh cen-
tury ' A.D., by some one who knew Latin ill, wrote execrable
Greek, did not understand his subject, and was far from
scrupulous. These sentiments of M. Cumont set in a '

new and lurid light —

as Mr. Frazer says of something
'

else —the only evidence for the yearly military sacrifice

of a mock-king of the Saturnalia. Our author was un-
scrupulous, for he makes Dasius profess the Nicene Creed

Later (Rev. de Philol., xxi. 3, pp. 152, 153), M. Cumont dates the
'

Greek at about 500-600 a.d., because there were then apprehensions, as in

the MS., of the end of the world. But so there were in 1000 a.d.
 THE AFPKOACHES TO ME. FEAZEE'S THEOEY 113

before it was made. As M. to the thirty days' revel,

Cumont supposes that to be a blunder of our author, who
did not know that the Saturnalia only occupied a week.^
M. Cumont held that the king of the feast had not to slay
himself, but only to sacrifice to Saturn ; in fact, Bassus,
his commanding officer, does ask him, in the legend,
to '
sacrifice to our gods, whom even the barbarians wor-
ship.' Dasius, the MS. says, refused, and was knocked
on the head by a soldier named John. 'John was likely'

to be a Christian, and M. Cumont suggests that the

ignorant translator of the Latin took '
sepultus est ' ('he
was buried '
by a soldier named John) for 'pulsus,' or
'
depulsus est,' '
he was knocked on the head '
{sKpovaOr)).
In fact the Greek translator of the seventh century
retouched his Latin original dplaisir. Human sacrifices,
says M. Cumont, had been abolished since Hadrian's time.
The soldiers, if they sacrificed a mock-king, broke an
imperial edict.
Our evidence then would seem, if M. Cumont is right,
to be that ofan unfaithful and not very scrupulous trans-
lator and embellisher of a Latin text. He informs us by
the way that similar noisy performances went on in his
own Christian period, not in December, but on New Year's
Day. The Saturnalia were thus pushed on a week from
December 23 ; we do not learn that they were transferred
to, or retained at, February-March. The moral lesson of
the legend is that we must not be noisy on New Year's
Day.
Thus M. Cumont did not at first accept the evidence

December 16-23. So also thinks M. Parmentier, Bev. Phil. xxi. p. 143,

'

note 1. M. Parmentier says that we must either suppose the ¥ictim to

have been selected by lot a whole month in advance (of which practice I
think we have no evidence), or else oast doubt on the whole story, except
the mere martyrdom oS Dasius. But the latter measure M. Parmentier
thinks too sceptical.
" Porphyry, De Abstinentia, ii. 56 ; Lactantius, i. 21.
lU MAGIC AND EELIGION

for the annual mock-king representing the

sacrifice of a

god Saturn. But M. Parmentier suggested that an old

cruel rite might have been introduced by Oriental soldiers
into Moesia (303 a.d.) thanks to the licensed ferocity of
the persecutions under Diocletian. The victim, Dasius,
was a Christian, and the author of his legend told the

tale to illustrate the sin of revelry on New Year's Day.

But what led to the revival of the cruelty ? M. Parmentier
quoted the story of our Babylonian festival, the Sacsea, in
which a mock-king was scourged and slain. This or a
similar rite the Roman legions finally confused with their
own Saturnalia, both as to date and as to character-
istics. The Oriental soldiers of the Roman Empire
imported into the army this Oriental feast and sacrifice :

just as they brought monuments of Mithra-worship into

Moesia. In an hour of military licence and of persecution,

the cohorts in Moesia may actually have tried to sacrifice

a Christian private as a representative of King Saturn.
So far the sacrifice is an Asiatic importation, not a
Roman survival. But M. Cumont, after reading M. Parmen-
tier, returned from his disbelief in the veracity of the Dasius

legend. He thought that the extension of the Saturnalia

from one day to five days, after Caligula, might be due to

an imitation introduced by Eastern slaves in Rome (an

influential class) of the five days' feast of the Babylonian

Sacaea. But thirty days, as in Moesia, are not five days.

He also inclined to accept the recently proposed identifi-

cation of the Sacaea with a really old Babylonian feast

called Zagmuk, Zakmuk, and with the Jewish Purim,
or
an identification which we
shall later criticise. As to the
imperial edict forbidding human sacrifice, M. Cumont
now suggested that it had become a dead letter and
impotent. In the general decadence of 303 monstrous
cruelties flourished, and the Saturnalia were marked by
 THE APPROACHES TO ME. FEAZER'S THEOEY 115

gladiatorial combats. Thus, in remote Moesia, the half

Oriental soldiery might really sacrifice a Christian '
for
the safety of his comrades under arms.'
So far the sacrifice of Dasius looks rather like a cruelty
introduced into decadent Rome, and at the good-humoured
Saturnalia, by Oriental legionaries, than like a Eoman
survival or recrudescence of a regular original feature of
the Saturnalia. In any case the stripping and scourging
of the Sacsean mock-king, his hanging, and his simulated
resurrection (at which we shall find Mr. Frazer making
a guess) are absent, while the date of the alleged trans-
action (November-December) does not tally with Purim,
or Eastertide, or the date of the Sacsea. The duration
of the Dasius feast, thirty days, is neither Eoman nor
Oriental. Thus, far from illuminating the Oriental
practice, the rite reported in Mcesia does but make the
problem more perplexing. The evidence has all the faults
possible, and the conjecture that the Greek writer in-
vented the sacrifice, to throw discredit on the New Year
revels of his contemporaries, may be worth considering.
Perhaps I may hint that I think the historical evidence
of the author of the Dasius legend so extremely dubious
that I might have expected Mr. Frazer to offer a criticism
of its character. The general reader can gather from
the ' Golden Bough no idea of the tenuity of the testimony,
'

which, of course, is at once visible to readers of French

and Greek. We address ourselves to scholars, and for
scholars Mr. Frazer has provided the necessary citations,
but my heart inclines to regard the needs of the general
reader. (Cf. '
Man,' May 1901, No. 53.)

VI. THE GEEEK CEONIA

Prom Eome we turn to Greece. Cronos, in Greece,
answered, more or less, to Saturn in Eome, though how
I 2
116 MAGIC AND RELIGION

much of the resemblance is due to Eoman varnishing with

Greek myth I need not here discuss. Now the Athenian
festival of Cronos fell neither in November, December,
February, nor March, but in July.' Therefore Mr. Frazer
needs to guess that the July feasts of Cronos were once,
or may have been, a spring festival, like the carnival and
like the Saturnalia, which (by another hypothesis) were
originally in February or March, though of this we have
no proof. Indeed, it is contrary to use and wont for a popu-
lace to alter a venerable folk-festival because of an official
change in the calendar. If the Romans for unknown
ages had kept the Saturnalia in spring they would not
move the date of their gaieties, and cut off three weeks
(or twenty-nine days) of their duration, because the new
year was shifted from March to January. In Scotland,
all through the Middle Ages and much later, the year
began in March. But Yule was not shifted into March :

it remained, and remains, like the Saturnalia, at the

winter solstice.

As proof that the Attic feast of Cronos (supposed to

answer to the Saturnalia) was originally in spring, not in

July, Mr. Frazer writes A :

'
cake with twelve knobs,
which perhaps referred to the twelve months of the year,
was offered to Cronos by the Athenians on the fifteenth
day of the month Elaphebolion, which corresponded
roughly to March, and there are traces of a licence
accorded to slaves at the Dionysiac festival of the opening
of thewine jars,' in the month of flowers preceding.^ It
was a proper season for licence.
The possible meaning of the cake does not go for
much, and Cronos is not Dionysus. There was a spring
festival of Cronos at Olympia, and Aug. Mommsen thinks
that the Athenian Cronos feast was originally vernal,
G. B. iii. 147. ^ G. B. iii. 148.
 THE APPEOACHES TO MR. FRAZEE'S THEORY 117

though Athenian tradition thought it was a harvest

feast.^

The Attic customs, then, do not suit Mr. Frazer's

argument. But he has another Greek instance. Sacri-
licers called '
kings '
offered to Cronos, at Olympia, in
spring, and why should they not once have been sacrificed
like Dasius, only in spring, not in November ? This
evidence is an inference from a presumed survival of
human sacrifice to Cronos, who certainly received many
such offerings.
We are not told, know why the Athenian
we do not
Cronia were shifted from March to July, or when, but let
no arbitrary proceedings of the kind prevent them from
being equated with the Saturnalia, only known to us, in
fact, as a December festival, not as a vernal rejoicing. It
is singularly unlucky that the July date of the Athenian
Cronia does tally with the June-July date of the Persian
Saceea, as given by Mr. Frazer (and probably given
correctly) in his second volume.^ But in his third volume
he awakes to the desirableness of placing the Sacsea about
Eastertide, not in July, and so loses any benefit which his
argument might have acquired from the coincidence in
date of the Attic harvest feast (Cronia) and the Persian
Sacsea as that date is originally established.^
How deeply this is to be regretted we shall see later,
for periods of licence like the Sacsea usually occur just
after harvest, the real time of the Cronia. Liberty to
slaves of feasting with their masters was a feature of the
harvest Cronia, as of many other harvest rejoicings.* But
the conjecture that the Cronia originally were a vernal
feast removes them from such merrymakings of harvest

licence as the Sacsea in June-July. On the other hand,

'
G. B. iii. 147, note 2 ; 148, note 2.
2 G. B. ii. 253, 254. = G. B. ii. 254. * G. B. ii. 147.
118 MAGIC A2^D RELIGIOX

the conjecture that the Sacaea were vernal brings them

into touch with Eastertide, and with the other conjecture
that kings were once sacrificed at the conjecturally vernal
Cronia, and so has its value for Mr. Frazer's argument.

VII. THE SAC^A

We are still trying to find an historical case of a man

who is sacrificed in the character of a god and a king.
The argument next introduces us to the Sacsea at Baby-
lon, when the mock-king was hanged, the Persian feast,

which, as we saw, M. Parmentier, following Herr Meiss-

ner, is inclined to identify with the ancient Babylonian
Zagmuk, Zakmuk, and with the Jewish Purim.
or
This identification, this theory that Zakmuk, Sacaea,
and the Jewish Purim are all the same feast, is essential
to Mr. Frazer's theory. But, before his theory was pub-
lished, Meyer, in the new volume of his 'History of

Antiquity,' had declared that the identification is impos-

sible, philologically and as a matter of fact (Geschichte des

Alterthums). It would be interesting to know the meaning

of the word Sacsea, or Sacea, or Sahia, which Hyde trans-
lates '
convivial drinking, drinking healths' (compotatio,
propinatio)? "We remember the Persian butler, called a

SdM, in Omar Khayyam :

The eternal Sdhi from the bowl has poured

Myriads of other bubbles, and will pour.

If the wine-pourer, the Sdhi, of Omar is etymologically

connected with the Sakaea, or Sacaea, then the feast means
a wine-party. The Greeks, however, connected the
Sacaea with the Sacse, an Oriental tribe of the great race
stretching from the Black Sea to Dacia. Indeed, in
Strabo's time, the feasters at the Sacaea dressed as Scythians

' Hyde, De Bel. Pers. p. 267.

 THE APPROACHES TO MR. FRAZER'S THEORY 119

(Sacse) and drank, as Horace tells us that the Scythians

were used to drink. This occurred at Zela, a town of
Pontus, where a love goddess, in Persian Anaitis, of the type
of the Babylonian Ishtar, was adored. Mr. Frazer even
conjectures that her high priest, or a substitute, ' who played
the King of the Sacsea,' was yearly sacrificed here, perhaps
as Tammuz.^ No record of the fact has reached us.
The interesting point about this derivation of Sacsea
from the tribe of the Sacse is that the festival wag
believed, says Strabo, to commemorate a great victory of
the Persians over the Sacse. In precisely the same way
the Persian feast of the Magophonia was supposed to
commemorate a victory over and massacre of the Magi.^
Purim, again, was held to commemorate a triumph of the
Jews over the Persians and a massacre of the Persians.
In three cases, then, Sacaea, Magophonia, and Purim, a
feast which was a secular drinking bout, preserve the

memory of a bloody victory. I do not observe that

Mr. Prazer notices this coincidence.
But manifestly this kind of feast is not a feast of the
death of a mock-king, still less, if possible, a religious
festival of the death and resurrection of a vernal god.'
Yet there really was (if we accept rather poor evidence)
not a sacrifice but an execution of a mock-king, a criminal,
at the Sacaea, as held in Babylon. I quote our authorities.
First comes Athenseus, who is writing about feasts of un-
reason, at which, in various regions, the slaves are waited
upon by their masters.* He says nothing of the execution
of a mock-king. He remarks :
'
Berosus, in the first book
of his " History of Babylon," says that on the sixteenth day
of the month Lous there is a great festival celebrated at
Babylon, which is called Saheas, and it lasts five days ;

'
G. B. iii. 163, 164. - Herodotus, iii. 79.
' Strabo, p. 512. ^ Athenseus, xiv. p. 639, o.
 120 MAGIC AND KELIGION

and during these days it is the custom for the masters to

be under the orders of their slaves, and one of the slaves
puts on a robe like the king's, being called Zoganes, and
is master of the house. And Ctesias also mentions this
second book of his " History of Persia."
'

festival in the

(Ctesias flourished rather earlier than Berosus, who is

about 200 B.C.)

Thus Athenasus is silent about the execution of a mock-

king, though doubtless he had the book of Berosus before
him. And Dio Chrysostom, vyho does speak of the execu-
and he alone does so, says nothing about Berosus, or
tion,

any other authority. I cite the observations of Dio

Chrysostom. He puts them into the mouth of the cynic,
Diogenes, who is lecturing Alexander the Great, to tame
his pride ; and who tells illustrative anecdotes, some of
them absurd, much as Mr. Barlow was used to instruct
Masters Harry Sandford and Tommy Merton. Dio, then,
makes Diogenes say that at the Sacsea 'they take one
of the prisoners condemned to death and seat him upon
the king's throne, and give him the king's raiment, and
let him lord it and drink, and run riot and use the king's

concubines during these days, and no man prevents him

from doing just what he likes. But afterwards they strip,
^
and scourge, and crucify (or hang, sKpifiaaav) him.'
He dies, not as a victim, by sacrifice, but as a criminal,
by a cruel and degrading form of capital punishment.^
' Dio, Oratio iv., vol. i. p. 76, Dindorf.
' Mr. Frazer, in his text, attributes the statement to Berosus, a Baby-
lonian priest of about 200 B.C. In fact, we do not know Dio's authority for
the tale ((?. B. ii. 24, note 1). Mr.
Frazer admits this in his note.
Ctesias may be Dio's source, or he may be inventing. On the other hand,
Macrobius, a late Eoman writer, says that the Persians used to regard as '

due to the gods the lives of consecrated men whom the Greeks call Zanas '

(Macrobius, Saturnalia, iii. 7, 6). But what Zanse are the learned do not
know: whether the word means (uiydvas, or the Zanes at Olympia (Pausa-
nias, V. xxi. 2; G. B. ii. 24, note 1). Moreover, Macrobius may have drawn
his facts from Dio. But Dio says nothing about consecrated men.' '
 THE APPEOACHES TO ME. PEAZER'S THEORY 121

According to Die any condemned criminal would serve the

turn. But Mr. Frazer suggests that perhaps the profes-
sion of victim was hereditary.^
Such is the story which Dio makes Diogenes tell
Alexander, in a humorous apologue against royal pride.
'
You will soon be growing a crest like a cock,' says Dio-
genes in Dio's essay. I cannot think that evidence found
only in a Hterary tour de force, and put into the mouth
of a professed humourist, proves historically that the mock-
king was actually hanged once a year, at a feast described
by Athenseus, Strabo, and Hesychius, who never mention
so strange an affair as the hanging. The reader will not
find that Mr. Frazer suggests all these doubts. Indeed,
the student who avoids foot-notes will believe that the
tale of the hanging is according to the historian Berosus,
'

who, as a Babylonian priest, spoke vsrith ample knowledge.' ^

Now, granting that there really was a yearly execution

at Babylon of a criminal, a mock-king, why was he put
to death ? We know what Mr. Frazer's theory needs.
It needs historical examples of men who, by being
sacrificed as victims, obtain a divine character, as repre-

senting the god to whom they are sacrificed. The theory

also demands that these victims shall be arrayed and
crowned as kings. It is desirable, too, that they should
perish about our Eastertide, and that they should
be supposed to rise again. The solitary example of a
Saturnalian victim in Moesia did not fulfil these conditions.
He was arrayed as a king, indeed, and was sacrificed, if

we legend of St. Dasius

believe the but he was not ;

strippedand scourged, and he died, not at Easter, but in

November if he had not refused the part thrust on him
:

he would have died in December. There was no word

about his resurrection. It was found necessary to suggest
'
G. B. iii. 186. " O. B. ii. 24.
122 MAGIC AND RELIGION

that originally the Satiirnalian victim died in February-

March, but this was not proved.
The other historical case, the mock-king of the Sacsea,
also does not fulfil the conditions required. He is robed,
and crowned, and scourged, but he is not sacrificed. We
have no hint of a resurrection ; none of a religious character
attaching to the feast ; none of a divine character attach-
ing to the victim. The feast is traditionally a revel com-
memorative of a victory : the victim is a condemned
criminal. As to the date of the death, Mr. Frazer has two
contradictory theories. By the first (which is correct)

the victim died probably in June-July (if not, certainly in

September). By the second, themonth date of the death

is fixed (provisionally) in March-April. Let me add that,
to suit Mr. Frazer's theory, the victim must not only
have been divine at the origin of the institution, but
must have been recognised as divine at the time of the
Crucifixion of our Lord otherwise our Lord's death, in
:

the character of the victim, could lend him no halo of '

divinitJ^'
 123

VI
ATTEMPTS TO PBOVB THE SACMAN CBIMINAL
DIVINE

As our historical evidence does not meet Mr. Frazer's

needs, as the Sacsean victim is not regarded as divine, as
he is no '
victim '
but a criminal, as he is not sacrificed, as
the feast is not religious but a secular merrymaking, as
no resurrection is mentioned, as the historical date does not
fit Eastertide, Mr. Frazer has which
to invent theories
will prove far more than the facts alleged by Dio

Chrysostom, Berosus in Athenseus, Strabo, and Hesychius ;

or will prove that originally the facts were the opposite of

those historically recorded.
Through his whole argument Mr. Frazer seems to me
to present two distinct theories alternately, and only at
the close can I detect any attempt at reconciliation. A
third theory, distinct from either, appears to be rejected.
Indeed, Mr. Frazer's task is not easy. He may say that
the Sacsean victim represents the king, and that the king
being,by the hypothesis, divine, the victim is divine also.
But he needs, moreover, a resurrection of the dead man,
hence the theory that the victim represents not only the
king, but a god of the type of Tammuz or Adonis. At the
feasts of that god, a god of vegetable life, there was
wailing for his death, rejoicing for his resurrection. At
Babylon this occurred in June-July. But there is no
evidence that a human victim was slain for Tammuz :
124 MAGIC AND RELIGION

none that he was scourged and hanged. How are the

two theories, the victim as divine king, the victim as
Tammuz, to be combined ? Their combination is
necessary, for the king is needed to yield the royal robes ;

while Tammuz is needed to yield the resurrection, and

the fast preceding the feast before Purim, a fast of wail-
ing for Tammuz. We hear of no fast before the Sacaea,
but if Purim be borrowed from the Sacaea (which is

indispensable to the theory), the Sacaea too must have

been preceded by a fast, though it is unrecorded.
Clearly the king theory alone, or the Tammuz theory
alone, will not yield the facts necessary to the hypothesis.
Consequently the two theories must be combined. The
king must not only be divine, be a god ; he must also be a

god of vegetation, a god of the Tammuz type, who has a

resurrection. Now we have no evidence, or none is

adduced, to prove that the king, whether Babylonian or

Persian, was ever deemed to be an incarnation of Tammuz
or any such vegetable deity. Without sound evidence to
that effect the theory cannot move a step. We have
abundance of Babylonian sacred and secular texts : not
one is adduced to prove that the king incarnated any god,
especially Tammuz.
Mr. Frazer then, after putting forward alternately the
king theory and the Tammuz theory, does finally, if I

understand him, combine them. He talks of '

the human
god, the Saturn, Zoganes, Tammuz, or whatever he was
called.' ^ Thus the victim is the king, and we get the
royal robes, and the five days of royalty. The king is
also Tammuz (unless I fail to grasp the meaning), the
victim too is Tammuz, and we get the fast (though we

hear none before the Sacaea), the feast, and the

of
resurrection. But this is a late and rather casually
1
G. B. iii. 185.
 —

WAS SAC.EAN VICTIM DIVINE? 125

introduced theory, quite destitute of evidence as regards

the king's being recognised for Tammuz.
Previously, throughout two volumes, the victim had
alternately derived his necessary divinity from the king
and from the Tammuz god. He derived more : as king
he had the entree of the royal harem ; as Tammuz he
was the consort of a woman, '
probably a sacred harlot,
who represented the great Semitic goddess Ishtar or
Astarte.' His union with her magically fertilised the
crops. ^ A similar duty, in the dream-time of Mr. Frazer's
hypotheses, had been that of the majesty of Babylon.
'
Originally, we may conjecture, such couples exercised their
function for a whole year, on the conclusion of which the
male partner — the divine king—was put to death ; but in
historical times it seems that, as arule, the human god —the
Saturn, Zoganes, Tammuz, or whatever he was called
enjoyed his divine privileges, and discharged his divine
duties, only for a short part of the year,' namely five
days, at the Saceea.^
The divine duties of the early kings of Babylon (if I
understand Mr. Frazer) were '
to stand for the powers
that make for the fertility of plants and perhaps also of
animals.' Axe we to conceive that these pleasing exercises
with the lady of the divine pair were all the duties of the
early kings of Babylon ? In that case, who carried on
the civil and military control of the Empire ? Of course,
if the early king did nothing at all but associate with
'
the human goddess who shared his bed and transmitted
his beneficent energies to the rest of nature,' ' then he
may have been a man-god, a Tammuz, if the texts say so,

and his substitute might die at once as royal proxy, to

save the king's life, and also as Tammuz. Moreover, it

'
G. B. iii. 178. - G. B. iii. 185. ' G. B. iii. 186.
 126 MAGIC AND RELIGION

would not matter a pin's fee whether such a king died or

not. Only, no man could take the billet of king.
Thus it may be Mr. Frazer's intention to combine in

one the two theories of the victim as Tammuz and as

royal proxy. In that case his two apparently inconsistent
theories are one theory.
But, if I apprehend it correctly, it is a very audacious
theory. Where have we a proven case of a king who
incarnates a god of vegetation, plays the part of '
making
for the fertility of plantsby the assistance of the human
'
'

goddess who shares his bed, and transmits his beneficent

energies to the rest of nature,' and who is sacrificed
annually ? Does this divine voluptuary also keep a royal
harem, or is that essential and more or less attested part
of the Sacsea a later excrescence ?
Without some historical evidence for such a strange
array of facts, including the yearly sacrifice of the
monarch, I must hesitate to think that Mr. Frazer's
theory of a king who is both king and Tammuz, and
has, later, a substitute who is both Tammuz and king, is
a practical hypothesis explanatory of '
the halo of divinity
which was shed around the cross of Calvary.' I cannot
accept as evidence for a combination of facts separately
so extraordinary, a series of inferences and presumptions
from The
rural or barbaric revels in spring or at harvest.
existence of a King or Queen of the May,
Bean or of the
on Twelfth Night, with occasional or even frequent mock
destructions of the monarch of a playful day, cannot be
used as proof that early Babylonian kings consorted for

a year with a human goddess, and then were burned to

death as gods of vegetable produce ; especially when there
is no historical testimony, and only inference from myth,
in favour of any human goddess or of a burned king.
We have not, meanwhile, even any testimony to show
 —
WAS SAC^AN VICTIM DIVINE? 127

that, in any time, in any place, any human victim was

ever slain, let alone a king (and a king annually), as
Tammuz. We have only a guess, founded on the vs'eakest
possible basis, that of analogy, '
The analogy,' says Mr.
Trazer, '
of Lityerses and of folk-custom, both European
and savage, suggests that in Phoenicia the corn-spirit
the dead Adonis — may formerly have been represented by
a human victim.' ^ . . . . This can hardly persuade me
that the kings of Babylon vs^ere annually sacrificed as
Tammuz or as Adonis.
While admitting that Mr. Frazer may really mean to
combine his two theories (the victim as king, the victim
as Tammuz) and while he , certainly makes his victim both
a king and a god, I shall take the freedom to examine his
theory in the sequence of the passages wherein it is pro-
posed, and request the reader to decide whether there be
one theory or two theories.
But first, have we any examples of a by hang-
sacrifice

ing, not by burning, the human victim ? For the Sacsean

victim, though confessedly hanged, is said, by Mr. Frazer,

to be '
sacrificed.'

I. SACRIFICE BY HANGING. DOES IT EXIST?

Let us look at actual human victims, actually knovwi

to have been slain in the interests of agriculture. Are, or
were, these human victims put to the infamous death of
malefactors, like the mock-king of the Sacaea? They
were not. Cases are given in vol. ii. p. 238 et seq.

1. The Indians of Guyaquar used to sacrifice human

blood and the hearts of men when they sowed their
fields.^

2. In the Aztec harvest festival a victim was crushed

'
G. B. ii. 253. -
Cis2a de Leon, p. 203.
128 MAGIC AND EELIGION

between two great stones (perhaps to represent the

grinding of the maize ?).

3. The Mexicans sacrificed young children, older

children, and old men for each stage of the maize's growth.
We are not told how they were sacrificed.'

4. The Egyptians JttrjiecZ red-haired men, and scattered

their ashes with winnowing fans. This burning is a
usual feature of sacrifice, and is not hanging or cruci-
fying.
5. The Skidi, or Wolf Pawnees, hurned a victim to
Ti-ra-wa, '
the power above that moves the universe, and
controls all things,' but the victim was a deer or a buffalo.

There were also occasional human sacrifices before

sowing ; the victim had his head cleft with a tomahawk,
and was then riddled with arrows, and afterwards hurned}
In some cases he was tied to a cross, before being slain
with an axe.^

6. A Sioux girl was hurned over a slow fire, and then

shot with arrows. Her flesh, for magical purposes, was
squeezed over the newly sown fields.

7. West African victims were killed with spades and

hoes, and burned in newly tilled fields.
At Lagos a girl was impaled among sacrificed
8.

sheep, goats, yams, heads of maize, and plantains hung

on stakes. Though impalement is a form of capital pun-
ishment, probably the girl's blood was expected to fertilise

the earth. We have no proof that crucifixion was used

in Babylon, or the same motive might be alleged for the
mock-king at the Sacsea. 'It may be doubted whether
crucifixion was an Oriental mode of punishment,' says

Mr. Frazer. He does not say that it was an Oriental

form of sacrifice.*

'
G. B. i. 143. " Grinnell, Pawnee Hero Stories, pp. 362-369.
'
G. B., ii. 2B8. 0. B. ii. 24, note 1.
 WAS SAC^AN VICTIM DIVINE? 129

9. The Marimos kill and bu7-n a human victim, and

scatter the ashes on the ground to fertilise it.

10. The Bagolos hew a slave to pieces.

11. Some tribes in India chop victims up.
12. The Kudulu allow to a victim all the revels, women
and all, of the Sacsean mock-king, and then cut a hole in
him, and smear his blood over an idol. This is sacrifice,

not capital punishment.

13. The Khonds slew their revered and god-like victim
in a variety of ways, strangling him in a tree, burning, and
chopping up, that his flesh might be sown on the fields.

The head, bowels, and bones were burned.

Such are the examples of a real human victim slain for
the good of the crops. In six out of fourteen cases the

victim's ashes, blood, or flesh is used magically to fertilise

the fields, and probably this is done in several other

instances. In seven cases burning occurs. In two
sacrifice to a god or idol occurs. In one only is the mode
of death a recognised form of capital punishment.
Therefore Mr. Frazer does not seem to me to be
justified in taking for and describing as '
sacrifice ' the
capital punishment inflicted at the Sacsea on a mock-king
who notoriously was a criminal condemned to death, and
who was hanged, not sacrificed.
To be sure Mr. Frazer tries to turn this point, and
how ? Perhaps ancient kings of Lydia were once
burned alive on pyres, as living embodiments of their
'

god.' For the Lydian, like the Macedonian and many other
royal houses, claimed descent from Heracles, who, being
on fire already imder the shirt of Nessus, homceopathically
burned himself. Croesus, defeated, was about to die by
fire, but not out of his own head. Cyrus was going to
burn him alive, like Jeanne d'Arc, Cranmer, Wishart, and
others. This cruel infliction by a foreign enemy hardly
130 MAGIC AND RELIGION

proves a Lydian custom, nor are Lydians exactly Baby-

lonians. Again, if an old Prussian king '
wished to leave
a good name behind him,' he burned himself before a
holy oak. 'Crummies is not a Prussian,' nor vs^ere the
kings of Once more Movers thought that
Babylon.
the divine pair who figured by deputy at the Sacsea
'
'

were Semiramis and Sandan or Sardanapalus. (Which

divine pair, the king's proxy and one of the king's con-
cubines, or the Tammuz man and the sacred harlot ?)
Sandan was thought to be Heracles by the Greeks, and
his effigy was perhaps burned on a pyre at his festival
in Tarsus. Now the Persians, according to Agathias,
worshipped Sandes (Sandan), and perhaps the Babylonians
did so also, though really that agreeable Byzantine minor
poet, Agathias, cannot be called a good witness. Next,
K. 0. Miiller thinks that Sandan (Sandes) may have been
burned in a mystery play in Nineveh, Miiller giving free

licence to his fancy, as he admits. Movers, too, thought

that '
at the Sacsea the Zoganes represented a god, and
paired with a woman who personated a goddess.' ' And
Movers thinks that the Sacsean victim was originally

burned.^
For these exquisite reasons,' that the Lydian
'

monarchs claimed descent from Heracles, who was

burned, that Cyrus wanted to burn Croesus alive, that
old Prussian kings who wished to leave a good name
burned themselves, that Movers thought that Sandan or
Sardanapalus might have figured at the Sacaea as
Zoganes, that Agathias mentioned Sandes as a Baby-
lonian deity, and that Movers thinks that the man who
acted the god was burned, Mr. Frazer suggests that
perhaps the mock-king of the Sacaea was burned, once
upon a time.' But we only know that he was scourged
'
'
G. B. iii. 167. G. B. iii. 171. ' G. B. iii. 170, 171.
 '

WAS SAC^AN VICTBI DIVINE? 131

and hanged. So perhaps, Mr. Prazer suggests, he was

hoth scourged, hanged, and burned afterwards, or perhaps
hanging or crucifixion may have been a later mitigation
'

of his sufferings
'
—a pretty mitigation ! And why was
flogging added ? ^ One had liefer be burned, like a god

and a king, than be whipped and then crucified,

first

as a malefactor of the lowest and most servile kind,

losing, too, the necessary suggestion of sacrifice and
divinity implied in being burned. Besides, apart from
this theory of a cruel and debasing '
mitigation,' there is

no evidence at all except what proves that the mock-king

at the SacEea was first stripped of his royal robes, then
whipped, then hanged. If he dies as god or king, why
is he stripped of his royal robes ? The man was hanged,
was capitally punished (which as a condemned criminal
he richly deserved), and '
there is an end on't,' as Dr.
Johnson rudely remarked. Now we '
must not forget
that Mr. Frazer has announced this '
sacrifice '
of a divine
king as his theory, but we need not, I may even say
must not, accept the theory. Because, first, Mr. Frazer
gives many examples of persons believed each to contain
a god, either temporarily or permanently.^ But in not
one single case is the person said to be killed for the
benefit of the god whom he contains.
Secondly, there was historically no sacrifice in the case

of the Sacaean mock-king.

The mock-king, then, if he has any divinity, has it not
as a sacrifice, for he is not sacrificed ; nor as representing
a king who incarnates a god, for no kings or others
thought to incarnate gods, whether temporarily or per-
manently, are proved to be slain for the benefit of that
god. Nor are any kings who are actually slain, slain by
hanging. The death of a man, as a god, belongs, if to

G. B. iii. 171. ^ G. B. i. 131-157.

K 2
132 MAGIC AND EELIGION

anything, to quite another festival, that of Tammuz or

Adonis, and to quite another set of ideas. We have no

proof indeed that a man v^as ever hanged or sacrificed

as an embodiment of Adonis or Tammuz. But Mr.

Frazer's theory of the reason for the Crucifixion on

Calvary demands the sacrifice of a human victim, V7ho is,

ex officio, a god, is sacrificed in that character, and is

feigned to rise again. He must also be royal, to account

for the scarlet robe and crovsm of thorns of the great
victim.

II. STAGES IN MR. PBAZBE'S THEORY

Let us now trace the stages of Mr. Frazer's theory

that the Sacasan victim is both god and king.

1. First in order of statement comes the description of

the Sacaea, combined from Athenaeus, who mentions no

victim,and Dio Chrysostom, who does. We learn (from
Mr. Frazer, not from Dio) ' that the victim dies in the '

king's stead.' But we must not

'
forget that the king is

slain in his character of a god, his death and resurrection,

as the only means of perpetuating the divine life un-

impaired, being deemed necessary for the salvation of his
people and the world.'
That Mr. Frazer's theory we have seen no proof
is :

of it, we have remarked that sacrificed victims are not

hanged ; that kings are not scourged ; that there is no
evidence beyond conjecture for an earlier Babylonian
process of burning ; while conjecture also explains whip-
ping hanging as a mitigation,' or alleges
and '
that

possibly the victim was hanged first and burned after-

wards.
Here the king is certainly not,^ on the face of it, a
god of vegetation : if anything, he is more like the
'
G. B. ii. 24-26. ^ Q. B. ii. 24-26.
 WAS SAC4<:AN victim divine? 133

Chitome in Congo, who was a 'pontiff.' His credulous

people believed that the world would end if the Chitome
died a natural death, '
so when he seemed likely to die

he was clubbed or strangled. He was sacrificed to no

god whom he incarnated.' He was not clubbed once a
year (like the Babylonian king of Mr. Frazer's theory)
he was given a rude euthanasia '
when he seemed likely

to die.' Does science ask us to believe that each Baby-

lonian king had the cosmic rapport of a Congo savage
pontiff, and was sacrificed after a year's reign, because a

savage pontiff in Congo is put to death, not annually, but

'
when he seems likely to die '
?

Here, whatever science may expect us to believe, we

are told by Mr. Frazer that the king in Babylon was
annually sacrificed, as a god, indeed, but not explicitly as
a god of vegetation, who has a resurrection.
2. A Babylonian god of vegetation, and a known god,
appears in ii. 123, 124. This god is Tammuz. We hear
that '
water was throvm over him at a great mourning
ceremony, at which men and women stood round the
fimeral pyre of Tammuz lamenting. . . . The dead
Tammuz was probably represented in effigy, water was
poured over him, and he came to life again.' Mr. Frazer
does not here plead for a human victim. The festival
'doubtless took place in the month Tammuz (June-
July),' or in different places, at different times, from mid-
summer to autumn, or from June to September, as the
late Mr. Robertson Smith calculated. Tammuz, soMr.
Sayce is cited, '
is originally the spring vegetation, which
dies in his month, Tammuz
Du'uzu (June- July). or '

Here, then, we have a death and resurrection of

Tammuz. It occurs in June-July, or June-September,
and Tammuz is undoubtedly the god of spring vegetation.
'
O. B. ii. 8.
134 MAGIC AND RELIGION

But Mr. Frazer does not here tell us that the king of
Babylon is also Tammuz. Tammuz is not whipped and
hanged at the Tammuz feast in July. His dead body is

'
probably ' a dummy.
In vol. ii. 253 Mr. Frazer returns to the victim, the
mock-king, of the Sacaea. But he says nothing here about
the real king of Babylon. He wishes to show how and
why the victim is divine. Now, in ii. 26, we were told that
the victim is divine because he '
represents a dying god.'
'
For we must not forget that the king dies in his character
of a god.' . . .

"Was Mr. Frazer satisfied with this explanation given

in ii. 26 ? Apparently not ; for ^ he gives a new explana-
tion and a different one. '
It seems worth suggesting
that the mock-king who was annually killed at the Baby-
lonian festival of the Sacaea on the sixteenth day of the
month Lous may have represented Tammuz himself.'

Here the Tammuz dummy or effigy of ii. 123, 124, is,

perhaps, discarded. Still, if a real live Tammuz was

burned on a funeral pyre ^ his ashes might well be repre-

sented by a dummy. It has not yet occurred to Mr.

Frazer, as it does later, to have the re-arisen god perso-
nated by a living human counterpart (Mordecai in a later
page) of the dead Tammuz (Haman). The festival of

the Sacaea is now a Tammuz festival, a religious feast,

and, indeed, is identical with that of ii. 123, 124, for it

occurs in the month Lous. Now Lous, says Mr. Eobert-

son Smith, '
answered to the lunar month Tammuz,' ^ and
the month of Tammuz * was June-July, or June-Sep-
tember.
There could not surely be two Tammuz feasts in the

month Tammuz? We are therefore confronted by the

G. B. ii. 253, 264. ^ G. B. ii. 123.

" G. B. ii. 254, note 1. * G. B. ii. 123.
 WAS SAO^AN VICTIM DIVINE? 185

singular facts that Tammuz lay '

on a funeral pyre ' ^ and
also that, as the Sacsean victim, who, Mr. Frazer thinks
it '
worth suggesting '
personated Tammuz, he was at the

same feast, the Sacsea, whipped and hanged.^ Mr. JPrazer

goes on : 'If this conjecture is right, the view that the
mock-king at the Sacsea was slain in the character of a

god '
(Tammuz) would be established.''

But it was establislied already, was it not on other

grounds, to Mr. Frazer's satisfaction, in ii. 26 ? There the
criminal victim died as a king, and as a god, for the king
was a god, and so was his proxy. Now, on the other hand,
if Mr. Frazer's latest conjecture is right, the victim dies as

a real known god, Tammuz. We keep asking. Was the king

also an incarnation of Tammuz ? May I not be excused for
surmising that we have here an hypothesis in the making,
an hypothesis resting on two different theories ? If Mr.
Frazer holds that the king of Babylon was also Tammuz,
as the mock-king was, here was the opportunity for saying
so, and proving the fact from Babylonian texts,
Mr. Frazer here gives us a Tammuz feast in which
Tammuz lies on a funeral pyre, and also a Tammuz feast
in which the human representative of that deity is

whipped and hanged, while 'the dead Tammuz was

probably represented in effigy,' water was poured over him,
and he came to life again. How ? In the person of
Mordecai ? These are the results of ii. 123, 124, and of
ii. 253, 254.
These things are, confessedly, conjectures. But one
thing is quite certain : the Sacsea, wherein Tammuz
either lay on a funeral pyre, and afterwards had water
poured over him, probably in effigy,' or was hanged, was
'

a festival of June-July. Variations of calendars, however,

might make the Sacsea fall '
from midsummer to autumn
6. B. '
' ii. 123. G. B. ii. 253, 254.
136 MAGIO AND EELIGION

or from June to September '

(ii. 123, note of Mr. Eobert-
son Smith). These dates are remote from Eastertide.
To this point Mr. Frazer ^ promises '
to return later.'
He does so in the most disconcerting manner. For when
he returns the Sacsea, which were in the month Tammuz,
June-July,^ startle us by being held in March or March-
April.^ May I not say that I seem to detect traces of an
h5rpothesis in the making, and of discrepant theories ? We
have already been rather puzzled by the Tammuz on a
funeral pyre, who has cold water poured over him, probably '

in effigy,' and also is honoured by being whipped and hanged

in the person of a human representative, a mock-king, at
the same festival. But perhaps there were two Tammuz
feasts in the month of Tammuz ? And possibly the victim
was whipped and hanged at one of them, while his mortal
remains were burned on the pyre at the other ? '
It is

quite possible,' says Mr. Frazer, when explaining why a

victim of a sacrifice was hanged, not burned as is usual,
'
that both forms of execution, or rather of sacrifice, may
have been combined by hanging or crucifying the victim
;
first and burning him afterwards '
''
but he neglects the
buxom opportunity of corroborating this conjecture, by
referring to the Tammuz victim who had both a funeral
pyre and a gibbet, in ii. 123, 124, 253, 254.

III. A POSSIBLE RECONCILIATION

There is, perhaps, a mode of reconciling the dates of the

Tammuz festivals, at one of which Tammuz was honoured
with a pyre, at the other (in the person of his representa-
tive, the Sacsean mock-king) with a gibbet. Dr. Jastrow
places a Tammuz feast in the fourth month, which, if the
Babylonian year begins, as Mr. Frazer says it does, with
'
O. B. ii. 254. •"
G. B. ii. 123, 124 ; ii. 253, 254.
' O. B. iii. 152, 154. ' O. B. iii. 171.
 WAS SAC^AN VICTIM DIVINE? 187

the month Nisan, means . that the fourth month and a

Tammuz feast occurred in our June-July. But Dr. Jastrow
also writes that in the sixth Babylonian month, our
August- September, '
there was celebrated a festival to

Tammuz.' ^
Thus Tammuz might have his gibbet in June-July,
and his pyre in August-September. But alas ! this

will not do, for the pyre is of June-July.' Nor can he

have his gibbet in August-September, as I had fondly
hoped, for he is to be identified with the mock-king of the
Sacsea, and the month of his hanging is Tammuz,
Lous, or June-July, if Mr. Eobertson Smith is right.'

Thus I really fail to believe that Tammuz could have

both a burning and a hanging in June-July. I hoped
that Dr. Jastrow's two Tammuz feasts had solved the
problem, but I hoped in vain.

IV. THE SAC^A SUDDENLY CHANGES ITS DATE

Meanwhile, even though we have allowed for two

Tammuz feasts, are we also to admit a third Tammuz
feast at the March festival of the Sacsea ? For in vol. iii.
151-153, March has become the date of the Sacsea, rather
to our surprise, for the date had been June-July.* Now
three Tammuz months seem one too many, if
feasts in six
not two. Consequently the arguments which in ii. 123, 124,
263, 254, show the Sacsean victim, because he died in the
month Tammuz, to represent the god Tammuz fail, per-
haps, if the victim really died in March, at the Babylonian
Zakmuk, or Zagmuku, a feast in honour, not of Tammuz,
but of Bau (a goddess), and later of Marduk.' Neither
Bau nor Marduk is Tammuz nor does the victim seem ;

' Jastrow, p. 484. ^ G. B. ii. 123, 124. = G. B. ii. 253, 54.

' G. B. ii. 123, 124. = Jastrow, 59, 127, 631, 677, 678-9.
138 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Tammuz, after his death is shifted from

likely to represent

the Tammuz feasts of May-June or June-July, July-

August, to March, when the feast was really in honour,
not of Tammuz, but of Bau, or later, of Marduk.
All our difficulties, indeed, pale before the fact that
the date of the Sacsea, when the possible Tammuz victim
was hanged, is fixed twice ; once, with much show of

reason and '

with imconcealed delight,' in June- July, in
the second volume ; while, next, it is argued from, in the
third volume, as if the date were March-April.
I conjecture, therefore, that the July date was not
inconsistent with what is now Mr. Frazer's theory when
he revised his second volume. Otherwise he would not
have said that Mr. Robertson Smith's decision as to the
July date '
supplies sowelcome a confirmation of the
conjecture in the text,' and then, in iii. 152, 163, have
^

proceeded to argue on the presumption that Mr. Eobertson

Smith's calculations may be, for the purposes of the theory,
disregarded. And they are disregarded, as we shall see. If
they were dubious, they should never have been welcomed.

V. VARIOUS THBOEIES OF THE VICTIM

Meanwhile, for our own argument, as to the precise

nature of the Babylonian King's divinity, vegetable or
not, I do not think that we have yet found the King of

Babylon explicitly identified with a god of vegetation.

The victim, remember, was at first divine, either as proxy
of the king, incarnating, I think, a god unknown ; or as full
of cosmic rapport, as a man-god of the second species.^

Next his divinity was established, if Mr. Frazer rightly

conjectured that he ' represented Tammuz himself.'

'
G. B. ii. 254, note 1. ^ G. B. ii. 24-26 ; i. 80-82.
= G. B. ii. 253, 2-54.
 WAS SACiEAN VICTIM DIVINE? 139

Next he was a criminal vicariously sacrificed for '

the
saving of the king's life for another year.'
Next '
it would appear that the Zoganes ' (the same
old victim) '
during his five days of office personated not
merely a king but a god, whether that god was the
Blamite Humman, the Babylonian Marduk, or some other
deity not yet identified.' -
Next the victim personated a '

god or hero of the type of Tammuz or Adonis, (and)

enjoyed the favours of a woman, probably a sacred
harlot . . . .'in addition to the caresses of the royal
seraglio.^ Next the indefatigable victim represented
the king, 'the human god, the Saturn, Zoganes,
Tammuz, or whatever he wa.s called,' though all we know
of the god Zoganes is that Zoganes was the title of the
slave lord of the household at the Persian Sacsea.''

It would thus appear almost as if all gods are one god

to Mr. Frazer by a kind of scientific '
Henotheism.'
Humman or Saturn, Zoganes or Tammuz, Marduk or
Adonis, any one of them, or all of them, will do for the
king to incarnate or personate. Any one of them, or all

of them, will figure as representatives of vegetable life in

company with Zeus and the horses of Virbius We !
'

may conjecture that the horses by which Virbius was said

to have been slain were really embodiments of him as a

deity of vegetation.' ^ Now let me too say '

we may con-
jecture.' Mr. Frazer tells us that '
horses were excluded
from the grove and sanctuary of Virbius.^ Is it putting '

too great pressure on evidence to conjecture that the

horses, while being driven out, were whipped ? Now the
horses embodied, perhaps, as we are told, a deity of
vegetation. They were whipped, and therefore it was
usual to whip the representatives of a deity of vegetation.

'
G. B. iii. 152. " G:b. ui. 160. ' G. B. iii. 178.
• G. B. iii. 185. " G.B. ii. 314. " G. B. i. 6.
140 MAGIC AND RELIGION

This solves our problem, why was the victim, the divine
victim, whipped?
Seriously, have we not in book to do with that
all this

method of arbitrary conjecture which has ruined so many

laborious philosophies of religion ?
As to one essential conjecture, that the Babylonian, or
rather the Persian, kings represented a deity of vegeta-
tion, I can offer only one shadowy testimony. Nebuchad-
nezzar for a while exhibited a caprice in favour of a
purely vegetable diet. This may have been a survival of
a royal taboo. As a god of vegetation, a king would not
eat vegetables any more than a savage usually eats his
totem. But some savages do eat their totems on certain
sacred occasions, and that may be the reason why Nebu-
chadnezzar, for a given period, turned vegetarian.
 141

VII
ZAKMUK, SAC^A, AND PUBIM

It is necessary to get the death of the Sacsean victim into

touch with Easter. The Sacsea, when he died, had been
in June-July, in vol. ii., in Mr. Frazer's first edition,
before he evolved his theory. When the theory is evolved,
in the second edition and third volume, the Sacsea prefer
to occur in March-April, which gets the sufferings of the
mock-king into touch with the Jewish Purim, and so
within measurable distance of our Passion Week, though
the June-July date of the first edition survives in the
second volume of the new edition. The change of date
of the Sacsea is arranged for by the plan, rejected by
Meyer and Jastrow, of identifying the Persian Sacaea
and the Jewish Purim with the ancient Babylonian
Zagmuk or Zakmuk, a New Year festival of March -April.^
To be sure, if that be the date, we seem bereft of our
useful Tammuz, from whom, in ii. 254, it was conjectured
that the victim mock-king derived his
an old divinity,
which shed the halo of divinity on
superstitious belief ' '

the victim of Calvary. For the Tammuz feast was

certainly in June-September. However, perhaps there
were three Tammuz feasts, resurrection and all, and Mr.
Frazer's last choice of a date, in March-April, has the

' ' Zimmern's view of a possible relationship between Purim and

Zagmuku is untenable,' says Dr. Jastrow [op. cit. p. 686, note
2). This is
also the opinion of Meyer.
142 MAGIC AND EELIGION

immense advantage for his theory of getting us near

Eastertide.
But did the Saceea actually desert their old date,
June-July ? To prove that we must identify the Sacsea,
a Persian, with Zakmuk, a Babylonian feast, which really
fell March or
in April. The old Babylonian feast,

Zakmuk, is known to the learned through inscriptions.

We have seen that M. Cumont and Herr Meissner
inclined to regard Zakmuk as identical vsath the Sacaea,
while the feast Zakmuk-Sacsea is supposed by Mr. Frazer
to be the origin of the Jewish Purim. But the Sacsea
fell in the Macedonian month Lous, as Athenreus tells us
according to Berosus, a Babylonian priest, using the
Macedonian Calendar. And Lous, as Mr. Eobertson
Smith proved, was our July.^ Zakmuk, on the other
hand, fell in our March-April, and Purim in our March,
neither of which is July, when the Sacsea were held.
Now it is desirable for Mr. Frazer's argument that
the Sacsea should fall, not in July, as it did in ii. 254, but
in or about Eastertide. Mr. Frazer therefore shifts the

Sacsea from July to Eastertide in face of difficulties.

All we know concerning Zakmuk is ^ that this feast,

originally a feast of Bau, says Dr. Jastrow, fell about the
vernal equinox (near the beginning of the old Babylonian
year) ; that, after a certain period, it was held in honour of

the chief god of Babylon, named Merodach ; that a council

of gods was thought to meet in Merodach 's temple, under
his presidency, and that they determined the fate of the
year, 'especially the fate of the king's life.' The festival
existed as early as 3000 B.C., whereas the Sacsea, 'so far
as appears from our authorities, does not date from before
the Persian conquest of Babylon (536 B.c.).^ But in spite '

of dates it is desirable for Mr. Frazer's purpose to identify

'
O. B. ii. 254. ^ G. B. iii. 151, 152. ' G. B. ii. 24, note 1.
 —
ZAKMUK, SAC.EA, AND PURIM 143

the Persian Sacaea with the Babylonian Zakmuk. For,

if he succeeds in this, then Sacsea must fall when Zakmuk
fell, and nearly when Purim fell, at — or not so very far
from— Eastertide. But ^ Sacsea was eagerly welcomed by
Mr. Frazer as a July, not a spring, feast, whereas, in iii.

152, Sacsea is identified with Zakmuk, which did fall in

spring. Again, we have not even a hint that any mock-
king, or Tammuz man, or anybody, was slain at the
Babylonian feast of Zakmuk, as a man was slain, says

Dio, at the Sacsea. However, Mr. Frazer tries to show

that Zakmuk may be the same feast. For
Sacsea and
Sacsea and Zakmuk are names that resemble Zakmuk
and Zoganes.^ We may reply that the word Sacsea also
rather closely resembles the name of the tribe of Sacse,
from whom the Perso-Greeks derived the word Sacsea,
while the Sacsea were held tocommemorate a victory over
the Sacse. Again the word Sacsea, which was a drinking
feast, resembles the word Sdki, Persian for a pourer

forth of wine. The word SdM is Arabic, being the

'

iiomen agentis of the verb Sakd "to water" (abreuver).

This root is common to several Semitic languages e.g.

Hebrew and .^thiopic — and if we could prove the word

Sacsea to be of native Babylonian origin, it might very
probably come from the same root,' Mr. Denison Boss

informs me. In any case we cannot build on resemblances

in the sound of words. That argument for the identifi-
cation of Zakmuk and the Sacsea fails.

Next Mr. Frazer contends that since, at Zakmuk, the

gods determined the fate of the king's life, it was a critical
time for the king. Now '
the central feature of the
Sacsea ' appears to have been '
the hanging of the mock-
king for the saving of the real king's life.' ' Here, then,
are two critical hours for the king : one at Zakmuk, when
'
G. B. ii. 254. ' G. B. iii. 152. '
Ibid.
 344 MAGIC AND EELIGION

the gods settle his fate ; one at the Sacsea, when his life is

saved by the execution of his proxy. Are not then these

two critical periods one period, and is not Sacsea another
name for Zakmuk ?
But Mr. Frazer has also told us that
^

the main feature of the Sacaea

was the death of a man
who represented Tammuz, and was killed after doing
sympathetic magic with a sacred harlot.^ Was there,
then, in connection with this Tammuz man, a third
Tammuz feast in March-April, for there were two, in
June- September? Thus, even if we could admit that,
because two periods are critical, both are the same period,
yet as the victim of the Sacsea was a Tammuz man, slain
to do good to the crops, we are unable to concede that he
also died 'in the king's stead,' and to save his life, unless
the king was Tammuz. Besides, no authority tells us
that either, or both, of this victim's deaths occurred at the
Babylonian feast of Zakmuk : it occurred at the Persian
feast of the Sacsea, if at all.

Indeed, even if Mr. Prazer's two arguments for the

identity of Zakmuk and Sacaea were persuasive (and how
persuasive they are we have seen), there would remain a
difficulty. For Berosus says, as we saw, that the Sacsea
fell on Lous 16, which is July, whereas Zakmuk fell in

March-April.

I. HISTOEICAL DIFFICULTY

This obstacle seems to be, and really is, insuperable.

But Mr. Frazer, undaunted, writes :
'
The identification of

the months of the Syro-Macedonian Calendar is a matter

of some uncertainty ; as to the month Lous in particular
the evidence of ancient vs^riters appears to be conflicting,
and until we have ascertained beyond the reach of doubt

'
G. B. iii. 152. ^ G. B. iii. 178.
 ZAKMUK, SAC^A, AND PURIM 145

when Lous fell at Babylon in the time of Berosus ' (say

200 B.C.) '
it would be premature to allow much weight
to the seeming discrepancy in the dates of the two festi-

vals' (namely Zakmuk and the Sacaea). Henceforth

Mr. Frazer's hypothesis seems to me to proceed on the
fancy that Sacsea and Zakmuk are identical, which is

impossible, since the Sacasa fall in July or September,

and Zakmuk in March-April.
It is absolutely certain, historically, that Sacsea and
Zakmuk cannot be identical. They were as remote in
date as they well could be. For the conflicting evidence
of ancient writers month of the
as to the date of the
Sacsea, namely the Macedonian month Lous (Amos),
Mr. Frazer gives two references. The first is to Mr.
Eobertson Smith's proof that Lous is July.' That
does him no good. The second is to Smith's Dictionary of '

Greek and Eoman Antiquities.' ^ In that work I read that

the only doubt as to the month Lous is whether it fell in
July or September. Smith's '
Dictionary ' is a book so
common and accessible that I need not inflict on the
reader the nature of the conflicting evidence. It is

enough to say that the month of the Sacsea, Lous, was

almost certainly July, but, if not July, was undeniably
September. Now neither July nor September is Easter-
tide, So that the effort to make the Sacsea
or near it.

identical with Zakmuk, and therefore more or less coin-

cident with Purim, and with our Easter, is an absolute
failure. The Jews, then, could not (as in Mr. Frazer's
theory) borrow abroad a July or September mock-king,
and attach him to a vernal festival, their Purim. Thus,
as Zakmuk is several months remote from the Sacsea, it

is not identical with the Sacsea. Mr. Frazer himself

says :
'
If the Sacsea occurred in July and the Zakmuk in
'
G. B. 254, note 1. ^ 3, i. 339.

L
146 MAGIC AND RELIGION

March, the theory of their identity could not be main-

tained.' ^ But he loses, rather than gains, if the
Sacsea were in September, and that is the only possible
alternative. The game is over; the mock-king of

Babylon died, if at all, in July or September, at the

Sacsea ; not at Zagmuk or Zakmuk, in March-April.
There is not a known hint that any mock-king died in
Babylon about Eastertide, or earlier, at the feast of
Zakmuk.
I confess that when I found Mr. Frazer declining to
'
allow much weight to the seeming discrepancy in the
dates of the two festivals,' till it was '
ascertained beyond
the reach of doubt when Lous fell at Babylon in the time
of Berosus,' I presumed that '
the apparently conflicting
evidence of ancient writers '
meant a difference of opinion
as to whether Lous was a spring or a midsummer month.
But I looked at Smith's '
Dictionary ' and found nothing
of the sort ! The difference of opinion, the conflict of
evidence, is concerned (see Smith) with the question
whether Lous was September (as it seems to have been
in the time of Philip of Macedon) or whether it was July,
as in the time of Plutarch. Neither opinion gives Lous
the faintest chance of being a spring month. Therefore
the vernal Zakmuk is not the Sacsea ; therefore there is

not the ghost of a reason for guessing that a mock-king

was hanged at Zakmuk ; therefore Zakmuk, in April,

cannot lend a hanged mock-king to Purim, in March

therefore Purim, having no slain mock-king, cannot hand
one on to Eastertide, which, moreover, does not occur at

the same date as Purim, but some weeks later, as may

happen. Therefore the mock-king, if he had been divine
(which he was not), and if he had been sacrificed (which
he was not), could not have lent his '
halo of divinity '
to

'
O. B. iii. 152.
 '

ZAIOIUK, SACiEA, AND PURIM 147

gild the Cross at Calvary. But that he did so is Mr.

Frazer's hypothesis —sometimes.
II. PEESIANS ARE NOT BABYLONIANS

The Sacsea, according to all our authorities, was a

Persian, not a Babylonian, feast. We have not a tittle of

evidence to show that the Babylonians, with whom Zakinuk

was a feast of old standing, ever heard of the Sacsea before
they were conquered by the Persians (B.C. 536).
Mr. Prazer admits this : the Babylonian custom, '
so far as
appears from our authorities, does not date from before
the Persian conquest ; but probably it was much older.'
^

Why '
probably '
? On the strength of this '
probably
Mr. Prazer calls the doings at the Persian Sacaea '
a
Babylonian custom.' ^ It was a custom of the Persian
conquerors of Babylon, if we can believe Dio Chry-
sostom ; but we have no evidence that it was a Baby-
lonian custom. Yet it '
has just got to be ' a Babylonian
custom that Mr. Prazer may attach it to a vernal Baby-
lonian feast, Zakmuk, and so to Purim, and so to Easter-
tide.

III. ORIGIN OF PUEIM

About the real origin of Purim, a purely secular

jollification, preceded, after a certain date, by a fast, we
know nothing. It is first mentioned in the Book of
Esther, which is so secular that the name of God is never
mentioned in it. Scholars have debated as to the date of
Esther, which Mr. Prazer places in the fourth or third
century B.C. some, as Kuenen, place it later. Some
;

think it historical, as Mr. Sayce does others regard it as ;

a romance, composed to supply an account of the origin

'
G. B. n. 24, note 1. ' G. B. ii. 26.

L 2
148 MAGIC AND RELIGION

of the feast of Purim, which we never hear of before the

exile.

The account in Esther is well known. Xerxes

quarrelled with his queen, Vashti, and, after a series of
experiments in wives, selected Esther, cousin of an artful
Jew named Mordecai. This man discovered, and through
Esther reported, a conspiracy. He later behaved with
insolence to Haman, the Vizier, who settled with Xerxes
a kind of St. Bartholomew's day for But all the Jews.
Xerxes was accidentally reminded of the services done by
Mordecai, and asked Haman how a grateful prince should
reward an unnamed servant. Haman suggested the ride
in royal which Mordecai enjoyed. Haman
splendour,
then erected a very gallows whereon to hang Mordecai.
tall

But Esther got news of the intended massacre, and, as

Xerxes had promised to give her any gift she asked for,
she demanded the death of Haman. So Haman was hanged,
and the Jews were allowed to defend themselves. They
massacred an enormous number of their enemies, and
henceforth kept Purim, a feast of two days, on Adar
(March) 14 and 1.5. 'Wherefore they called these days
Purim, after the name and pur, that is, the lot, was
of Pur,' '

cast before Haman for a whole year from Nisan to Adar.' ^

The word pur,a lot,' does not occur in Hebrew, says
'

Mr. Frazer. However, the Assyrian puhra means an

assembly, and there was an assembly of the gods at the
Zakmuk. Why the Jews went after an Assyrian
feast of
word we may guess but we also learn that pur or bu7-
;
'

seems to be ' (one wants to know if it really was) '

an
old Assyrian word and a stone may be used
for '
stone,'

for a lot,^ as the Greek xjrrj^os, a pebble, also means a

vote. Thus either the Assyrian puhra or pur may have
lent a name to the feast of Purim.
' Esther iii. 7. ' G. B. iii. 154, 155.
 ZAKMUK, SAC^EA, AND PURIM 149

I am no friend to etymological conjecture, especially

when two Assyrian words put in rival claims to be, each

of them, the origin of a Jewish word. Mr. Frazer does

not, I think, allude to the other guess, connecting Purim
with the Persian feast, Phurdigan (Phurim? or Purim).'
We find Purdaghan, Purdiyan, and so forth. This
Persian feast was a drinking bout and time of jollity, so
that Hyde very naturally compares it Purim and to
to

the old Persian Sacaea, or Sakea, or SaJcia, which means

'
drinking together,' or '
drinking healths.' ^ If Sakta
means a convivial feast in Persian, it fits very well the
Persian Sacaea, which were a time of jollity. The learned
may settle their etymological guesses among themselves,
but we are not obliged, for want of another conjecture, to
fly to old Assyrian for Purim still less do we agree that
:

Mr. Frazer has made out a fairly probable case for hold-
ing that 'the Jewish feast (Purim) is derived from the
Babylonian new year festival of Zakmuk.'
No case at all, I venture to think, is made out.

Mr. Frazer's Assyrian etymologies are met by competing

etymologies. we know next to nothing of the
Moreover,
Babylonian Zakmuk, but we do know that the Persian
Sacsea, Sakea, or Sahia was, like Purim, a period of hard
drinking and wild licence : which does not resemble a
solemn religious festival of the supreme god, Marduk, or
a period of wailing for Tammuz. There is another
coincidence, unnoted, I think, by Mr. Frazer, but already
noted by us. Herodotus, our oldest Greek soui'ce for
the Persians, tells us that their chief feast was called
Magophonia, and celebrated the massacre of the hostile
Magi.'' Strabo tells us that the Sacsea were supposed to

'
Kuenen, Hist, and Lit. of Israelites, iii. 149, 150.
' Hyde, Hist. Bel. Pers. pp. 266, 267. Oxford, 1760.
' G. B. iii. 155. * Herodotus, iii. 79.
150 MAGIC AND RELIGION

commemorate a massacre of intoxicated Sacse. Purim is

held to celebrate a massacre of the foes of the Jews. Can

these three feasts for a massacre coincide by accident ?

It is not easy to see how this tradition attached itself to

the slaying of a criminal, either as king's proxy or as
representative of Tammuz.

IV. IS PURIM PEB-EXILIAN OR POST-EXILIAN?

In any case Purim has not been successfully connected

with Zakmuk. Mr. Frazer, however, says that an '

examination of that ' (the Jewish) '

tradition, and of the
manner of celebrating the feast, renders it probable that
Purim is nothing but a more or less disguised form of the
Babylonian feast of the Sacsea or Zakmuk.' ' We have
seen that stern dates do not allow us to identify Sacsea
with Zakmuk. The month Lous is firm as the Mace-
donian phalanx, and will not masquerade as March-
April, when Zakmuk was held. Setting that aside, '
there
are good grounds for believing that Purim was unknown
to the Jews until after the exile,' and yet 'that they
^
learned to observe it during their captivity in the Bast.'
But their captivity in the East was the exile, so how
did they know nothing of Purim at the very time when
they also learned to celebrate that festival ? However, it

is reckoned '
fairly probable ' that the Jews borrowed
Purim either '
directly from the Babylonians or indirectly
;
through the Persian conquerors of Babylon ' the only
^
question is from which ?

The Jews probably borrowed Purim in or after the

exile. But they also kept Purim before the exile, at least
Mr. Frazer thinks that '
the best solution.' It is Jensen's

'
G. B. iii. 153, 154. ^ G. B. iii. 153.
' G. B. iii. 155.
 ZAKMUK, SAO^A, AND PURIM 151

solution, stated, however, only 'in letters to correspon-

1
dents.'

It really seems hardly consistent that Mr. Frazer

should both think Purim probably a feast borrowed in or
after the exile, and also appear to approve a theory which
regards the feast as familiar to the Jews before the exile.
Yet that is what he has apparently succeeded in doing.
He prefers Jensen's solution, which is this A fast :

was held before the feast of Purim.^ Why ?

'
The best solution appears to be that of Jensen, that
the fasting and mourning were originally for the supposed
annual death of a Semitic god or hero of the type of
Tammuz or Adonis, whose resurrection on the following
day occasioned that outburst of joy and gladness which is

characteristic of Purim.' ' Yes ; but the Jews had that

institution before the exile. In the first days of his own
captivity Bzekiel was carried, in the flesh, or out of the
flesh, to the temple at Jerusalem. Then he brought me
'

to the door of the gate of the Lord's house which was

towards the north, and, behold, there sat women wailing
*
for Tammuz.'
Now Jensen's solution is that the fast at Purim
represents the wailing for Tammuz, or somebody of his
type. But, if the Jews did that, as they did, before the
and if that was Purim, how did they also borrow
exile,

Purim after the exile, especially as there are good '

grounds for believmg that Purim was unknown to the

Jews till after the exile ' ? ^ How can both views be
correct ? Or is this March feast of the Tammuz kind an
addition to the old pre-exilian Jewish Tammuz feast ?
Moreover, Purim is probably, according to Mr. Erazer,

'
G. B. iii. 177, and note 2. ^ Esther iv. 3, 16 ; ix. 31.
= G. B. iii. 177. * Ezekiel viu. 14.
» G. B. iii. 153.
152 MAGIC AND RBLIGIOK
'
a mere disguised form of the Sacsea,' which, in his opinion,
is the same as Zakmuk.' But the central feature of the '

Sacsea appears to have been the saving of the king's life for
another year by the vicarious sacrifice of a criminal.'
Yet its central feature is also the sorrow for the death and
glee for the resurrection '
of a Semitic god or hero of the

type of Tammuz or Adonis,' following Jensen. How can

the Sacaea have two central features ? If it is only an
affair of hanging a man to save the king's life, why
should the Jews at Jerusalem fast before the vicarious
sacrifice of a criminal for the Babylonian king? They
did fast, we know. And why should the victim's resurrec-
tion (if any) on the following day '
occasion that outburst
of joy and gladness which is characteristic of Purim ' ? ^

What had the Jews to make with the resurrection of a

proxy of the king of Babylon ?

Mr. Frazer has not, I think, suggested that the kings

of Israel or Judah were once annually sacrificed. So why
were the Jewish women wailing at the north gate of the
Temple ? For Tammuz, as we know from Bzekiel ; but
Tammuz was not a Jewish king, or, if he was, it should
be stated. Also, if the Jewish ladies wailed and rejoiced
for Tammuz at the Temple in Jerusalem before the exile,

how can it be consistently maintained that they knew

nothing of these rites till after the exile, and then
borrowed them from Babylonians or Persians ? If Pmim
is a Tammuz rite, the Jews had it before the exHe, as
Bzekiel proves. If it is not a Tammuz rite, why is

Jensen's the best solution ? for Jensen's solution is that

'
the fasting and mourning were originally for the sup-
posed annual death of a Semitic god or hero of the type of

Tammuz or Adonis, whose resurrection on the following

'
G. B. ui. 153, 154. = G. B. iii. 152.
J
G. B. iii. 177.
 ZAK.MUK, SACyEA, AND PURIM 153

day occasioned that outburst of joy and gladness which is

characteristic of Purim.' ' Then, once more, that outburst

of joy and gladness for the re-arisen Tammuz was^
probably in the month Tammuz, our June-July. But
now ' it is at —
Purim that is, in March.
How are Mr. Frazer's theories to be reconciled with
each other and with the facts ? Did the Jews wail for

Tammuz, in spring, before the exile ; and, after the exile,

adapt their old Tammuz fast and feast to the
rite of a
vicarious sacrifice of a condemned criminal (whether in
July or in April) in the interests of the king of Babylon '?

Had they been wont to hang a man, while they wailed

for Tammuz, before the exile ? If so, why did they hang
him, and what did they borrow during the exile? Or
was all that they borrowed just the habit of crowning,
discrowning, whipping, and hanging a mock-king, as an
addition to their pre-exilian Tammuz fast and feast ?
We have certainly no evidence that they did these cruel
things before the exile. And
no evidence, as we
there is

shall see, that they yearly committed the same atrocity

after the exile.

V. THEORY OF A HUMAN VICTIM AT PUEIM

As Mr. Frazer is to make our Lord one of the annual
victims at Purim, he has to try to prove that the Jews
did annually hang or crucifiy a mock-king supposed to be
divine at Purim. To be sure neither prophet nor
legislator, neither Bzekiel, Ezra, Nehemiah, Haggai,
nor Zachariah, says one word about this heathen abomi-
nation borrowed by the Jews. Mr. Frazer therefore
tries to prove that the man was hanged at Purim by the
evidence of '
traces of human sacrifice lingering about

'
G. B. iii. 177. ^
q 5 ;; 254. 3 q_ 5. i;;. 177
154 MAGIC AND RELIGION

the feast of Purim in one or other of those mitigated

forms to which I have just referred,' such as the un-
certain '
burning an effigy of a man at Tarsus.'
^

Mr. Frazer is, I think, rather easily satisfied with this

kind of testimony to human sacrifice. Every fifth of
November a man, called Guy by the populace, is burned
in effigy. But, as we know the historical facts, we do not,
though science in the distant future may, regard this rite

as a trace of Druidical human sacrifice, Guy being a god

of the dying foliage ofNovember, when St. Dasius was
slain. Mr. Frazer explains the old custom of burning
Judas on Easter Saturday as all for the purpose of pro- '

tecting the fields from hail,' and as really of pagan '

origin.' ^ It maybe so : the ashes are used in agricultural

magic. But we know that Guy Fawkes is not a relic of

human sacrifice. Moreover, it is natural to destroy a foe,

like Haman,
John Knox, or Mr. Kruger, in effigy the
or :

thing is The Jews undeniably regarded

often done.
Haman, on the authority of Esther, as an enemy of their
race. So they destroyed him in effigy. In the fifth
century of our era, when the hatred between Jews and
Christians had become bitter, the Jews, '
in contempt of
the Christian rehgion,' attached the effigy of Haman to a

cross. This insult was forbidden by the Codex Theodo-

sianus.^ Similar doings, without the cross, prevailed at
Purim in the Middle Ages. But how does this prove the

hanging of a real Haman victim before the rise of

Christianity? It merely proves that, after the strife

between Jews and Christians began, an effigy of Haman,

the national enemy, was crucified in contemptu Christianas '

fidei,' as the edict says — to annoy the Christians.

But Mr. Frazer has '
some positive grounds ' for

thinking that '

in former times the Jews, like the Baby-
'
G. B. iii. 171, 172. ^ O. B. iii. 246, 247, 258. ' G. B. iii. 172.
 ZAKMUK, SACiEA, AND PUEIM 165

lonians from whom they appear to have derived their

Purim, may at one time have burned, hanged, or crucified
a real man in the character of Haman.' We have seen
that ^ Purim, if it is a Tammuz feast and fast, yvas kept
by the Jews before they went to Babylon. But, passing
'

that, what are the '

positive grounds '?

Merely that in 416 a.d. some Jews in Syria, being

heated with wine after '
certain sports,' began to deride
Christianity, and, for that purpose, bound a Christian
child to the cross. At first '
they only laughed and jeered
at him, but soon, their passions getting the better of them,
they ill-treated the child so that he died under their
'

hands.' Mr. Frazer can hardly doubt that

'
' the '
sports
'
were Purim, and that the boy who died on the cross
represented Haman.' Granting that the '
sports '
were
Purim, and that the Christian child did duty for Haman, the
purpose was '
to deride Christians and even Christ him-
self.' These motives did not exist before Christianity,
so how does the anecdote of brutal and cruel mockery,
ending in murder, afford '
positive grounds ' for the
hypothesis that, ever since the exile, the Jews, in imita-
tion of the Sacsean proceedings in July or September,
^
yearly hanged a mock-king in March ?

VI. CONTRADICTORY CONJECTURE

Mr. Frazer is so far from holding by these arguments

for the practice of hanging a yearly victim at Pmim, as
to suggest a conjecture that the victim was not killed at
Purim at all, but a month later !
' If he thinks this

'
O. B. iii. 177 ; Ezekiel viii. 14.
^ O. B. iii. 173, 174. The source cited for the murder of 416 a.d. is Socrates,
Hist. Eccles. vii. 16, with Theophanes, Chrcmographia, ed. Classen, vol. i.

p. 129.
^ G.B. iii. 189.
156 MAGIC AND EELIGION

possible,what becomes of his positive grounds for hold- '

'

ing that Purim was the date of the hanging? I have

shown the value of the positive grounds for maintaining
a theory that the Jews, before our era, annually hanged
a mock-king as Haman at Purim. Mr. Frazer himself
is so far from being convinced that the Jews hanged a
man at Purim ^ as to suggest the supposition that they
did not do so.^ If they did not, it gets him out of the
difficulty caused by the unlucky circumstance that our
Lord was crucified, not at Purim, but a month after
Purim, as we read in the Gospels. But, alas ! if the Jews
did not (on this theory) hang a Haman at Pm-im, what
becomes of all Mr. Prazer's proofs that they did hang a
Haman at Purim In the
'? total absence of all evidence
to that effect, we may be sure that the Jews did not
borrow (unrebuked by prophets and legislators) a heathen
brutality in March from a heathen brutality occurring, if

at all, in July or September. And if they did not, Christ

was not the Haman of a year, which it is Mr. Frazer's
contention that he may have been.

VII. A NEW THEORY OF THE VICTIM

We have seen that Purim is either an old Jewish

Tammuz feast, existing before the exile, or a post-exilian
adaptation of a Persian which a condemned
rite, in
criminal died to save the king's life or both.' The ;

victim next 'personates not merely a king but a god,

whether that god was the Blamite Humman, the Baby-
*
lonian Marduk, or some other deity not yet identified.'
But ' the victim represented the king : no other god was
mentioned. Again Mr. Frazer says :
'
At the Sacaean
festival, if I am right, a man who personated a god or
'
a. B. iii. 172-174. ^ G. B. iii. 189. ' G. B. iii. 152, 177.
* G. B. iii. 159, 160. = G. B. iii. 152.
 ZAKMUK, SAO^A, AND PURIM 157

hero of the type of Tammuz or Adonis enjoyed the

favours of a woman, probably a sacred harlot, who repre-
sented the great Semitic goddess Ishtar or Astarte. . .
.'

But did the king a god or hero of the

also stand for '

type of Tammuz Did he associate with

or Adonis ' ?

sacred harlots? And did he, and the victim also

'personate a god, whether that god was the Blamite
Humman, the Babylonian Marduk, or some other deity
not yet identified ? Were the Elamite Humman and
'
^ '

the Babylonian Marduk (or Merodach) gods of vegeta-

'

tion? Marduk, or Merodach, to be sure, was the chief

god of Babylon, a solar deity, says Dr. Jastrow. But as
Mr. Frazer suggests that the supreme Aryan god, Zeus,
may have derived his name, 'the Bright or Shining One,'
from the oak tree (he being '
actually represented by an
oak,' and oakwood producing bright sparks when used in
fire-making),' why then another supreme god, Marduk,
may also be a god of vegetable life. But, like the horses
of Virbius, the Sacsean victim has been plausibly iden-
tified with Tammuz or Adonis.^ '
It seems worth suggest-
ing that the mock-king who was annually killed at the
Babylonian festival of the Sacsea on the sixteenth day of
the month Lous may have represented Tammuz himself.'
He also takes that role, with his sacred harlot, in iii. 178.
It is, therefore, a little bewildering to find him appearing
as Humman or Marduk, or some other god unknown,
in iii. 159, 160. How many single gods are rolled into
one, scourged, and hanged in this most unhappy con-
demned criminal?
We have been told that Marduk presided over a
Zakmuk, which is the Sacsea."'
council of the gods at the
But the hanged man ^ very probably personates Marduk.
' O. B. iii. 178. ^ G. B. iii. 160. "
G. B. iii. 456, 457.
* Q. B. ii. 253, 254. " G. B. iii. 152. ' G. B. iii. 159, 160.
 158 MAGIC AND EELIGION

Mr. Frazer may think that, when the supreme god is

presiding over the Olympian assemby in his Temple, it is

a natural and pious compliment to whip and hang him in
the person of his human representative. This, at least,

is the result of his theory in iii. 159, 160. I do not feel

sure that the supreme god, whether Marduk or

Humman, would have taken the same favourable view of
the tactless rite.

VIII. NEW GBEMAN THEOEY OF PURIM

have hitherto but incidentally mentioned Marduk
I
and Humman as competitors with Tammuz and the king
for the glory of receiving a vicarious whipping and
hanging. They are brought into this honourable position
by an new Teutonic theory of Purim not Mr.
entirely :

Frazer' s. It was lately an old Jewish Tammuz rite, or quite

a new adaptation of the Sacsea. But it is possible,' says '

Professor Noldeke, '

that we have here ' (in Purim) '
to

do with a feast whereby the Babylonians commemorated

a victory gained by their gods over the gods of their
neighbours, the Elamites, against whom they had so
often waged war. The Jewish feast of Purim is an
annual merrymaking of a wholly secular kind, and it is

known that there were similar feasts among the Baby-

lonians.' From the Babylonians, then, the Jews borrowed
Purim, a feast commemorative of a victory of the gods of

Babylon over the Elamites. But, if that feast was

religious, the Jews turned it into '
an annual merry-
making of a totally secular kind.'
^

Mr. Frazer, if I do not misunderstand him, does not

accept the hypothesis of Noldeke. He says, however,
'
We can hardly deny the plausibility of the theory that

'
G. B. iii. 159 ; Noldeke, s.v. ' Esther,' Encyclopedia Biblica.
 ZAKMUK, SAO^A, AND PUEIM 159

Hainan and Vashti on the one side, and Mordecai and

Esther on the other, represent the antagonism between
the gods of Elam and the gods of Babylon, and the final
victory of the Babylonian deities in the very capital of
their rivals.' But plausibility, we shall see, is remote
from proof. And how can Mr. Frazer think this theory
plausible if the Sacsea really is a King-Tammuz feast ?
But, if Purim is now to be a rejoicing over a victory
of the Babylonian gods (naturally endeared as these gods
were to the Jews), why was the fast held before Purim ?

It was held, according to '

Jensen's solution' (which is

'
the best'), '
for the supposed annual death of a hero of the
type of Tammuz or Adonis, whose resurrection on the
following day occasioned that outburst of joy and gladness
which is characteristic of Purim.' ^ But, if '
the outburst
of joy and gladness characteristic of Purim '
is a jubilation
over a victory of the Babylonian gods, on Noldeke's
theory, why is there a fast, '
the fast of Esther,' before
Purim, which is a feast of the Tammuz type ? To fast
for the death of Tammuz is a comely thing, but why
should Jews, of all people, fast before a feastcommemora-
tive of a victory of the Babylonian gods? And why
should the Jews, of all people, scourge and hang, at the
same time, the possible human representative of Marduk,
the chief of the gods whose victory they for some reason
are commemorating ?
^

IX. ANOTHEE NEW THEORY. HUMMAN AND THE VICTIM

To be sure we are given our choice : the victim may

represent Marduk, the chief of the victorious gods ; but
he may also represent Humman, one of the defeated
gods. In that case the vanquished hostile god's human
"
'
G. B. iii. 177. G. B. iii. 159, 160.
160 MA.GIC AND RELIGION
representative may well be whipped and hanged, in derision
of the defeated deity, Humman. But I do not observe
that Mr. Frazer offers this hypothesis, which seems rela-
tively plausible.
Indeed, I am fairly certain that Mr. Frazer does not
accept Noldeke's theory that Purim isa form of a Baby-
lonian rejoicing over a victory of their gods. It cannot
be both that and also a Tammuz feast,^ or a festival for
the saving of the king's life by the vicarious hanging of a
criminal.^
We are next to see how Haman, Mordecai, Vashti,
and Esther are mixed up with the Sacsea, Zakmuk,
Purim, Marduk, and Humman.
'
O. B. iii. 177. ^ G. B. iii. 152.
 161

VIII
MOBDECAI, ESTHEB, VASHTI, AND HAMAN
It may be asked, How did Humman or Marduk come to
appear as the god connected with the Sacsea, whereas
Tammuz had previously taken that part ? The answer is
that Humman and Marduk came in when we were ten-
tatively regarding Purim, not (1) as a Semitic Tammuz
feast, nor yet (2) as a Persian punishment of a condemned
criminal acting as king's proxy, but (3) as a festival for 'the
final victory of (Marduk and the
the Babylonian deities '

rest) in the very capital of their rivals

'
(Humman and '

his company).^ This was a theory suggested by Professor

Noldeke. It has etymological bases.
The name Mordecai resembles Marduk, Esther is like

Ishtar, Haman is like Humman, the Elamite god, and

there is a divine name in the inscriptions, read as re-
sembling '
Vashti,' and probably the name of an Elamite
goddess. Thus the human characters in Esther are in
peril of merging in Babylonian and Elamite gods. But,
lest that should occur, we ought also to remember that
Mordecai was the real name of a real historical Jew of the
Captivity, one of the companions of Nehemiah in the return
from exile to Jerusalem.^ Again, Esther appears to me to
be the crovm-name of the Jewish wife of Xerxes, in the
Book of Esther: 'Hadassah, that is Esther.'^ In the
Biblical story she conceals her Jewish descent. Hadassah,
says Noldeke, '
is no mere invention of the writer of

'
G. B. iii. 159. ^ Ezra ii. 2 ; Nehemiah vii. 7. ^ Esther ii. 7.

M
162 MAGIO AND RELIGION
'
Esther.' ' Hadassah is said to mean myrtle '
bough,' and
girls are still called Myrtle. Esther appears to have been
an assumed name, mixed marriage.
after a royal

Now if a real historical Jew might be named Mordecai,

which we know to be the case, a Jewess, whether in fact,
or in this Book of Esther, which, says Dr. Jastrow, '
has
of course some historical basis,' might be styled Esther.^
Dr. Jastrow supposes from the proper names '
that there
is a connection between Purim ' (the Jewish feast ac-

counted for in '

Esther ') and some Babylonian festival,
•
not that of Zagmuku,' or Zakmuk. Noldeke says that no
Babylonian feast coinciding with Purim in date has been
discovered.' Indeed this fact gives Mr. Frazer some
reason for various conjectures, as the date of Purim is not
that of Zakmuk. But, if Mordecai be, as it is, an his-

torical name Jew of the period, v/hile Esther

of a real
may be, and probably is, a name which a Jewess might
bear, it is not ascertained that Vashti really is the name
of an Elamite goddess. Yet Vashti is quite essential as a
goddess to Mr. Frazer's argument. '
The derivation,' he
says, '
of the names of Haman and Vashti is less certain,

but some high authorities are disposed to accept the view

of Jensen that Haman is identical with Humman or

Homman, the national god of the Elamites, and that

Vashti is in like manner an Elamite deity, probably a
goddess whose name appears in inscriptions.' * Now
suppose that we adopt Mr. Frazer's method about that
unruly month Lous. '
The identification of the months
of the Syro-Macedonian Calendar is a matter of some
uncertainty; as to the month Lous in particular the
evidence of ancient writers appears to be conflicting, and
until we have ascertained beyond the reach of doubt when
'
Encyclop. Bibl. s.v. '
Esther.' ^ Jastrow, p. G86, note 2.
"
^ Encyclop. Bibl. s.v. ' Esther.' G. S. iii. 158, 159.
 MORDECAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 163

Lous fell at Babylon in the time of Berosus, it would be

premature to allow much weight to the seeming dis-
crepancy in the dates of the two festivals.'

Following this method we might say '

the identifica-
cation of Haman and Vashti with a probable Elamite god
and goddess is a matter of some uncertainty ; as to Vashti
in particular the opinion of modern writers seems to
be conflicting, and until we have ascertained beyond the
reach of doubt that Vashti was an Elamite goddess,
and a goddess of what sort, it would be premature
to allow much weight to the conjecture '
—and then we
might go on to allow none at all. But this would be too
hard a method of dealing with Mr. Frazer's hypothesis.
"We should merely be getting rid of his theory in the same
way as his theory evades a definite historical obstacle.
It is clear, from the facts about the names Mordecai,
Esther, Haman, and Vashti, that to explain these as
necessarily connected with Purim, Zakmuk, and the
Sacsea, as a feast of rejoicing for a Babylonian divine
victory over Elamite gods, is a very perilous hypothesis,
among many others as hazardous, or even more insecure.
Mr. Frazer, however, is intent on connecting the characters
of ' Esther with Babylonian and Elamite gods. They are
'

essential to his theory that, at the Sacsea and Purim,

there were a pair of human representatives of gods :

Haman, with a probable sacred harlot, Vashti, doing duty

for the dying ; Mordecai with Esther, doing duty for the
re-arisen god of vegetation. To this point we return.
Now, as to this festival of a resurrection of such a god,
we have seen that, in vol. ii. 122, 253, 254, it occurred in
July, to Mr. Frazer's content. But, when it had to occur
in March in vol. iii., we were met by the difficulty of
two, or rather three, feasts of this kind in the year. Per-
haps we get rid of this obstacle in iii. 177-179. The
M 2
164 MAGIC AND EELIGION

resurrection is here that not of Tammuz, but of a hero of

the same type, is fixed by Jensen at Zakmuk, and there-

fore by Mr. Frazer, though not by Jensen, at the Sacaea

in spring.
Jensen's theory is that the death and resurrection
'
of a mythical being, who combined in himself the features
of a solar god and an ancient king of Erech, were celebrated
at the Babylonian Zakmuk or festival of the new year,
and that the transference of the drama from Erech, its

original seat, to Babylon, led naturally to the substitution

of Marduk, the great god of Babylon, for Gilgamesh or
Eabani in the part of the hero.' Jensen, fortunately for
his peace of mind, '
apparently does not identify the
2iakmuk with the Sacsea.' Jensen constructs his scheme
thus.
Gilgamesh was a hero of Erech, who repelled the amor-
ous advances of the goddess Ishtar. Gilgamesh became
extremely unwell. His friend Eabani also aroused the fury
of Ishtar, and died. Gilgamesh procured his return from
the world of the dead to the upper world. -^
The feast cele-

brating this resurrection was removed from Erech to Baby-

lon. Instead of a mortal hero, Gilgamesh or Eabani, a being
cold and chaste as Joseph Andrews, the Babylonians
now cast Marduk, their supreme god, for the part. The
feast was Zakmuk.^
Of course this is precisely as if we said that an old
feast of Adonis was turned into a new feast of Zeus,
whose coldness, as regards goddesses, was not proverbial,
like the frigidity of Adonis, Gilgamesh, Eabani, Mr.
Andrews, and other notable examples.
The theory seems to lack plausibility, but as Jensen
'
Jastrow does not indicate that, in the ancient poem on Eabani, he did
'
return to the upper world.' But see L. W. King, Bab. and Ass. Bel. and
Myth. p. 146.
' O. B. iii. 178.
 MOEDECAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 165

'
apparently does not identify Zakmuk with the Sacaea
he escapes the curious theory of supposing that
Marduk (late Gilgamesh, or Eabani) is whipped and
hanged in the person of his human representative— an
unheard-of way of honouring the personator of the
supreme being. However, if we accept Jensen's theory,
and also, like Mr. Frazer, identify Zakmuk with the
Sacsea, then, remembering that Eabani rose from the dead
(if he did), and that Marduk is now Eabani, and that the
Sacaean victim is or may be Marduk, and is also the
king, we get a reason for supposing that the victim, too,
was feigned to rise from the dead —in the person of
Mordecai (Marduk). But why was the representative of
Marduk, who in Jensen's theory represented Eabani,
whipped and hanged ? The victim, on this theory, if we
add it to Mr. Frazer's, seems to me to personate
/I. The King of Babylon,
2. Marduk,
3. Eabani,
v4. Or Gilgamesh,
and thus to combine a god or hero of vegetation (which
Eabani is bound to be) with a mortal king, and a supreme
god— and, oh, why is he whipped and hanged ? Taking
the theory of iii. 177-179 seems to run thus, in com-
it

bination with all that has gone before The king was :

burned alive annually. His royal substitute was next

burned alive annually. His criminal substitute was
burned alive annually, till this was commuted for

whipping and hanging, with or without burning. The

king (before the feast of Zakmuk was brought from
Erech to Babylon) had incarnated some god or other (I

presume of vegetation). After the Eabani feast at Erech

became the Marduk feast at Babylon, the king, I think,
but I may be wrong, represented Eabani plus Marduk. If
166 MAGIC AND RELIGION

he did, so, too, does the victim at the Sacsea. But Babani,
in a Babylonian poem, has a resurrection : though I cannot
find it in Jastrow's account of the poem. The victim then^
being a personation of Eabani, of Marduk, and of the king,
has a resurrection —after he has been hanged under the
name of Humman, a god of the Blamites. He owes that
name, Mr. Frazer thinks, to a popular misconception, for
he really is the king, phos Eabani, plus Marduk. Dying
as king, and as Marduk, under the alias of Humman
(Haman), he is feigned, according to the theory, to rise
under the name of Marduk (Mordecai). The Mordecai of

one year becomes the Haman of the next, is hanged, and

so on.
This is an hypothesis of some complexity. An effort is

needed to maintain the mental equilibrium as v?e

contemplate this hypothesis. Hovpever, by thus amal-
gamating the ideas of Jensen and of Mr. Frazer, one gets
in the mock royalty (from the king), the scourging and
hanging (from the mitigation of burning alive), the
divinity of vegetation (from Eabani, vrho lends that part
of his attributes to Marduk), and the resurrection from
Babani, vpho, in the Babylonian poem, rose again : though
I own that in Dr. Jastrow's account of the poem I am
unable to discover this incident. The spirit of Babani is

conjured up, indeed, in the poem, but '

there is a tone of
despair in the final speech of Babani.' ^ This is hardly a
resurrection. However, I am but poorly seen in Babylon
and its poetry, and no doubt Babani had his resurrection.
From that or a similar resurrection Mr. Frazer deduces
the probability that the Sacsean victim in his resurrection
was represented by Mordecai.^ He, like Haman, had a
In the Book of Esther, to be sure, she
sacred bride, Esther.

' Jastrow, p. 513. '^

G. B. iii. 179.
 MORDECAI, ESTHEE, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 167

is Mordecai's cousin and adopted daughter. Mr. Frazer

knows better.

I. ESTHER LOVED BY MORDECAI

'
A clear reminiscence '
of the time when Esther was
the goddess bride of Mordecai (her cousin) appears in
modem Jewish plays in which Mordecai is the lover (I

hope merely platonic) of Esther. ' And a very natural

modern touch it is. The pair were cousins, and Esther
was extremely pretty. In exactly the same way two
little girls of my acquaintance dramatised '
Bluebeard,'
and made the brother (who rescues Mrs. Bluebeard in the
tale) She had preferred to
the lover of Mrs. Bluebeard.
marry Bluebeard for his money, on which, in this most
immoral drama, Mrs. Bluebeard and her lover, her
husband's slayer, lived happily ever afterwards. This is

modern ! The original tale does not run thus.

Again, Mr. Frazer says that the Eabbis maintain that
Xerxes only wedded a shadow Esther, '
while the real
Esther sat on the lap of Mordecai.' A most natural shift
to save Esther's character in a case of mixed marriages.
So Stesichorus and Euripides, long before, gave a shadow
Helen into the arms of Paris. The real Helen, meanwhile,
saved her character by leading a life of remarkable purity
in Egypt. These late shifts and evasions have no real
bearing on the question of the original relations between
Esther and Mordecai.

II. THE PERSIAN BUFFOON

Mr. Frazer now harms his cause, perhaps, by proving
that just as, in Esther, Mordecai had a royal ride, so, in
Persia, a beardless, and if possible one-eyed buffoon rode

G. B. iii. 180.
168 MAGIC AND EELIGION

in mock royalty through the streets, collecting money or

goods, exactly like our Eobin Hood before and even after
the Scottish Reformation.^ It was une quite examples ;

are endless. After his second round he iled, for the people
might beat him if they caught him, obviously in revenge,
I think, for his robberies. But Mr. Frazer, as usual,
supposes the right to beat the buffoon to '
point plainly
enough to the harder fate '
of the sacrificed mock-king.
No date is given for this Persian custom, but, if it existed
when the Jews were in Persia, did it coexist with sacrifice
of a mock-king ? If not, if it was a substitute for that
obsolete cruelty, why
are the Jews supposed to have
borrowed the cruelty no longer practised ? This is a
question of dates, which may be implied, but are not
given, though I understand Mr. Frazer to mean that the
buffoon's ride is later than the origin of Purim.^
On the other hand, Lagarde, one of the most learned
of Orientalists, thinks that the ride of the beardless was
already customary at the timewhen the stories about
Esther and Purim were composed. The Persians, says
Lagarde, had the Feast of Farwardig^n, a feast of jollity,

the rich making presents to the poor, as at Purim. They

had also the Feast of the Massacre of the Magi
(Magophonia), and, thirdly, they had the popular diversion
of the Eide of the Beardless. Now the authors of the
Esther legend '
had these three colours on their palette,
and with these three painted, not a portrait of one feast,
^
but a kind of mixed caricature for the Jewish carnival.'
The Magophonia lent the colours of the massacre,

O. B. iii. 181-184. Laing's Knox, ii. 157-160.

'

Hyde, Hist. Bel. Pers. (1760), p. 250, says that some call this
^ ride an
innovation, but they are wrong, and the ride is very ancient, in his
opinion. G. B. iii. 183.
' Purim, Ein Beitrag zzir OeschichU der Religion, Von Paul de
p. 51.
Lagarde, Gottingen, 1887.
 MORDEOAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 169

Farwardtg§,n lent the jollity and the presents, the ride

of the beardless lent the procession of Mordecai.

In that case, and if Lagarde is right, the Jews found
at Babylon, not a slaying of a mock-king, but the ride of
the beardless. So they did not borrow the slaying of a
mock-king, but introduced into the Esther legend an
incident of a ride suggested by the ride of Mordecai,
which Mr. Frazer calls '
a degenerate copy of the original,'
namely the reign and death of the mock-king. "^

Whether Lagarde's view be correct or not, this part of

the evidence is far too sandy a foundation for a theory
about a matter of solemn importance. The Jews could
not borrow the hanging of a victim from the Sacsea, if in
their exile they only found the ride of the beardless one,
as in Lagarde's theory —not that he mentions the Sacsea.
Mr. Frazer, at all events, sees a connection between
Purim and the ride of the beardless. But the latter is

popular, not official, in spite of the fact that the king

takes most of the goods facetiously robbed. As popular,
the rideis more primitive, he thinks, and shows its
meaning better than the Sacaea does. So Mr. Frazer
says '
any truth in the connection thus traced
if there is

between Purim and the "Eide of the Beardless One,"

we are now in a position to finally unmask the leading
personages in the Book of Esther,' and show how Marduk
and Humman got into the plot.
Purim is not only the Sacsea, sacrifice and all, but is

also connected with the '

Eide of the Beardless One,' in
which there was no sacrifice. How this, if true, enables
us '
to finally unmask the '
characters in Esther, is not at
first very clear. Apparently the buffoonery of the
beardless one, who complained of the heat while the
populace snowballed him in March, was a magical
G. B. iii. 183.
170 MAGIC AND RELIGION

ceremony, to make hot weather by pretending that the

weather, in fact, was hot.' Therefore, the hypothetical
rites of

Haman]
Vashti J

Mordecai]
Esther j

represent, in the first pair, the decaying ; in the second

pair, the reviving, energies of vegetation, past and present.
One pair mates and the male, at least, is slain ; the other
pair mates and survives, to encourage vegetable life.

By the hypothesis the first pair (Haman and Vashti)

originally lived as man and wife for a whole year, '
on the
conclusion of which the male partner '
(Haman) '
was put
to death.' Of course, even if Haman was the mock-king
slain at the Sacaea (which we do not grant), his mock-
kingship was very brief. However, it lasted for a year,
'originally, we may conjecture.' The later fortunes of
Vashti are wrapped up in mystery. But I cannot refrain
from quoting one of my author's most eloquent passages
on this obscure subject. We do not hear that Vashti was
put to death, in fact we do not hear anything about her
at aU from our one authority ; but '
the nature of
maternity suggests an obvious reason for sparing her a
longer, till that mysterious law, which links together
little

woman's life with the changing aspects of the nightly sky,

had been fulfilled by the birth of an infant god, who
should in his turn, reared perhaps by her tender care,
grow up to live and die for the world.' ^
As Vashti, except for her profession, was not an
habitual criminal, let us hope that she was spared to look
after the baby. Her issue, if any, and if male, was
apparently an hereditary criminal, for otherwise he would
G. B. m. 184. 2 Q_ B. ii. 186.
 MOEDECAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 171

not be hanged : the victims were always condemned

criminals. The cruelty of thus deliberately breeding such
a criminal class, for the mere purpose of hanging them,
is shocking to the modem mind. We wish to know
whether the Jewish Hamans were also born and bred up
to the business. Mr. Frazer does not tell us that this
was the case, or what became of Vashti's female issue.
The ride of Mordecai in royal raiment is connected
with and explained (if I follow my author) by the ride of
the Persian beardless buffoon. To be sure the buffoon
rode naked on an ass ; Mordecai rode '
in royal apparel of
blue and white, with a crown of gold.' But the buffoon
is clearly later than the origin of Purim in Mr. Frazer's
opinion, though not in that of Lagarde. '
So long as the
temporary king was a real substitute for the reigning
monarch, and had to die sooner or later in his stead, it

was natural that he should be treated with a greater show

^
of deference . . .
.'

But Mordecai, who rode royally, was the man who

did not die : Haman died. Therefore Mr. Frazer has to
guess that the Mordecai of one year died as the Haman
of the next.

Ah me, there are so many guesses !

In any case, Mordecai is nothing but '

a slightly
altered form of Marduk or Merodach,' as is now '
generally
recognised by Biblical scholars.' Nevertheless, a real

Jew called Mordecai occurs, as we saw, in Ezra

historical
and Nehemiah so the name was a Jewish name, odd as it
:

appears.^ Now Mordecai, by the theory, has to be whipped

and hanged finally and that seems an odd compliment
;

to Merodach, or Marduk, who, as supreme Babylonian

god, is presiding over the gods, while his human substitute
is being slain infamously. But, remember, when whipped
>
O. B. iii. 183. ^ Nehemiah vii. 7; Ezra ii. 2.
172 MAGIC AND RELIGION

and hanged, the Mordecai of 1900, so to speak, has

become the Haman of 1901. And some high authorities
'

are disposed to accept the theory of Jensen that Haman

is identical with Humman or Homman, the national god
of the Elamites.'

III. A HELPFUL THEORY OF MY OWN

If these high authorities are right, I at last see my way

clear ! Haman, or the victim of the Saca3a, is now neither
the representative of the King of Babylon, nor of Tammuz,
nor of both at once, nor of Marduk, nor of Eabani,
nor of Gilgamesh. He is now (if Noldeke or Jensen is

right) the representative of a conquered and hostile god,

Humman of the Elamites. Tout va hien ! The human
representative of a hostile and defeated god may well
have been whipped and hanged in derision. I shall grant
that Humman was also the Elamite god of vegetation,
Tammuz or the like (what else could he be?), and so had
to fall as the leaves fall, and also had to spring up as the
flowers do ; and this both in June-July ^ and also in
March-April.^
If all this is the case, if the Sacsean victim is Haman,
and represents Humman, and if Humman is a defeated
Elamite god, and if Purim is adapted from a Babylonian
feast of rejoicing for '
victory gained by the Babylonian
gods over the gods of their neighbours the Elamites,' as
Noldeke thinks possible,* then all is comparatively plain

sailing. But this is only if we follow Jensen, which I do

not understand Mr. Frazer to do. Indeed, Jensen is only
responsible for identifying Haman with Humman.
Jensen does not identify him with the Sacsean victim.
It is Mr. Frazer who does that.

' Q. B. iii. 158, 159. " G. B. h. 123, 254. » G. B. iii. 152.

< G. B. iii. 159.
 MORDECAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 173

The theory, if Haman is Humman, and is also the

victim, has now put on an aspect which I can almost accept.

If Haman stands for Humman, and if Humman is a
vanquished god of the hostile Elamites, then we solve
that hard problem, namely why the human representative
of a king or friendly god was whipped and hanged, and
mocked at the Sacsea. The victim, I shall show, did
represent the rightful king, but also personated the
vanquished deity of a race long inimical but now subdued.
So his harsh treatment was, if vulgar, not unnatural.
But all this depends on following Jensen, which we are
not to do. Mr. Frazer seems to hold that though according
to '
the view of Jensen, which some high authorities are
disposed to accept, Haman is identical with Humman
or Homman, the national god of the Elamites,' ' yet
originally this was not really the case.
Let us suppose it to have been the case, and I can
suggest an excellent solution. Fatigued by the task of
producing sons who had to be sacrificed yearly as his sub-
stitutes, the king of early Babylon at one time annually
sacrificed as his proxy an Blamite captive, who, to deride
Elamite religion, was also the human representative of
the Elamite god, Humman, and therefore was called
Humman, or Haman. Just so the Aztecs sacrificed
captives as representatives of their own gods.^ But, as
relations between Elam and Babylon grew more peaceful,
Elamite captives were scarce. The king of Babylon then
substituted for an Elamite war-prisoner a condemned
criminal, who still represented the Blamite Humman, or
Haman, but also, as in the original hypothesis, represented
the king of Babylon. We must next conjecture that
Humman himself was a god of vegetation ; indeed, I can
hardly suppose that any god whatever did not represent
' G. B. iii. 159. ^ g_ b. iii. 134-137.
174 MAGIC AND RELIGION

the principle of vegetable life. So Humman must not

only die but have a resurrection, as vegetable gods often
do.

Now, thanks to my hypothesis, all is clear, and every

difficulty is removed. We once more see that the kings
of Babylon vpere sacrificed regularly every year. Let us
say that they were burned, as victims usually were.
Indeed, Movers thought that '
at the Sacaea also the man
who played the god for five days was originally burnt at
the end of them.' ' Mr. Frazer himself suggests that,

in the progress of philanthropy, the man who used to

be burned was merely scourged and hanged or crucified by
way of a later mitigation of his sufferings.' ^ Or perhaps he
'

was hanged first, and burned afterwards, as in our good old-

fashioned punishment for treason, whereby many Jesuits
were cut down alive, and many Jacobites, their bowels
being burned before their living eyes.' But to burn a man
only half hanged and still capable of feeling pain would
not mitigate his sufferings.
My own theory pleases me better. When tired of

being sacrificed yearly, the Babylonian king provided a

substitute in a son, or other member of the royal family,
with what sad and ruinous results to the dynasty I have
already shown. Let us suppose that the princely substi-
tutes were also really sacrificed by burning. But here the
merit of my theory comes in, and, I hope, shines forth.
Wearied of sacrificing princes of his house, the king
substitutes Elamite prisoners of war. There is no objec-

tion to whipping and hanging them, except the frivolous

objection that they at once cease to be sacrifices, and we

can overcome that difficulty by supposing that they were
hanged first, and burned afterwards, or '
wirryit at ane

'
G. B. iii. 171 ; Movers, Die PhoeniHer, i. 496.]
2 G. B. iii. 171. = G. B. iii. 171.
 MORDBCAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 175

stake' (like George Wishart in St. Andrews), and then

burned. This makes it needless to regard whipping and
hanging as a '
mitigation.'
The next step is, when Elamite wars cease, and Ela-
mite captives are not procurable, to substitute a condemned
criminal, who, he also, like the Elamite prisoners, is called
Humman, and represents both the king of Babylon, and
Humman, an Elamite god of vegetation, who, like
Tammuz, has his resurrection. We thus get
1. Babylonian king. Incarnates the god of vegetation.
Is therefore sacrificed annually to keep the god provided
with a succession of fresh and sturdy subjects to be incar-
nated in. . The king is burned.
2. His sons or nephews are treated in the same way,
for the same reasons, annually. The king escapes.
3. An Elamite war-prisoner becomes the king's sub-
stitute. He also represents the Elamite god of vegetation.
In mockery of the Elamites and their god he is scourged
and hanged. Observe the Aztec analogy, though to be
sure the Aztec captive, representing an Aztec god, is

merely sacrificed. But lie represents a friendly god.

4. The substitute is next a condemned criminal. He
also is whipped and hanged. Like the Elamite war-
captive he represents the king of Babylon, and dies for
him. He also dies as the Elamite god of vegetable life,

and, as such, has a resurrection, in the shape of Mordecai,

who represents the Babylonian supreme god, Marduk
(not Tammuz or another), and is not hanged till next year,
when he becomes Haman or Humman, represents the
king of Babylon, represents the Elamite god of vegetation,
and is whipped and hanged, after enjoying (as king) the
caresses of the royal harem, and as Humman the em-
braces of a sacred harlot, Vashti, who personates Ishtar.
After being hanged (and perhaps burned) he has a pseudo-
176 MAGIC AND EELIGION

resurrection in the Marduk of that year, the Humman of

the next. And so on, both at the Sacsea and at Purim.

This hypothesis appears to be in many ways an advance
on any one of Mr. Frazer's hypotheses. It allows us to keep
up the Jewish Haman as personating Humman which ;

seems necessary, for how otherwise is Haman to be

explained? We are, moreover, enabled to understand
how a victim who represented a vanquished Elamite god,
also, and at the same time, represented a victorious
Babylonian king. Humman being, by my hypothesis,
an Elamite kind Tammuz, all our anxieties about the
of

appearance of Marduk and Humman, where Tammuz

had previously done duty, disappear. Purim, which had
been a Tammuz feast (if we accept Jensen's solution)
and also a feast where a man died for the king, and then
a feast of triumph for the victory of the Babylonian gods,
and a wholly secular merrymaking,' though, if Purim is
'

a Jewish Tammuz feast, it had been, according to Bzekiel

(who perhaps knew best), a religious rite of a false
religion, now becomes all these things at once, though
some may doubt how Purim could be, simultaneously,
both religious and secular. But I would not abandon my
theory merely because it involves a contradiction in terms.
Add to all this that we can now have a Tammuz death
and resurrection in June-July, and another in March-
April, and all is translucent. At the summer festival we
burn a dummy ; ' at the vernal feast we hang a man.^
Admirably as my hypothesis colligates the facts, it is

not the hypothesis of Mr. Frazer. Though he thinks that

'
we can hardly deny the plausibility of ' Noldeke's theory
that the Sacsea is a triumph for the victory of the Baby-
lonian over the Elamite gods, and that Purim is an
adaptation of the Sacsea,^ Mr. Frazer does not accept
'
G. B. ii. 123, 124. ^ (?. B. iii. 152. » G. B. iii. 159.
 MORDECAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 177

that idea. Noldeke is plausible, but not sound ; and this

is ruinous to my hypothesis of the Blamite war-prisoner,

slain as Humman, merely in a stage of evolution between
the sacrificed prince and the hanged criminal. We
have seen how admirably my humble suggestion worked
out all round, but it must be abandoned if Noldeke is

wrong.
Mr. Frazer thinks that the Sacsea and Purim did not
(as in Noldeke's scheme) mean originally a triumph of
Babylonian over Blamite gods. No Elamite prisoner
was hanged (as I had sagely conjectured) at any stage of
the evolution of the Sacsea. What occurred was this
At the Sacaea there were originally two divine pairs, let
us say Vashti and Haman to represent the dying,
Esther and Mordecai to represent the renascent, forces of
vegetation. There was nothing Elamite in the business
originally. But '
it would be natural enough that in
time an unfavourable comparison should be dravsni between
the two pairs, and that people, forgetting their real mean-
ing and religious identity, should see in their apparent
opposition a victory of the gods of Babylon over the gods
of their eternal foes the Elamites. Hence, while the
happy pair retained their Babylonian names of Marduk
and Ishtar, the unhappy pair, who were originally nothing
butMarduk and Ishtar in a different aspect, were re-
named after the hated Elamite deities Humman and
1
Vashti.'
Thus the plausibility of Noldeke's theory, that Purim
was adapted from rejoicings for a victory of the Baby-
lonian gods over those of Elam,^ proves to be no more
than merely plausible. We are thus driven back to Jensen's
solution : that the fast and the rejoicings of Purim are a
festival of Tammuz, or of a god or hero of his type, and
'
G. B. iii. 180, 181. ^ G. B. iii. 159.

N
178 MAGIC AND EELIGION

they cannot, then, have been borrowed in Babylon, for

the Jews had the Tammuz ritual before the exile. And
yet ' Purim ivas probably borrowed at Babylon. It must,
apparently, be meant that only the hanging of a mock-
king was really borrowed. The victim may thus represent
both the king of Babylon and also the god of vegetation
whom we are to suppose to be incarnated in the king (?)
^

But why should the Jews borrow that, and why did the
prophets and legislators hold their peace, and how do we
know that the majesty of Babylon incarnated a god of
vegetation ?
As I sometimes understand Mr. Frazer's whole theory,
The victim of the Sacsea represents the king,
it is this.^

who represents Marduk, Humman, Tammuz, or some

other deity.He gets his royal robes from the king; his
whipping and hanging from the commuted burning alive
of the king ; his divinity from the king plus the god
his resurrection from the king plus Tammuz or Eabani,
granting that Eabani had a resurrection, which I cannot
find in Dr. Jastrow's account. But to do a resurrection
plausibly we need another man to take the part of the
re-arisen victim, king, and god. Now the victim for the
year is really, or is called, Marduk, in one shape; his

representative in the resurrection is Marduk in another

shape; each man being provided with a consort, repre-
senting Ishtar, though I have yet to learn that she was
the wife, or mistress, either of Marduk or Eabani. But
the populace, not understanding the two Marduks and
two Ishtars, preferred to call the Marduk who died

Humman, after an Elamite god, and his sacred lady of

pleasure Vashti, after a possible, but dubious, Elamite

'
O. B. iii. 155. ^ G. B. iii. 185.
' I assume that Jensen's theory of Zakmuk is accepted, for it gets in a
resurrection, through Eabani. This is essential, as we hear nothing else-

where of a Tammuz resurrection in March at Babylon.

 MOKDECAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HAMAN 179

goddess. The Marduk who did not die was still called
Marduk till next year, and his consort till next year was
called Ishtar.

All this occurred at the Sacsea, which are Zakmuk

(though Jensen does not appear to see Purim it), and at
(which Jastrow and Noldeke do not identify with Zakmuk),
and in March, not, as chronology has it, in July. By
pushing the proceedings forward only a month, from
Purim to Passover, we can connect them with the Cruci-
fixion, and account for '
the halo of divinity.' The theory
seems too ramified.
It may very naturally be thought that I am introduc-
ing these complexities and theseby dint of difiiculties

wilfully or unconsciously misrepresenting Mr. Frazer's

argument. But the argument, I sincerely think, is really a
very tangled one. It seems plain that originally the victim
was only conceived of by Mr. Frazer as dying to save the life
of the king, who otherwise would have been slain as a god,
on Mr. Frazer's hypothesis of religious regicide, as he could
not be trusted '
to remain in full bodily and mental vigour
for more than a year.' ' The king was '
slain in his cha-
racter as a god,' who could not be trusted for more than a
year. Nothing was said to indicate that the mock king incar-
nated any special known god ; say Tammuz. That con-
jecture appeared later,^ and the date of the sacrifice was
in June-July. Nothing was said, even now, about the
victim's sacred harlot. The victim was content with the
royal harem. As late as iii. 162 '
the central feature of
the Sacsea seems to have been the saving of the king's
life,' by the slaying of the victim, and, to that main end
of the rite, no sacred harlot was necessary. But the date
had now been moved from midsummer to early spring,
and into the neighbourhood of the feast of Purim. The
>
G. B. ii. 24, 26. ^ G. B. ii. 253-254.

N 2
180 MAGIC AND EELIGION

religious character of the Sacaea as a period of wailing

and rejoicing in sympathy with a god (Tammuz) now
seemed to be overlooked, for Mr. Frazer says that the
Sacaea 'was a wild Bacchanalian revel and that . .
.'

Purim was the same men and women disguising them-

:

selves, drinking, and behaving wantonly.^

But Purim was connected, through the Book of

Esther, with Haman, Mordecai, Vashti, and Esther and ;

now arose the idea of making Haman, the victim, have a

double who represented him in his resurrection. The
Elamite god Humman and the Babylonian god Mordecai
crept in through the Book of Esther, and through the
very perilous effort to identify the Sacsea with Zakmuk,
and both with Purim. The Book of Esther also intro-

duced two female characters, and parts had to be found

for them in the Sacaea, though our only authority men-
tions, in connection with the Sacasa, no female characters
whatever, except the ladies of the royal harem. By
analogy and conjecture, as to Semiramis and her lovers,

parts were next found for the female characters of the

Book of Esther as sacred harlots, representing the goddess of
love. The consequent amours are supposed to stimulate
the crops, and, in this part of the theory, the conjecture
that the victim really dies to save the life of the king does
appear to be rather dropped out of sight, though this idea

is the real starting-point of the whole speculation. There

is a come and go between the victim as king, with the
royal harem, and the victim as Tammuz, with the

sacred harlot. Conjectures about the victim as the

Elamite Humman, or as the Babylonian Marduk, or as
Marduk representing Eabani, or representing Gilgamesh,
flit like the weaver's shuttle through the strangely woven
warp and woof of the argument. Throughout we ask in

'
G. B. iii. 155, 156.
 MORDEOAI, ESTHER, VASHTI, AND HABIAN 181

vain for any proof tliat the King of Babylon was ever,

at any time, in any text, regarded or spoken of as an

incarnation of Tammuz, or of Marduk, or of Humman,
or of Gilgamesh, or of Eabani —which the speculation
requires.
Meanwhile the known, or at least the alleged, facts are
the mock royalty, whipping, and death of the man who
yearly lorded it as king for five days in the Persian palace,
at the Sacaea, a period of licence, when every house had
its slave-king. The extraordinary complexities in a
matter really very simple are caused by identifying the
Sacaea with Purim and Zakmuk, in the teeth of chro-
nology ; and by introducing into the Sacsea, without any
historical evidence, the characters of a Hebrew historical
romance about the origin of Purim. The tendency
also to find gods of vegetation everywhere adds its be-
wildering enchantment, till the spirit of system discovers
gods of vegetation in the criminals who, on very slender
evidence, are said to have been yearly whipped and hanged.
Nay, even the hypothetical male issue of the criminal, by
a hypothetical harlot, becomes a hypothetical 'infant god,'
is brought up as a criminal, and ends as a mock-king and
a divine victim.
Mr. Frazer's whole argument, of course, clashes with
the higher criticism of Wellhausen, who avers that the Jews
could keep no feasts in the exile, and there learned '
the
lesson of religious isolation.' On the other hand, the Jews,
by Mr. Frazer's theory, did keep a feast, and a very abomi-
nable feast, and, far from learning the lesson of religious
borrowed the most execrable heathen cruelties,
isolation,

accompanied by ritual debaucheries. So Wellhausen must

greatly err in his opinions, which are much revered by
the clergy of this island.
' Wellhausen, History of Israel, pp. 492-493.
 182 MAGIC AND RELIGION

IX
WHY WAS THE MOCK-KING OF THE SACMA
WHIPPED AND HANGED?
Thotjgh I have tried to argue against Mr. Frazer's theory
of the cause of the '
sacrifice ' of the mock Sacsean king,
I am not prepared to offer a dogmatic counter-theory.
The Sacffian case is unique, is isolated ; we are ac-
quainted with no other similar examples, and thus a rite

which has an isolated existence may have had a singular

cause. The cause may be hidden behind the scenes of
history. Though I have not a firm hypothesis as to that
cause, I shall end this chapter by throwing out a conjec-
ture, for what it may be worth.
Meanwhile it may be asked why I call the adventure
of the Sacaean mock-king isolated and unique.' Have
'

we not other examples of temporary kings, holding office

for three or four days, in a period of festivity and un-

reason ? Certainly we have such kings, but all of them
'scapewhipping and hanging. And none of them was a
slave or a criminal. These are not mere verbal, and
probably not mere accidental, variations from the solitary
Sacaean type. But we have the legend of St. Dasius?
Yes, but, accepting the truth of that legend, it rather adds
to than diminishes the difficulty of getting a clue to the
origin of the Sacaean mock-king and his doom. Let us
tabulate the facts :
 A THEOEY OF THE SAC^A 183

A. SACaiA B. SATDENALIA

1. A condemned criminal. 1. A freeman selected by lot.

2. King of a thirty days' revel. 2. King of a five days' revel.

3. Is stripped and scourged. 3. Is not stripped or scourged.
4. Is hanged. 4. Is sacrificed at the altar of
Saturn ; or sacrifices himself.
5. Is guessed to represent (a) a 5. Bepresents Saturn.
Tammuz god, or (6) the king
of Babylon or both.
;

6. Has a pseudo-resurrection. 6. Has no known pseudo-resur-

rection.
7. Lies with (a) the royal con- 7. Does not lie with royal con-
cubines, (6) with a sacred cubines or with a sacred
harlot. harlot.
8. In a period of topsy-turvy 8. In a period of topsy-turvy
Ueence to slaves and free. licence to slaves and free.
9. Which is supposed to com- 9. Which is supposed to com-
memorate a victory over the memorate the Golden Age of
Sacae. Saturn.

Under A, number 5 — the iteni that the Sacsean mock-

king represents the king of Babylon, or Tammuz, or both
—number 6, the mock-king's pseudo-resurrection, and
number 7 (6), amour with the sacred harlot, are all
his
conjectures of Mr. Frazer's. The real points of resem-
blance between the Sacsean and the Moesian victim are (1)

their mockery of royalty, (2) their death, occurring in very

different circumstances, (3) during a period of licence, in-
cludmg the pretence of lordship by slaves in each house-
hold at Babylon by free men at Eome.
;

The points of difference are numerous and essential,

and the dates and durations of the Babylonian and Roman

festivals varj'' widely.

Thus, I think, the Sacsean and Moesian cases do not

explain the meaning of what is a religious rite in Moesia :

a secular custom (as I believe) in Babylon. Again, the

differences make it hard to conjecture, with MM. Cumont
and Parmentier, that the Moesian rite was introduced by
Oriental soldiers of Eome, accustomed to the Babylonian
184 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Sacsea. But to suppose a native Eoman survival or recru-

descence is also difficult, because Greek and Eoman poets,

historians, antiquaries, and essayists, all writing on the

Saturnalia, knovsr of no such survival. Again, if originally

Italian mock-kings were sacrificed yearly in many places,

did they die as proxies for real local Italian kings, who
would otherwise have been sacrificed ? This, as we have
seen, is impossible men would never have accepted the
:

crown on such conditions. Or did they die, like the Mexican

man-gods slain for a real god Saturn ? But the
victims, as
Mexican victim was a captive free men would hardly
:

draw lots for death.

There is no trace inEoman folk-custom of any mock
slaying of the actual Eoman Saturnalian kings of the
brawls in each household. The Saturnalia were so remote
in Lucian's day from cruelty, that Dickens might have
written, as Christmas papers, Lucian's essays and letters

on the subject. Universal kindness —the Scrooges feast-

ing the Trotty Vecks of the period —universal giving of
presents, and family games of forfeits and of chance
(played for nuts) were the features of the Saturnalia.
Wine flowed like water ; but as to amorous licence at the

Saturnalia, we only hear the complaint of the rich that

the poor guests make too free with the ladies of the
house.
The connection of the Saturnalia with Saturn, recog-
nised by the Eomans as that old savage the Greek
' '

Cronos, may, or may not, have been original. The

Saturnalia were not '
saturnine.' Was the theory of a
golden age under Saturn not a reflection from the festive
period, 'the best day in the year,' says Catullus, which
had become associated with the name of Saturn ?
Our evidence for sacrifice or hanging of a mock-king
is so meagre and shadowy (in one case the dubious
 A THEORY OF THE SACJJA 185

Dasius legend; in the other what Athenseus cites from

Berosus, coupled with what Dio puts into the mouth of
Diogenes, and with what Strabo tells about the Sacsea)
that the ground will not bear the weight of Mr. Frazer's
high-piled, eighteen-storied castle of hypotheses. I do
not, even so, absolutely impugn the truth of the two tales

of the deaths of mock-kings ; the undesigned coincidence

of testimony I am willing to take for presumption of truth,
though of four ancient witnesses who speak of the Sacsea,
only one, Dio, alludes to the crowning, robing, stripping,
scourging, and hanging of the mock-king of the festival.^

I. PEEIODS OF LICENCE

How are we to explain the obscure facts ? Let us

begin with a feature common to the Mcesian event of
303 A.D. and to the Sacsea. Both occur in a period of
chartered licence, when slaves play the masters, and all is

topsy-turvy. Mr. Frazer has collected many examples

of festivals of licence, when laws lose their force.^ The
Eoman slaves at the Saturnalia were not even reproved
' for conduct which at any other season might have been
^
punished with stripes, imprisonment, or death.'
Now pass the conjecture that in just one known place,
Babylon, the stripes and death for the conduct usually
punished with these penalties were inflicted, after the
period of licence, on just one person, and you get Dio's
case of the mock-king of the Babylonian Sacasa.
Meanwhile observe that there was a Zoganes, or
slave-lord, ruling in every Babylonian household, includ-
ing that of the king. Each Zoganes was royally attired,
See Appendix B, 'Martyrdom of Dasius.'
^ O. B. iii. 76, 78, 84, 85, 86, 138, 119, note 1 ; ii. 326 ; iii. 139 ; iii. 141,
143 ; iii. 145 ;iii. 147.

G. B. iii. ] 39 ; Horace, Sat. ii. 7, 4 ; M crobius, i. 7, 26 ; Justin, xliii.

i. 4 ; Plutarch, Sulla, 18 ; Lucian, Sat. 5, 7.
186 MAGIC AND KELIGION

and bore sway in the dwelling where, except in the five

days of licence, he served. But for all that was done in
these five days only one man was punished, and he was
the king's Zoganes. Athenseus does not mention this
Hesychius is silent ; Strabo does not even speak of the
lordship of slaves. Our only evidence for the slaying of
the king's Zoganes is Dio Chrysostom, putting the
anecdote into a feigned discourse of Diogenes. The
slaying occurs only in one place, as the Persians had only
one king.
Meanwhile let us study in various regions the periods
of licence. It seems as if human nature needed an
annual '
burst.' Mr. Frazer suggests, as a magical
motive, that the farmers thought by swilling and guzzling
just before they proceeded to sow the fields that they
thereby imparted additional vigour to the seed.' In fact,

whether men fasted or feasted, were chaste or amorous,

in all cases they acted for the benefit of the crops. Be it

so, but why should non-agricultural savages have periods

of hcence? I venture to suggest that the agricultural
motive in religion and ritual is at present rather over-
v/orked. It is becoming as common an explanation of
custom and belief as the recognition of the sun and the
dawn everywhere used to be in mythology. To show
that a period of licence with express and purposeful
breach of the most sacred laws may exist without an
agricultural motive, I shall prove later that it occurs
among a non-agricultural set of savages, and, conse-
quently, when found among agricultural peoples, may
descend from some non-agricultural motive. Mr. Frazer
himself elsewhere assigns a motive, not necessarily agri-
cultural, for these chartered explosions of unlaw.
1. On the Gold Coast the period of licence precedes

'
G. B. iii. 145.
 A THEOKY OF THE SAC^A 187

the annual ceremony of 'banishing the devil.' The

season of the year is not given.
2. The feast of licence of the Hos of North-Bast
India is called by Dalton '
a saturnale.' It is held in
January, '
when the granaries are full of grain, and the
people, to use their own expression, are full of devilry.'
With prayers for a good new year the devil is beaten out
of the bounds.
3. At the similar Mundari festival 'the servants are

feasted by their masters.' So far nothing is noted about

swilling for the good of the crops ; that is not '
an excuse
for the glass.'

4. In the Hindoo Koosh a little licence exists at the

end of harvest : devils are driven out, and then seed is

sown.
5. In Tonquin from January 25 to February 25 was a
season of dormant law :
'
only treason and murder were
taken account of, and the malefactors detained till the
great seal should come into operation again.' Then
offerings were made to evil spirits, for 'it is usual and
customary among them to feast the condemned before
their execution.' The devils were then expelled.^
6. In Cambodia, after the expulsion of devils {diabolo-
fugium), gambling is universal.
7. In Nepaul, in October, feasting and drinking occur,
and presents are made by masters to slaves. There may
be, perhaps, expulsion of devils; for the army fire

salutes.^

In these cases of licence Mr. Frazer thinks that men

rejoice either before the expulsion of devils, because that
ceremony will carry off their sins, or after the expulsion,
when their minds are at ease.^ Thus men enjoy these
bursts either, by the first hypothesis, to improve the
'
G. B. iii. 84. ^ G. B. iii. 119, note 1. ^ G. B. iii. 119.
188 MAGIO AND EELIGION

prospects of agriculture ; or, on the second theory, because

;
a ceremony will cleanse the sins of the '
burst ' or
because a ceremony has freed their minds from fear of

devils. When the harvest is just in, then, in fact, men

have plenty of food, and, as we saw, are '
full of devilry.'

So they play it off. In at least four out of our seven

cases fulness of bread and drink appears to me to account
for the '
burst.'
This also explains (8) the Zulu licence at the rejoicing
for the first fruits, '
a saturnalia, people are not supposed
to be responsible for what they say or do.'
^

9. The same facts mark the Pondo feast of first fruits.^

10. In Ashanti the harvest feast is in September.
'
During its continuance the grossest licence prevails
theft, intrigue, and assault go unpunished, and both
sexes abandon themselves to their passions.' ^ By an extra-
ordinary coincidence, which Mr. Frazer does not quote,
'
on the fifth day ' of the Ashanti harvest festival '
a
criminal is sacrificed,' says Sir A. B. Ellis, '
sent as a
messenger to the deceased kings.' Is the criminal attired
as a mock-king ?

I would venture to suggest, as a conclusion, that

people indulge in these lawless excesses not so much to

improve the prospects of farming as because they are

and that often they are full of devilry
'full of devilry,'

because they have ended their labours and are full of

meat and drink. Sine Bacche et Cerere friget Venus.
They therefore permit themselves a regular debauch
ranks are reversed, slaves lord it over their masters, laws
are in abeyance ; in Tonquin reviving law only takes
notice of treason and murder. In Bome, at the Saturnalia,
and at Purim among the Jews, however, a kind of

'
G. B. ii. 326. ^ G. B. ii. 327.
'"
G. B. ii. 460 ; Ellis, Tshi-speaking Peoples, p. 229.
 A THEORY OF THE SAC^A 189

Dickensite Christianicy prevailed at the period of licence

also in Persia, at the period called Purdagheln, which
Hyde compares to the Sacsea and Purim : as does Lagarde,

in writing on Purim.^
The reader will have observed that at not one of
these many periods of licence, in widely severed regions
and grades of civilisation, is a mock-king put to death.
Indeed, nobody is put to death, except in Ashanti, and
nobody is scourged. Thus, as I remarked before, the case
of the mock-king at the Babylonian Sacsea is isolated, as

far as our knowledge goes.

II. THE DIVINE SCAPEGOAT

In many cases, however, at expulsion of the devils, the

part of devil is played by a man who is driven away, often
he is beaten away. Now I have already said that, by
Mr. Prazer's theory (as I understand it), the mock-king
at the Sacsea was '
sacrificed ' in a double role ; namely both
as the king's proxy (the king being a god) and also as
Tammuz, not to speak of Marduk and Humman. To
this, of course, I replied (1) that no case seemed to be given
of killing a king yearly to benefit a god ; (2) that I could
find no case of a king being killed by proxy ; (3) that when
kings really were killed, it was not annually nor by the
infamous death of a malefactor (hanging) ; (4) that there
was no proof of a man being killed as Tammuz ; (5) that
Tammuz is nowhere said to have been hanged, or crucified,

or scourged ; (6) that in no case known to me is sacrifice

performed by hanging, still less (if possible) by hanging

after a whipping. These arguments convince me that
Mr. Frazer's theory (if it is his theory) is unconvincing.
But I am not quite sure that Mr. Frazer really holds
his Sacsean victim to have played two parts, at two
Hyde, Hist. Bel. Pers. pp. 260-267.
190 MAGIC AND RELIGION

distinct times of year. Now, however, in connection

with human scapegoats, our author does certainly make
a victim '
double a part.' First, it was usual to kill a
beast-god or man-god '
to save his divine life from being
weakened by the inroads of age.' Next, there were
human scapegoats, driven away with all evil on their

heads. But, suggests Mr. Frazer, ' if it occurred to people

tocombine these two customs, the result would be the
employment of the dying god' (god-man, king, or his
proxy) '
as a scapegoat. He was killed, not originally to
take away sin, but to save the divine life from the degene-
racy of old age ; but, since he had to be killed at any rate,
people may have thought that they might as well seize

the opportunity to lay upon him the burden of their

sufferings and sin in order that he might bear.it away
with him to the unknown world beyond the grave.' ^

Even so, when a Dublin mob was about to throw a

man over from the gallery of the theatre, some economist
cried, '
Don't waste him : kill a fiddler with him '

As proof that people might reason in this thrifty way

we learn that, on March 15, a scapegoat man, called '
Old
Mars,' was beaten at Eome and expelled. Mars, of
course, was a god of vegetation, and here the man-god,
'
Old Mars,' is both god and scapegoat. But he is not
sacrificed, nor even hanged.^
In Athens during plague, drought, or famine two
human scapegoats were done to death, and Mr. Frazer
infers, but doubtfully, were stoned to death. This
also occurred yearly at the Thargelia ; the stoning is a

conjecture. In Greek cities of Asia Minor, in times of

calamity, an ugly or deformed man was made to eat
dried figs, a barley loaf, and cheese. Then he was beaten
seven times in a special manner, with squills and myrtle
'
G. B. iii. 120, 121. ^ Q .B. iii. 122, 123.
 A THEORY OF THE SAC^A 191

boughs, was burned, and the ashes were thrown into the
sea. The beating at once expelled evil influences and
was good for the crops. So in this ugly poor devil '
we
must recognise a representative of the creating and
fertilisinggod of vegetation.' I really must try to save
him from this general doom These stupid cruelties, if !

they had the usual agricaltural motive, wovked magically,

not religiously, worked by sympathetic magic, not by
divine interference. This creature, though supposed to
be a god of vegetation, was confessedly in appearance no
^
Adonis !

In rejecting the idea that this hideous wretch did duty

as a god, Adonis, so fair that he won and so cold that he
rejected the love of the golden Aphrodite, I may justify

myself by Mr. Prazer's example. I argue that the

deformed victim was, if anything, used in magic, not in
religion —not as embodying a god. In the same way
Mr. Frazer himself says of the rites of the dying god of
vegetation, all over Western Asia, that the ritual was
^
'
fundamentally a religious, or rather a magical, ceremony.'
So was the beating and death of the ugly deformed man
(as to whom no evidence hints that he did duty for a god)
a merely magical ceremony.
Now let us see where we are. Mr. Frazer's point was
to prove that a man, whom he regarded as a proxy of a
god-king, was put to death, at a period of chartered
licence, to save the divine life. But people also had
human scapegoats. So they perhaps argued (this is my
own suggestion) As the proxy of the man-god (himself
:
'

ex officio a man-god) has to be killed at any rate, and as a

scapegoat has to be thumped, why not thump the man-
god who has to die at any rate ? Let him double the part,
nay, as we are economising, let him treble the part, let
'
G. B. iii. 125-128. "
G. B. iii. p. 179
 192 MAGIC AND EELIGION

him be beaten as a scapegoat, be hanged as a proxy for

the divine Hfe of the king, and also be hanged as
Tammuz.'
But to prove that all this v?as deliberately thought
out, where have we a case of a scapegoat god-man who
is put to death ? We have none, unless we let Mr. Frazer
persuade us that his ugly deformed person, '
a degraded
and useless must be recognised as a representative
being,' '

of the creative and

fertilising god of vegetation, whose

reproductive powers are stimulated that these might be

transmitted in full activity to his successor, the new god
or new embodiment of the old god, who was doubtless
supposed immediately to take the place of the one slain.' ^
I

must decline to obey Mr. Frazer's '

must,' and to recognise
an Adonis in the ugly deformed person. Next, I demur
to the idea that ' doubtless ' the dying deformed one
handed over his powers to a new god. Thirdly, if all this
is meant to show that the Sacaean criminal was not only

(1) a proxy, saving the royal divine life, and enjoying the

royal harem and (2) was a representative of Tammuz,

;

enjoying a sacred harlot ; but (3) was, moreover, a human

scapegoat, scourged as such, and to stimulate his repro-
ductive powers, and to expel evil influences, then I really
cannot accept the portentous hypothesis. No attested

examples of human scapegoats at Babylon are offered,

but that is a trifle.

If Mr. Frazer really means to add the duties of a

scapegoat, and the consequent beating,^ to the duties of

proxy king and Tammuz man in his chapter on the
Saturnalia, he does not say so. It does not appear, then,
that he wishes to explain the scourging of the mock-king
'
The mine.
italics are
^ When
explaining the flogging of the Sacsean victim, Mr. Frazer does
not say that the purpose was to stimulate his reproductive powers.' He
'

speaks of a mitigation of burning.

' '
 A THEOEY OP THE SAO^A 193

at the Sacsea by his theory of a human scapegoat, and

it does not appear that he ever explains the stripping of
the royal robes from the unlucky man. Yet if the man
really died as a mock-king, there must have been some
reason for stripping him of his royal raiment. We never
hear that the representative of King Saturnus was either
stripped or whipped before being sacrificed. Nor do I re-
mark that, in Anahuac, the human victim who personated
a god was stripped of the god's robes and ornaments.
Why then was the Sacsean victim, and he alone (as far
as we know), reduced from his royalty by being stripped
before execution, and also brought down to the estate of
a slave by being scourged ?

III. MGEE PERIODS OP LICENCE

I am going with more than diffidence to offer a guess
at the reasons, asking it to be remembered that I do so
merely because the case is isolated, and cannot at present
be illustrated by parallel ceremonies. But first, returning
to the periods of licence, I must show that they are not
peculiar to agricultural races, nor, therefore, necessarily
instituted to aid the farmer. This in itself is a great
comfort, for one wearies of being told that the crops are
so eternally the cause of custom and rite. Among the
Arunta of Central Australia, in many ways a backward
race and not agricultural, '
considerable licence is allowed
on certain occasions, when a large number of men and
women are gathered together to perform certain corro-
borees' (or sacred dances). So say Messrs. Spencer and
Gillen.

The laws of marriage are then turned upside down.

A man is ordered to have relations with the woman who
is his '
Mura —that is, one to whom he may not, under
194 MAGIC AND RELIGION

ordinary circumstances, even speak, or go near, much less

have anything like marital relations with.' Every man

is expected to send his wife to these dances, for the
express purpose of violating, in this period of licence, the
most sacred laws of the tribe. ^ These backward persons,
the Arunta, have no native strong drink, and cannot get
intoxicated, but what they can they do in the way of
licence, like more civilised races, and necessarily not for
agricultural reasons, as they have no agriculture. They
break their most sacred law, just as the Jews, at Purim,
deliberately broke the law of Moses.^ Conceivably, then,
even stripping, scourging, and hanging a mock-king at

the Saseca may also have been done for some reason not
agricultural.
What view did the Persians themselves take of their
festival ? I do not think that Mr. Frazer insists enough
on this point. The Persians regard the Sacsea as com-
memorative of a great massacre of the Sacse near the
Euxine. In both forms of the Persian legend, in Strabo,
their ancestors fell on the Sacse when that tribe was hope-
lessly intoxicated :
'
drunk and frantic, drowsy and
asleep, or dancing and maddened with wine.' The Sacae
were massacred, and the Sacaea, a feast of licence, was
dedicated to the Persian goddess Anaitis ; obviously in
memory of the intoxicated revels of the Sacse,' or so
tradition averred.
The Persians thus, by dint of a popular etymology

(Sacaea from Sacae), accounted to themselves for the origin

' Spencer and Gillen regard these authorised and enforced breaches of

sacred laws as testifying to the existence in the past of a time when no such
laws existed, when promiscuity was universal, or at least as pointing in
the direction of wider marital relations than exist at present {op. cit.
'
'

in). In the same way the Komans thought that the Saturnalia pointed
back to a golden age when there was no law.
2 G. B. iii. 156, » Strabo, 511.
 A THEORY OF THE SAC^A 195

of a period of chartered licence, in which, says Strabo,

'both men and women, dressed in the Scythian habit,
drink and sport wantonly by night and day.' As in many
other cases, collected by Athenseus, the lawless revel had
its kings of unreason : slaves acting as masters and kings.
Just one of these kings, the Zoganes in the royal house-
hold, was afterwards stripped, scourged, and hanged.
What could the reason be? We have seen that in
Tonquin all crimes committed in the period of licence
are overlooked, except treason and murder.^ We have
been told that in the Eoman Saturnalia a slave might do,
unreproved, what at any other time would be punished
'
with stripes, imprisonment, or death.' ^ We have read
that, at the Pondo period of licence, nobody was later
made responsible for his actions, though at Tonquin
murder and treason were excepted.' The same irrespon-
sibility pervades the Zulu period of licence.''

To reinforce this fact, that the most sacred laws are

purposefully broken at some periods of licence, I cite the
Nanga orgies in old Fiji. '
The Nanga is frequently
;
spoken of as the Mbaki, or harvest ' people being '
full of

devilry and food '

at harvest, which, perhaps, they need
not be iu March-April. All distinctions of property were
suspended at the Nanga. Men and women, in fantastic
dresses, pubHcly '
practised unmentionable abominations.'
Even the relationship of brother and sister '
seemed to be
no bar to the general licence.' But after the Nanga, as
before the Nanga, brothers and sisters might not even speak
to each other. This precisely answers to the Australian
incest with the Mura. Brothers and sisters at the Nanga
were '
intentionally coupled.' The ceremonies included
initiatory mysteries, like the Bora of the Australian blacks.

'
G. B. iii. 84. 2 G. B. iii. 139.
" Q. B. ii. p. 327. * G. B. ii. p. 326.

o 2
196 MAGIC AND RELIGION

As at the Arunta corroborees, the great point was to break

the most sacred laws those of incest.'
: This pecuHar
'
burst ' then is in Austraha pre-agricultural, though, as in
Fiji, it survives among an agricultural people.

IV. THE SACiBA AS A PERIOD OF LICENCE

Well, the Sacsea was such a period of licence. Each

household was then ruled by a slave, the Zoganes, as
Athenseus quotes Berosus. The royal household was not
an exception. Now to rule the royal household, in the
royal robes, and above all to take liberties with the royal
harem (compare Fijian and Australian licence), is treason;
one of the two crimes excepted from the Satumalian
amnesty in Tonquin. To overlook treason would be, for
a Persian monarch, to set a dangerous precedent. There-
fore the royal Zoganes, or slave-king of the five days'

revel, unlike the Zoganes of private houses, would deserve

death, technically speaking. At this point let me adopt
Mr. Frazer's theory of a substitute. A criminal already
condemned to death is employed instead of a harmless
slave, as Zoganes of the royal household, and is then

hanged.
In dozens of cases of summer gambols, in European
folklore, ' the Whitsuntide representatives of the tree spirit
are put to a mock death. ^ These are in one or two instances
called '
kings.' The regular May Kings and May Queens
seem to escape : the Grass King merely ' hands his crown
to the mayor.' ' These mock slayings of folklore actors

may (I think), like handing the crown to the mayor,

merely mean that the actor's reign is over. This is not

Mr. Frazer's opinion : the summer monarchs when killed

'
Fison, J. A. I. xiv. p. 28. ^ G. B. ii. 60-66.
» G. B. i. 218.
 A THEORY OF THE SAC^A 197

in sport are killed, he thinks, as their precursors were

really slain, for the god of vegetation. vegetation,
what crimes are wrought in thy name !

In any case the royal Zoganes, or criminal substitute

for the slave-king of the royal household in Babylon,
deserved a hanging, to discourage the precedent of treason
set by him in the period of licence. Only in the king's
house was the reign of the Zoganes high treason.
Now, before hanging him, it was actually necessary to
demonstrate by symbolic action that he was no real king,
but a common slave or criminal. He was reduced to his
true level by being stripped of his royal robes, and by
being whipped, a specially servile punishment. He was
then hanged.
But to treat a real slave thus merely because, as in
every other household, he played the Zoganes or slave as
master, would be a shame. The man's only fault was the
accident, thrust on him by custom, of playing lord in the
royal household of a jealous monarch. So a criminal
already condemned took the part, and, as the slave would
have been, he was finally reduced to his level by being
stripped of his royal robes and scourged, before suffering
death ; technically for treason, really for the crime on
which he was originally condemned.
This mere guess at the origin of a unique custom has
certain advantages. It explains (and I fail to see that
Mr. Frazer explains) why the Sacsean mock-king (unlike
the Saturn victim) was stripped of his royal robes
and whipped. These sufferings proclaimed the man no
king, but a slave. Again, his hanging was just what, as
condemned on a capital charge, a low-bom malefactor
might expect. With the best will in the world, no
Babylonian could follow Mr. Frazer and take a hanged
felon for a god or a divine sacrifice. Why only one man
»o3
198 MAGIC AND RELIGION

was thus treated, though there was a Zoganes or slave-

lord in every house, is explained by the fact that there

was only one royal house, only one household in which
the slave-lord's conduct was treason.
With paternal fondness I contemplate my own little

guess. But, alas ! we are not told that the other slave-
lords at the Sacsea actually invaded the ladies of the house.
So why should the slave-lord of the royal household be
allowed to do so ? How is my conjecture to weather this
point of danger ? Well, we are never told (as far as I am
aware) that a subject in the East enfeoffed himself of
private demesne by invading the harem of the man to
whose estate he was a pretender. But in the case of
royal demesne to invade the harem was the first step
of a young pretender, like Absalom, for the purpose '

of making known and strengthening his claim to the

throne,' says Movers.'

Eemembering the tenacity of traditional usage,
sanctioning deadly sexual crimes in some periods of licence,
remembering that, in them, the '
primitive '
Arunta delibe-

rately break, as did the Jews at Purim, and the Fijians,

the most sacred and stringent of their taboos, shall we

not allow Sacsean custom to encroach, for the purpose of
making the royalty of the king's Zoganes indisputable, on
the king'sharem ? For in that way was Oriental royalty
proclaimed and asserted. Sir Alfred Lyall says :
'
We
believe that a few unfortunate concubines would have
been no account at all for the due performance of a
of

popular Babylonian masquerade, which might just as well

mimic earthly kingship as symbolise divine mysteries.'
And now we see a simple and conceivable reason why

'
G. B. iii. 160, note 1, citing Movers, Die Phcenizier, i. 490, seq.;
2 Samuel xvi. 21 ; cf. xii. 8 ; Herodotus, iii. 68 Josephus, Contra ApUm.
;

i. 15.
 A THEORY OF THE SAC^A 199

the mock-king of the Sacsea invaded the king's harem,

ruled all royally, was crowned, robed in the king's robes,
and then, to restore his servile status and wipe away his
was stripped of
royalty, the royal robes, whipped as a slave
was whipped, and hanged as a condemned criminal deserved
to be.
My guess, unlike Mr. Frazer's hypothesis, colligates

all the facts. It explains the stripping, which Mr. Frazer

does not, I think, explain. It explains the scourging and
hanging, which Mr. Frazer is obliged to account for as a
mitigation of burning. It does not require us to believe
(what is incredible) that of old the Persian kings were
sacrificed annually. It accounts for the occurrence of
the execution at a season of secular licence just as in
Ashanti. It involves us in no double, and, to my think-
ing, contradictory theory, that the sufferer is both king's
proxy and also a representative of Tammuz, or Marduk, or
Humman, or Gilgamesh, or Eabani.
But my guess is only a guess, and is offered chiefly to
prove that guessing is easy. We cannot be certain about
any explanation of a custom so remote, so unparalleled,
and reported on evidence so late and so dubious as that of
Dio Chrysostom.
Some student may point out that, though I boast of
my theory as colligating all the facts, I have left out the
sacred harlot. But she was only the child of an hypothesis
of Mr. Frazer's. A scientific hypothesis is not required to
more than the known facts in each case. And I
colligate

am by no means certain that the facts given by our only

authority, Dio, were facts of history.
200 MAGIC AND EELIGION

X
CALVABY

It is, fortunately, not needful to dwell long on the dis-

proval of Mr. Frazer's theory that his facts seem to shed
'

fresh light on some of the causes which contributed to the

remarkably rapid diffusion of Christianity in Asia Minor.

. . . The new faith had elements in it which appealed

powerfully to the Asiatic mind. . . . We have seen that
the conception of the dying and risen god was no new one
in these regions. . . A man whom the fond imagination
of his worshippers invested with the attributes of a god
gave his life for the life of the world. . A chain of
causes which, because we cannot follow them, might in
the loose language of daily life be called an accident,
determined that the part of the dying god in this annual
play should be thrust on Jesus of Nazareth. .
'
His
death as the Haman of the annual mystery play of the

dying god '

impressed upon what had been hitherto mainly
an ethical mission the character of a divine revelation
culminating in the passion and death of the incarnate Son
of a heavenly Father. In this form the story of the life

and death of Jesus exerted an influence which it could

never have had if the great teacher had died the death
of a vulgar malefactor. It shed round the Cross on
Calvary a halo of divinity,' &c.*
But all this halo could only be shed if the victim was

>
G. B. iii. 195-197.
 CALVARY 201

recognised by the world as dying in the character of a

god, and as rising again in the person of Barabbas, the
Mordecai of the year. We know on the best historical
evidence that there was no such recognition. To the '

Greeks foolishness, and to the Jews a stumbling block,'

was the Cross, as St. Paul assures us. Moreover, we
know that ribaldry, not reverence, marked the multitude
at the Crucifixion. By Mr. Frazer's theory Barabbas
represented the re-arisen god, '
The Son of the Father.'
"Was Barabbas revered ? No ;
'
some pretended to salute
his mock majesty, and others belaboured the donkey on
which he rode.' ^ Therefore, by Mr. Frazer's own explicit
statement, the divine facts about Barabbas were not
recognised. Yet he was the counterpart of the sacred
Victim.
Mr. Frazer's theory demands, I think, the general
recognition of the godhead of the yearly victim, who gave
Christ's mission 'the influence which it could never have
had if the great teacher had died the death of a vulgar
^
malefactor.'
Yet Mr. Frazer himself assures us that the idea of the
divinity of the victim may have been forgotten ; that his
'sacrifice' might seem '
the execution of a criminal.' I
cite the passage :
'
The divine character of the animal or
man is forgotten, and he comes to be regarded merely as
an ordinary victim. This is especially the case when it is

a divine man who is killed. For when a nation becomes

civilised, if it does not drop human sacrifices altogether, it
at least selects as victims only such wretches as would be
put to death at any rate. Thus, as in the Sacsean
festival at Babylon, the killing of a god may come to be
confounded with the execution of a criminal. '
^ Yet
within eighty pages Mr. Frazer attributes the 'halo of
'
O. B. ii . 192. 2 (J. _B. iii. 197. 3
g. _B. ;;;. 120.
202 MAGIC AND RELIGION

divinity '
to the happy accident which enabled the victim
to die as a recognised representative of a dying god.'^
Mr. Frazer puts forth his hypothesis '
with great diffi-

dence.' ^ He thinks that he may have '

perhaps been led
by the interest and importance of the subject somewhat
deeper than the evidence warrants.'
That is certain. We have shown that the evidence,
in cm: opinion, warrants none of the hypotheses ; no,
not one.
It is not proved that magic is older than religion.
It is disproved that general belief (as distinguished
from local legend) in any age regards gods as mortal.
There is no evidence, or none is given, to show that a
man has ever been sacrificed for the benefit of a god whom
he incarnates.
There is no evidence that a real king was ever yearly
sacrificed to benefit a god at Babylon, or in every city-

state of early Italy, or anywhere. The idea is incredible.

The evidence for any sacrifice of mock-kings is, his-

torically, of the weakest conceivable kind.

The deaths of the Sacsean mock-kings were infamous
executions of criminals ; they were not sacrifices, if they
ever occurred at all.

The date of the festival at which, if at all, they

perished cannot be made to fit in with Purim or Easter.
There is no evidence that the Jews borrowed the
custom of killing a yearly human victim, or practised the
habit.
If they did, it was a month after Purim."

If they did, by Mr. Frazer's own statement the killing

The passage in which Mr. Frazer thus appears to demolish his own
'

theory represents his opinion before his theory was evolved. It appeared
in his first edition, but he retains it in his remodelled work.
' G. B. iii. 193. ' G. B. iii. 195.

See the contradictory attempts to get out of thio diiEculty in iii. 189.
 CALVAEY 203

might be thought that of a vulgar malefactor/ and could not

cast on all or on any one of the victims a halo of divinity.
Finally, our ovra history, in the case of the Earl of Atholl
(who pretended to the crown at the murder of James I. of
Scotland) and in the case of Sir William Wallace (who
was accused of saying that he would be crowned in
Westminster Hall), proves that pretenders to royalty have
been mocked by being indued with symbols of royalty.
Wallace was crowned at his trial with laurel ; Atholl was
tortured to death with a red-hot iron crown. The Victim
of Calvary was accused of aiming at a kingdom, and, like
Wallace and Atholl, was crowned —with thorns. The
preliminary scourging is illustrated by the tyranny of
Verres in Sicily.
May we not conclude that Mr. Frazer's '
light bridges
of hypothesis have broken down
' ' ?^
'
The importance and interest of the subject ' have
induced me to examine the hypotheses. But it was needless.
One point has been clear from the beginning. Even
if the Sacsean victims were originally supposed to be gods,
they could not bequeath a halo of divinity to Christ,
unless, as late as the reign of Tiberius, their own godhead
was still commonly recognised. Now it certainly was not
recognised. When Mr. Frazer published the first edition
of his '
Golden Bough,' he doubted that the Sacsean victim
could, as civilisation advanced, be identified with a god.
But, before publishing his second edition, Mr. Frazer
evolved his theory of the origin or partial origin of the
belief in the divinity of Christ, as inherited from the
criminal slaves at the Sacsea. In his second edition,
therefore, the godhead of the Sacsean victims is usually
regarded as commonly recognised; though Mr. Frazer
had doubted the possibility of this in his first, and preserves
'
G. B. iii. 120, " G, B. i. xv, xvi.
204 MAGIC AND RELIGION

the doubt in his second edition. It is needless to say

more.
Mr. Prazer, in vol. iii. 120, had already shaken his
own theory as given in vol. iii. 195-198.^ I might have
contented myself with comparing these two passages,
but in the interest of the nascent science of religion it

seemed desirable to point out what I am constrained to

think the errors of method that now prevail. In the
following essay criticism is applied to an hypothesis with
which modern orthodoxy has no concern.
'
See also Appendix C, pp. 303-304.
 206

XI
THE GHASTLY PRIEST

The spirit of system, of finding master keys for all the

locks of old religion and mythology, has confessedly been
apt to misguide students. Macrobius was the father,'
'

says Mr. Frazer, '

of that large family of mythologistswho
resolve all or most gods into the sun. According to him
Mercury was the sun. Mars was the sun, Janus was the
sun, Saturn was the sun, so was Jupiter, also Nemesis,
likewise Pan, and so on through a great part of the
Pantheon. It was natural, therefore, that he should
^
identify Osiris with the sun. . .
.
'

Mythology has been of late emancipated from the

universal dominion of the sun, but only to fall under that
of gods of vegetation, whether of vegetable life at large,
or of the corn spirit and the oak spirit in particular.
"What Mr. Frazer says about Macrobius, Macrobius would
retort on Mr. Frazer, thus :

'
According to him Mars was a god of vegetation,
Saturn was a god of vegetation (of sowing), so was Zeus,
also Hera, and so on through a great part of the Pantheon.
It was natural, therefore, that he should identify Osiris
with a god of vegetation —and Mr. Frazer does so.'

Far be it from me to say that Mr. Frazer is wrong,

when his gods are gods of vegetation, or even that
Macrobius is wrong, when his gods are gods of the sun.
'
G. B. ii. 147.
206 MAGIC AND EELIGION

It appears to me that when

god had obtained a firm
a
hold of public favour, the public might accept him as a
god of this, that, and the other aspect or phenomenon of
nature.
Still, the new school of mythology does work the
vegetable element in mythology hard ; nearly as hard as
the solar element used to be worked. Aphrodite, as the
female mate of Adonis, gets mixed up with plant life.^ So
does Attis with Cybele, so does Balder,^ so does Death,^
so does Dionysus'* with undoubted propriety; so does
Eabani, so does Gilgamesh, so does Haman, so does Hera,^
so does lasion with Demeter,* so does Isis,' so does
Jack-in-the-Green, so does Kupalo,* so do Linns and
Lityerses,^ so does Mamurius Veturius,^" so does Merodach
or Marduk (if he represents Eabani or Gilgamesh), so
does Mars,^^ so does Osiris,^^ so, I think, does Semiramis,^'
so does Tammuz, so does Virbius,^* so does Zeus,
probably ;
^^ so does a great multitude of cattle, cats,

horses, bulls, goats, cocks, with plenty of other beasts.

The solar mythologists did not spare heroes like
Achilles ; they, too, were the sun. But the vegetable
school, the Covent Garden school of mythologists, mixes
up real human beings with vegetation. Jesus Christ
derives his divinity, or some of it, as we have seen, from a

long array of criminals who were hanged partly as kings,

partly as gods of vegetation. I do not feel absolutely

assured that Judas Iscariot, at his annual burnings in

ef&gy, escapes the universal doom any more than the

ugly deformed person who was whipped and killed in old

Attica. But an unexpected man to be a representative
'
G. B. iii. 166. '^
0. -B. iii. 346. " G. B. ii. 95.
*
G. B. ii. 160. ' G. B. i. 227. " G. B. ii. 217.
'
G. B. ii. 145. " G. B. ii. 129. " G. B. ii. 253 ; ii. 250.
'»
G. B. ii. 123. " G. B. iii. 122. '^ G. B. iii. 127.
" G. B. iii. 163. '*
G. B. iii. 456. '= G. B. iii. 456, 457.
 l±lJ!i (jtMASTJLY PRIEST 207

of a god of vegetation is the priest of the grove of Diana

near Aricia. He is known to all from the familar verse
of Macaulay
These trees in whose dark shadow
The ghastly priest doth reign,
The priest who slew the slayer,
And shall himself be slain.

Why, Mr. Frazer asks, in effect, had the priest of the

grove of Diana, near Aricia, to slay his predecessor, subject,
in turn, to death at the hands of a new competitor for the
office? First, let us ask what we know about this
ghastly priest. Let us begin with the evidence of Virgil,
in the Sixth Book of the '
^neid '
(line 136 and so onwards).
Virgil says nothing about the ghastly priest, or, in this

place, about Diana, or the grove near Aricia. Virgil,

indeed, tells us much about a bough of a tree, a golden

branch, but, as to the singular priest, nothing. But some
four hundred years after Virgil's date (say 370 a.d.) a
commentator on Virgil, Servius, tries to illustrate the
passage cited from the '
^neid.' He obviously knows
nothing about Virgil's mystic golden bough, but he tells

us that, in his own time, '

public opinion ' (publica opinio)
placed the habitat of Virgil's bough in the grove haunted by
the ghastly priest, near Aricia. It is, in fact, not known
whether Virgil invented his bough, with its extraordinary
attributes, or took it from his rich store of antiquarian
learning. mayIt have been a folklore belief, like Le
Bameau d'Or of Madame d'Aulnoy's fairy tale. Virgil's
bough, as we shall see, has one folklore attribute in
common with a mystic sword in the Arthurian cycle of
romances, and in the Volsunga Saga. I think that Mr.
Frazer has failed to comment on this point. If I might
hazard a guess as to Virgil's branch, it is that, of old,
suppliants approached gods or kings with boughs in their
208 MAGIC AND RELIGION

hands. He who would approach Proserpine carried, in

Virgil, a bough of pure gold, which only the favoured and
predestined suppliant could obtain, as shall be shown.
In the four centuries between Virgil and Servius the
meaning and source of Virgil's branch of gold were for-

gotten. But people, and Servius himself, knew of another

bough, near Aricia, and located (conjecturally ?) Virgil's

branch of gold in that district. Servius, then, in his com-
mentary on the '^neid,' after the manner of annotators in
all ages, talks much about the boughs of a certain tree
in a certain grove, concerning which Virgil makes no
remark. Virgil, as we shall see, was writing about a
golden branch of very peculiar character. Knowing, like
the public opinion of his age, something about quite other
branches, and nothing about Virgil's branch, Servius tells

us that, in the grove of Diana at Axicia, there grew a tree

from which it was unlawful (non licebat) to break a
bough. Ifany fugitive slave, however, could break a
branch from this tree, he might fight the priest, taking his
office if successful. In the opinion of Servius the temple
was founded by Orestes, to the barbaric Diana of the
Chersonese, whence he had fled after a homicide. That
Diana received human sacrifices of all strangers who
landed on her coasts. The rite of human sacrifice was,
in Italy, commuted, Servius thinks, for the duel between
the priest and the fugitive slave, Orestes having himself
been a fugitive. The process is, first a Greek wanderer
on a barbarous coast is in danger of being offered, as all

outlanders were offered, to the local goddess. This rite was

a form of xenelasia, an anti-immigrant statute. Compare
China, the Transvaal, the agitation against pauper immi-
grants. Having escaped being sacrificed, and having killed

the king in an unfriendly land, Orestes flies to Italy and

appeases the cruel Diana by erecting her fane at Aricia.
 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 209

But, instead of sacrificing immigrants, he, or his suc-

cessors, establish a duel between the priest and any other
fugitive slave. Why ? For the priest of the cruel Diana
was not accustomed to be sacrificed, nor had he been a
fugitive slave. Servius then, not observing this, goes off
into an allegorising interpretation of Virgil's branch, as
worthless as all such interpretations always are.

The story about Orestes appears to myself to be a late

'
setiological myth,' a story invented to explain the slaying
of the slayer —which it does not do ; in short, it is an
hypothesis. The priesthood is open not to men flying the
runaway slaves. The
blood feud like Orestes, but only to
custom introduced by Orestes was the sacrifice of out-
landers, not of priests. The story has a doublette in
Pausanias.^ According to Pausanias, Hippolytus was
raised from the dead, and, in hatred of his father, and
being a fugitive, he went and reigned at the Arician grove
of the goddess.

For these reasons, apparently. Statins calls the Arician

grove '
profugis regibus aptum,' a sanctuary of exiled
princes, and Hippolytus.^ From Suetonius we
Orestes
learn that the ghastly priest was styled Bex Nemorensis,
King of the Wood, and that the envious Caligula, think-
ing the priest had held office long enough, set another
athlete to kill him.' The title of 'king,' borne by a
priest, suggests, of course, the sacrificial king at Eome.
Also Mr. Frazer adduces African kings of fire and water,
credited with miraculous powers over the elements. They
kill nobody and nobody kills them. Then we have Jack-
in-the-Green = May-Tree = the Spirit of Vegetation = the
May King and the Queen of the May. '
These titles,' as
Mannhardt observes, '
imply that the spirit incorporate in
vegetation is a ruler, whose creative power extends far
' Pausanias, ii. xxvii. 4. °
SylvcB, iii. i. 55. ' Caligula, 35.

P
210 MAGIC AND RELIGION

and wide.' Possibly so. Now, the King of the Wood,

the ghastly priest, lived in the grove of Diana, who
(among other things) has the attributes of a tree-spirit.
'
May not, then, the King of the Wood, in the Arician
grove, have been, like the King of the May ... an in-
carnation of the tree-spirit, or spirit of vegetation ?

Given a female tree-spirit, we should rather expect a Queen

of the Wood and we ; assuredly do' not expect a priest of
Diana to represent the supreme Aryan god, nay to in-
carnate him. But this Mr. Frazer thinks probable.^
Again, '
King of the Wood could only be assailed
since the
by him who had plucked the golden bough, his life was
safe from assault as long as the bough, or the tree on
^
which it grew, remained uninjured.'
Here we remark the nimbleness of Mr. Frazer's
method. In vol. i. 4 he had said Tradition averred :
'

that the fatal branch '

(in the grove near Aricia) '
was
that golden bough which, at the Sibyl's bidding, J5neas
plucked before he assayed the perilous journey to the
world of the dead.' But I have tried to show that,

according to Servius, this identification of two absolutely

distinct boughs, neither similar nor similarly situated, was
the conjecture of '
public opinion ' in an age divided from
Virgil's date by four hundred years.

In the space between vol. i. 4 and i. 231 the averment

of tradition, as Mr. Frazer calls it, the inference of the
curious, as I suppose, to the effect that Virgil's golden
branch and the Arician branch were identical, has become
matter of fact for Mr. Frazer. '
Since the King of the
Wood could only be assailed by him who had plucked the

Golden Bough,' he says ; with what follows.'

But who has told us anything about the breaking, by a
fugitive slave, near Aricia, of a golden bough ? Nobody,
'
G. B. iii. 457. " G. B. i. 231. ^ G. B. i. 231.
 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 211

as far as I am aware, has mentioned the circumstance.

After an interval of four hundred years, the golden bough
of Virgil is only brought by Servius into connection with
the wood at Aricia, because Servius, and the public opinion
of his age, knew about a branch there, and did not know
anything about Virgil's branch of gold.
That branch is a safe passport to Hades. It is

sacred, not to a tree-spirit named Diana, but to Infernal

Juno, or Proserpine. It cannot be broken by a fugitive

slave, or anybody else ; no, nor can it be cut with edge of
iron. None but he whom the Fates call can break it.

It yields at a touch of the predestined man, and another

golden branch grows instantly in its place.

Ipse volens facilisque sequetur,

Si te fata vacant.
Prima avulsa nan deficit alter
Aureus.

Virgil's bough thus answers to the magical sword set

in a stone in the Arthurian legends, in a tree trunk in the
Volsunga Saga, as Mr. H. S. C. Bverard reminds me. All
the knights may tug vainly at the sword, but you can
draw it lightly, si tefata vacant, if you are the predestined
king, if you are Arthur or Sigmund. When ^neas bears
thin bough, Charon recognises the old familiar passport.
Other living men, in the strength of this talisman, have
already entered the land of the dead.

Ille admirans venerabile donum

Fatalis virgce, lango mmic tempore visum.

I have collected all these extraordinary attributes of

Virgil's bough (in origin, a suppliant's bough, perhaps),
because, as far as I notice, Mr. Frazer lays no stress on
the many peculiarities which differentiate Virgil's bough
from any casual branch of the tree at Aricia, and connect
it with the mystic sword. The '
general reader ' (who
p 2
ai2 MAGIC AND KELIGION

seldom knows Latin) needs, I think, to be told precisely

what Virgil's bough was. Nothing can be more unlike a
branch, any accessible branch, of the Arician tree, than is

Yirgil's golden bough. It does not grow at Aricia. It is

golden. It is not connected with a tree-spirit, but is

dear to Proserpine. (I easily see, of course, that Proser-

pine may be identified with a tree spirit.)^ Virgil's
branch is not to be plucked by fugitive slaves. It is not a

challenge, but a talismanic passport to Hades, recognised by

Charon, who has not seen a specimen for ever so long. It

is instantly succeeded, if plucked, by another branch of

gold,which the Arician twig is not. So I really do not
understand how Mr. Frazer can identify Virgil's golden
bough with an ordinary branch of a tree at Aricia, which
anybody could break, though only runaway slaves, strongly
built, had an interest in so doing.

Still less do I think that Virgil meant to identify his

branch of gold with mistletoe. He does the reverse : in a
poetic simile he compares his bough to mistletoe. A poet
does not compare a thing to itself !
^ Mr. Frazer cites

the Welsh for mistletoe pren puraur, tree d'or pur.

In places, also, mistletoe is used for divining rods, which
may be employed by gold-hunters. What wood is

not thus used ? ° Like other magical plants, mistletoe is

Who, or what, can escape being a, tree-spirit, if Zeus is one ? Mr.

'

Frazer thinks that the savage must regard all trees used in fire-making as
sources of hidden fire. May not this,' he asks, have been the origin of
' '

the name " the Bright or Shining One " (Zeus, Jove [Dyaus]), by which the
ancient Greeks and Italians designated their supreme God ? It is, at least,
highly significant that, amongst both Greeks and Italians, the oak should
have been the tree of the supreme God. '— iii. 457. Zeus, like Num,
. . .

and countless others, was also a sky god. The sky is bright and shining,
an oak is the reverse. We do not think that a savage would call an oak or
a match-box bright,' even if they do hold seeds of fire.
'

2 O. B. iii. 449 .Mn. vi. 203, et seq.

;

' See Professor Barrett's two works on the so-called Divining Eod,' in
'

Proceedmgs of the Society for Psychical Research.

 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 213

gathered at the solstices, when fern-seed is fabled to

flame. Must not the golden bough, like the golden fern-
seed, be an emanation of the sun's fire ? The older solar
mythologists would have had not a doubt of it.^

I must admit, then, that I cannot, at present, accept

the identification of the branch of gold in Virgil with
any branch you please on a certain tree at Aricia.
Nor am I aware of any historical evidence that the grove
there was an oak grove, or the tree an oak tree, or that
the branch to be plucked was a mistletoe bough, or that
any branch, for the purpose of the runaway slave, was not
as good as another.
That Virgil's branch of gold was mistletoe, that the
tree at Aricia was an oak, that the bough to be plucked by
the person ambitious of being a ghastly priest was mistle-
toe, seems (if I follow Mr. Prazer accurately) to be rather
needful to the success of the solution of his problem which
he finally propounds. He takes, on his road, the Eddaic
myth of Balder, which I do not regard as a very early
myth but on that point there is great searching of hearts
;

among Scandinavian speciaHsts. No one now,' writes '

a Scandinavian scholar to me, 'puts any of the Edda

poems earlier than 900 a.d., and most of them, if not all,

are probably later than that. We do not even know

whether they were composed by Christians or pagans, as
the Icelanders never lost their interest in the old mytho-
logy. It has never been sufficiently noticed that these
poems are not religious in any sense ; all that their poets
cared for was the story. That it will ever be possible to
say where the stories came from, I doubt very much :

probably they represent the fusion of several quite diffe-

rent veins of legends, heathen and Christian. The Saga

writers knew practically nothing about the old heathen
'
G. B. iii. 454.
214 MAGIC AND RELIGION

worship, and Balder may never have been worshipped at

all, or, if he was, it is rather hopeless to conjecture in what
capacity.'
Such aie the opinions of Mr. W. A. Craigie, whose
writings on the Celto-Scandinavian relations of the Northern
mythological literature are familiar to students. We
return to Mr. Frazer's handling of the Balder story.
Balder, says the Edda, dreamed of death. A goddess
made everything in nature swear not to hurt him, except
a mistletoe plant, which she thought too young to under-
stand the nature of an oath ! Loki learned this, plucked
the plant, and, when the gods were hurling things at

Balder, asked the blind Hodur to throw the mistletoe.

It piercedand slew Balder, and his funeral was of a kind

which may, or may not, have been used before the period
of inhumation in howes or barrows. Balder's dead body
' '

was burned on board his ship, the hugest of all ships.' '

I had an impression that this was a not uncommon

Viking form of incremation, but Mr. Craigie thinks that it

had quite gone out before the historic period. In the legend-
ary period he remembers but one case, in Ynglinga Saga.^
King Haki, being mortally wounded, had his ship piled with
the bodies and weapons of the slain ; a funeral pyre was
erected on board and lit, and the body of Haki was borne

forth to sea in the flaming vessel. '

The thing was famous
long after.' The story may be borrowed from the Balder
story or the Balder story from that of King Haki.
In any case Balder was not sacrificed, but cremated, and
the '
huge ship,' of course, is a late Viking idea, an idea
the reverse of primitive. Mr. Frazer, however, goes on,

apparently assuming that in the original form of the myth

Balder was sacrificed, to a theory about certain religious or
ritual fires, which survive in folklore. These fires are lit

'
G. B. iii. 236-237. ^ o. 27.
 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 215

by peasants at various seasons, but are best known at

midsummer, while a pretence of burning a man is made,
and this at a season when mistletoe is gathered as a
magical healing herb, not as a weapon of death. He
seems to think that Balder was the spirit of the oak, that
human victims, representing the oak and Balder, were,
of old, periodically sacrificed, and that people deemed
that the oak could not be injured by axes before the
mistletoe (in which, they thought, lay its life) was
plucked off. Unluckily, I see no evidence that people
ever did entertain this opinion —namely, that the oak was
invulnerable till the mistletoe was plucked.^
Mr. Frazer says :
'
The
was viewed as the
mistletoe
seat of the life of the oak, and, so long as it was uninjured,
nothing could kill or even wound the oak.' He shows
how this idea might arise. The oak, so people might'

think, was invulnerable,' so long as the mistletoe remained

intact.^ But did the people think so ? Pliny says a great
deal about the Druidical gathering of mistletoe, which, on
oaks, '
is very rarely to be met with.' The Druids, I
presume, never observed that oaks in general, in fact by
an overwhelming majority, lived very well without having
any seat of life (mistletoe) at all. Not noticing this
obvious fact, they reckoned, it would appear, that an oak

Mr. Frazer notices that Pliny derived Druid from Greek driis, oak.
' '
'

' He know that the Celtic word ior oak was the same, daii/r, and
did not
that therefore Druid, in the sense of priest of the oak, was genuine Celtic,
not borrowed from the Greek.' With other authorities Mr. Frazer cites
J. Bhys's Celtic Heathendom, p. 221 et seq. Principal Ehys informs me
that he is inclined to think that Druid is of the same origin as the Celtic
'
'

word for oak. Mr. Stokes seems to think otherwise, and to interpret dru to
be the equivalent to true,' and to make the word Druid mean soothsayer,'
' '

to which Principal Bhys sees phonetic objections. He himself sees the

difficulty, in both theories, that they make the word Druid Aryan, whereas '
'

the whole Druidical business may be non-Aryan and aboriginal,' Pictish, '

or whatever we like to call it.

''
G. B. iii. 350.
 216 MAGIC AND REMGION

with mistletoe on it could not be cut till the mistletoe was

removed. Perhaps they never tried. Pliny does not say
that when the Druid had climbed the tree and removed
the mistletoe, he next cut down the tree.^ It does seem
desirable to prove that people thought the life of an oak
was in the mistletoe (which they might gather without
hurting the oak), before we begin to build another theory
on our theory that they did hold this opinion.^
This new theory Mr. Frazer goes forth to erect on the
basis of the first theory. The theory, in brief, comes to
this : that as Balder was the spirit of the oak, and was
sacrificed (of which I see no proof), so human beings, re-
presenting Balder and the oak, were sacrificed, to rein-
vigorate vegetation. The mistletoe which slew Balder
was the soul-box of both Balder and of the oak, and of
the human victims who represented, yearly, the oak and
Balder.
About all this much might be said. The killing of
'
divine kings,' Balder and others,^ seems to me, as I have
already said, in the majority of cases, to be a mere rude
form of superannuation. We do not kill a commander-
in-chief, or an old professor ; we pension them off. But
it is not so easy to pension off a king. I think that most
of the cases cited mean superannuation, or dissatisfaction
with the ruler, not a magical ceremony to improve vege-
tation. common. Says Birrel (1560-
Eegicide is, or was,
1605) There has beine in this Kingdome of Scotland,
:
'

ane hundereth and five Kings, of quhilk there was slaine

O. B. iii. 327.
^ , The story of mistletoe as the ', life-token ' of the Hays of Errol (iii. 449)
seems on a scrap of recent verse, out from a newspaper of unknown
to rest
name and date. I suspect that it is from the pen (circ. 1822) of John '

Sobieski Stolberg Stuart,' alias John Hay Allan, author of other apocryphal
rhymes on the Hays of Errol, and of their genealogy.
' G. B. iii. 1-59.
 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 217

fifty-sex,' often succeeded by their slayers, like the ghastly

priest. I am not convinced that the ghastly priest repre-
sented vegetation, and endured the duel ordeal as a commu-
tation of yearly sacrifice, though there is a kind of parallel
in the case of the king of Calicut. But that modem
mummers are put to death, in a mock ceremony (as Mr.
Frazer holds, to quicken vegetation), is proved by much
folklore evidence.^

If we admit (v^hich I think far from inevitable) that the

ghastly priest v?as once a kind of May King, periodically
slain, and was analogous to Balder, and represented the
life of an oak, we are next invited to suppose that the
tree at Aricia was also an oak, that the only branch on it

to be plucked by the would-be successor was mistletoe,

and that the mistletoe was the soul-box of the tree and of
the ghastly priest, who could more easily be killed when
his life-box (the mistletoe) was damaged.^
There is hardly a link in this chain of reasoning which
to me seems strong. I do not see that Balder, in, the
Edda, was sacrificed. I do not see that the mistletoe was
his soul-box. I conceive that the use of so feeble a
weapon to kill him is analogous to the slaying of an in-
vulnerable hero, in North American myth, by the weapon
of a bulrush : an example' of the popular liking for weak-
ness that overcomes strength. I find no evidence that the
mistletoe was ever thought to be the soul-box of the oak
none to prove that the tree at Aricia was an oak ; nothing
to show that the branch to be plucked was the branch of
gold in Virgil, and nothing to indicate that Virgil's branch
was the mistletoe. To reach Mr. Frazer's solution —that
the ghastly priest was an incarnate spirit of vegetation,
slain, after the plucking of mistletoe, in order that he
might be succeeded by a stronger soul, more apt to increase
>
G. B. ii. 59-67. ' G. B. iii. 450.
218 MAGIC AND RELIGION

the life of vegetation —we have to cross at least six '

light
^
bridges '
of hypothesis, '
built to connect isolated facts.'

To me these hypotheses seem more like the apparently

solid spots in a peat-bog, on which whoso alights is let into

the morass. I feel like Mr. Frazer's '

cautious inquirer,'
who is '
brought up sharp on the edge of some yawning
^
chasm.'
I ought to propose an hypothesis myself. In doing so
I shall confine myself (the limitation is not unscientific) to
the known facts of the problem. In the grove of Diana
(a goddess of many various attributes) was a priest of
whom we know nothing but that he was (1) a fugitive
King of the Grove, (3) might be slain and
slave, (2) called

succeeded by any other fugitive slave, (4) who broke a

bough of the tree which the priest's only known duty was
to protect. These are all the ascertained facts.
Why had the priest to be a runaway slave ? Mr. Frazer
says :
'
He had to be a runaway slave in memory of the
flight of Orestes, the traditional founder of the worship.
. . .
.'^ But the GreeA; story of Orestes, and its cZowSZe^ie as

to Hippolytus, are only setiological myths, fanciful ' reasons

why,' attached to a Latin usage. Neither Orestes nor
Hippolytus was a slave, like the ghastly priest. The story
about Orestes, a fugitive, arises out of the custom of Aricia,

and does not explain that custom. Mr. Frazer, I presume,

admits this, but thinks that the ghastly priest might
perhaps, at one time, save himself by being a runaway.
But why a slave? If I might guess, I would venture
to suggest that the grove near Aricia may have been an
asylum for fugitives, as they say that Eome originally was.
There are such sanctuaries in Central Australia.
Here, fortunately, Mr. Frazer himself supplies me
with the very instances which my conjecture craves. He
'
'
G. B. i. XV. O. B. i. xx. = O. B. ii. 67.
 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 219

cites Mr. Turner's '

Samoa ' for trees which were sanctu-
aries for fugitives. These useful examples are given, not
in '
The Golden Bough,' but in an essay on '
The Origin
^
of Totemism.'

In Upolu, one of the Samoan islands, a certain god,

'

Vave, had his abode in an old tree, which served as an

asylum for murderers and other offenders who had incurred
the penalty of death.'

I gather from Mr. Turner's '

Nineteen Years in Poly-
nesia '
(p. 286) that the death penalty was that of the
blood feud. In his '
Samoa,' Mr. Turner writes concerning
trees which were sanctuaries :

If that tree was reached by the criminal, he was safe,

'

and the avenger of blood could pursue no farther, but wait

investigation and trial. It is said that the king of a
division of Upolu, called Atua, once lived at that spot.
After he died the house fell into decay, but the tree was
fixed on as representing the departed king, and out of
respect for his memory it was made the substitute of a
Kving and royal protector. It was called o le asi pulu
tangata, ' the asi tree, the refuge of men.' This reminds
me what I once heard from a native of another island.
of
He said that at one time they had been ten years without
a king, and so anxious were they to have some protecting
substitute that they fixed upon a large O'a tree {Bisclioffia
Javanica), and made it the representative of a king, and
an asylum for the thief or the homicide when pursued by
the injured in hot haste for vengeance.^

There seem to have been three sanctuary trees : one

inhabited by a god, Vave ; one respected in memory of a
king; and one doing duty as a kind of figure-head, or
representative of a king.
If my guess that the tree in the Arician grove was once a
'
Fortnightly Review, April 1899, p. 652.
^ Turner, Samoa, p. 64, se%.
220 MAGIC AND EELIGION

sanctuary, or asylum for fugitives, including fugitive slaves,

is plausible, I cannot, of course, conjecture as to the reason
of its protective sanctity. It may have been one of the

three Samoan reasons (which none of us could have guessed

correctly), or any other motive may have taken effect. A
fugitive slave, of course, was not awaiting trial and chance
of acquittal. By custom he would be restored to his
master's tender mercies, or live on under the tree.
But an unlimited asylum of fugitive slaves was an
inconvenient neighbour to Aricia. Hence (it is physically
conceivable, but I lay no stress on it) the asylum was at last
limited to one fugitive slave at a time. It was not like

the forest in the Indian fable, populated by '

millions of
hermits,' who cannot have been very solitary anchorites.
Any fugitive slave who took sanctuary had to kill and dis-
possess the prior occupant. There was only sanctuary for
one at a time. More would have been most inconvenient.
In any case the one solitary duty of the ghastly priest (as

far as we know) was to act as garde champetre to one

certain tree. Why this one tree, we do not and cannot
know. I am averse to Sir Alfred Lyall's plan of suggest-
ing singular solutions arising out of some possible historical
accident in the veiled past, when the problem to be solved
is a practice of wide diffusion. The causes, in such cases
of wide diffusion, cannot be regarded as mere freaks or

recurring accidents. But this affair of the tree and its

inviolate branches is isolated, unless we regard the tree as

a taboo or sanctuary tree, which it might be for many
reasons, as in Samoa, perhaps because it was the residence
of a tree-spirit. At all events, the priest's only known
duty was to guard the tree.

Then, why had his would-be successor to break a bough

before fighting ? Obviously as a challenge, and also as a
warning. The priest in office was to '
have a fair show ;
 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 221

some law was to be given him. When he found a branch

'
'

broken, any branch, he was in the position of the pirate

captain on whom '
the black spot ' was passed.^ He was in
the situation of the king of the Eyeos, to whom a present of
parrots' eggs meant that it was time for him to go.' ^ If
'

the bough was mistletoe, and if the fugitive slave, like the
Druids in Pliny,' had to climb for it, then the ghastly
priest 'had him at an was any odds on the
avail.' It

priest, who could '

tree ' him down as he
his man or cut
descended. However, our authorities tell us about no
bough in particular, still less about mistletoe. Let me add
that, if the bough was mistletoe, the sacred tree would need

to be changed every time (of which we hear nothing), for

it IS not a case of
Uno avulso non deficit alter

with mistletoe.
The bough was broken, then, as a taunt, a challenge,
and a warning. '
You can't keep your old tree, make
room for a better man !
' That is the spirit of the busi-
ness. The fugitive, utilised as a priest of the grove, was
slain when the better man appeared, not that a new soul
might keep the vegetation lively, but merely because the
best man attainable was needed to guard the taboo tree.

The sacred and priestly character of a runaway fighting

slave does not, to me, seem pronounced.^ We know not
that he ever sacrificed. Ladies who wished to be mothers
visited the Diana was a goddess
shrine, indeed,'' as this
like Lucina, presiding over birth. I do not deny that
the priest might have worked miracles for them (like the
Indian forest sages who do the miracle for childless rajahs).
But his one known duty, guarding the tree, was incon-
sistent with much attention to this branch of his sacred
'
See Treasure Island. ^ G. B. ii; 13.
' G. B. iii. 327. •
Compare i. 232. = G. B. i. 5
222 MAQIO AND EELIQION

calling. '
He prowled about with sword drawn, always on
the look out.' ^ That is all !

We have not, in this theory, to invent a single fact, or

introduce a single belief where we do not know that it
existed. Sanctuaries or asyla did exist, we have given
examples of sanctuary trees, and the tree was a sanc-
tuary for just one runaway slave at a time : he could
not run to burg, as in our old and more merciful law.
If he wanted the billet of ghastly priest he had to fight
for it

Lads, you'll need to fight

Before you drive ta peasties.

Before fighting he had to get through the priest's guard

and break a branch of the tree which the priest protected,
the act being a warning as well as a challenge. This
hypothesis introduces no unknown and unproved facts, and
colligates all the facts which are known. The title of
'
King of the Grove may mean no more than the title of
'

'
Cock of the North
;
' or it may be a priestly title, not,
even so, necessarily implying that the runaway slave
embodied the ruling spirit of the vegetable department.
I have been favoured with objections to my guess.
First, if I am right, where is the sanction for the custom
at which I conjecture ? Well, where is the sanction of
the Samoan customs ? They reposed (1) on the residence
of a god in a tree, (2) on respect for a king who had lived
near a tree, (3) on a legal fiction. The sanctuaries of the
Arunta Ertnatulunga derive their sanction from hoards of

churinga, sacred objects of which, till recently, we knew

nothing.^ Obviously I cannot say which of many con-
ceivable and inconceivable primeval reasons gave a sanction
to the tree-asylum of Aricia. Once instituted, custom did

' Strabo, t. 3, 12. ^ Spencer and Gillen, pp. 134-135.

 THE GHASTLY PRIEST 223

the rest. The tree was a sanctuary for one fugitive slave,

and, next, for another v?ho could kill him.

Secondly, my guess is thought to disregard Mr. Frazer's
many other analogies from folklore. Which analogies ?
Where else do we find a priestly fugitive slave, who held
his sacred office by the coir na glaive, the Eight of Sword ?
I am acquainted with no other example. As I have shown
already, the kings who are killed (admitting the Arician
fugitive to be a rex) are killed for a considerable variety
of reasons, and are never shown to be killed that a sturdier
vehicle may be provided for a vegetable deity ; while the
kings said to incarnate a deity are never said to be killed
for religious reasons. If the reverse were the case, then
the Arician fugitive, the ghastly priest, might take the
benefit of the analogies. I hope that my bald prosaic
theory, abjectly Philistine as it is, has the characteristics of
a scientific hypothesis. But, like my guess as to the real
reason for the death of the Sacaean victim, this attempt to
explain the office of the ghastly priest is but a conjecture.
The affair is so singular that it may have an isolated cause
in some forgotten occurrence. remember no other classical
I
instance of a priest whose duty was to be always watching
a single sacred tree, a thing requiring a vigilance of
attention not compatible with much other priestly work :

a post so unenviable that only a fugitive slave would be

likely to care for the duties and perquisites. Naturally he
would not know that he was an incarnation of the supreme
'

Aryan god, whose life was in the mistletoe or golden bough.'

And, as he did not know, he would not be '
proud of the
title.'
224 MAGIC AND RELIGION

XII
SOUTH AFRICAN BELIGION
The provisional h5rpothesis by which I try to explain
the early stages of religion may be stated in the words of
a critic, Mr. Hartland. '
Apparently it is claimed that the
belief in a some way only to be
supreme being came, in
guessed at, first in order ofand was sub-
evolution,
sequently obscured and overlaid by belief in ghosts and
in a pantheon of lesser divinities.' ^ I was led to these
conclusions, first, by observing the reports of belief in a
relatively supreme being and maker among tribes who do
not worship ancestral spirits (Australians and Andaman-
ese), and, secondly, by remarking the otiose un worshipped
supreme being, often credited with the charge of future
rewards and punishments, among polytheistic and an-
cestor-worshipping people too numerous for detailed

mention. The supreme being among these races, in some

instances a mere shadow of a children's tale, I conjectured
to be a vague survival of such a thing as the Andamanese
Puluga, or the Australian Baiame.
Granting the validity of the evidence, the hypothesis

appears to colligate the facts. There is a creative being

(not a spirit, merely a being) before ghosts are worshipped.
Where ghosts are worshipped, and the spiritual deities of

polytheism have been developed, and are adored, there is

'
Folk Lore, March 1901, p. 21. Presidential address.
 SOUTH AFRICAN EELIGION 225

still the lanworshipped maker, in various degrees of repose

and neglect. That the belief in him '
came in some way,
only to be guessed at,' is true enough. But if I am to have
an hypothesis like my neighbours, I have suggested that
'

early man, looking for an origin of things, easily adopted the

idea of a maker, usually an unborn man, v?ho was before
death, and still exists. Bound this being crystallised
affection, fear, and sense of duty; he sanctions morality and
early man's remarkable resistance to the cosmic tendency :

his notion of unselfishness. That man should so early

conceive a maker and father seems to me very probable ;

to my critics it is a difficulty. But one of Dr. Callaway's

native informants remarks When we asked " By what
:
'

was the sun made ?" they said " By Umvelinqangi." Por
we used to ask when we were little, thinking that the old
men knew all things.' ^ What a savage child naturally
asks about, his yet more savage ancestors may have
pondered. No speculation seems more inevitable.
As soon as man was a reasoning being he must have ,

wondered about origins ; he has usually two answers

creation, complete or partial, and evolution. Like Topsy
'he 'specs things growed,' when he does not guess that
things were made by somebody. As far as totemism is

religious, it accepts the answer of evolution, men were

evolved out of lower types, beasts and plants, their totems.
But these are not always treated with religious reverence, as
sometimes are such creative beings and fathers as Baiame.
In many cases, as I have kept on saying, the savage creative
being has a deputy, often a demiurge, who exercises autho-
rity. Where this is the case, and where ancestor-worship
is the working religion, the deputy easily comes to be
envisaged as the first man, unborn of human parents,
maker of things, or of many things, and culture hero. Mr.
'
Callaway, Beligion of the A mazulu, p. 10 1868.

Q
226 MAGIC AND EELIGION

Tylor says :
'
In the mythology of Kamchatka the relation
between the Creator and the first man is one not of identity,
but of parentage.' It is clear that, in proportion to the
exclusive prevalence of ancestor-v^orship as a working
religion, the idea of the Creatormight be worn away, and
the first man might be identified with him. It would not
follow that the idea of creation was totally lost. The
first man might be credited with the feat of creation.
Mr. Tylor observes that 'by these consistent manes-
worshippers, the Zulus, the first man, Unkulunkulu, is
^
identified with the Creator.'
Mr. Tylor's statement, of course, involves the opinion

that the idea of creation is present to the Zulu mind. Un-

kulunkulu made things, as Baiame, and Puluga, and other
beings did. Like them he is no spirit, but a magnified
non-natural man. Unlike them, he is subject to the
competition of ancestral ghosts, the more recent the
better, in receipt of prayer and sacrifice. Having no
special house which claims him as ancestor, and being
very remote, he is now believed by many Zulus to be
dead. His name is a fable, like that of Atahocan, a
thing to amuse or put off children with ; they are told to
call on Unkulunkulu when their parents want to send

them out of the way.

All this is what my theory would lead me
exactly
to anticipate, if the Zulus had once possessed the idea of
an un worshipped creative being, and had lost it under the
competition of worshipped, near akin, and serviceable
ghosts. Their ancestral character would be reflected on
him. It is just as if the Australian Kurnai were to take
to ancestor-worship, glorify Tundun, the son and deputy
of Mungan-ngaur ; neglect Mungan-ngaur, look on
Tundun as the creator, and finally neglect him in favour

'
Primitive Culture, ii. pp. 312, 313, 1873.
 SOUTH AFRICAN RELIGION 227

of ancestral spirits less remote, and more closely akin to

themselves. This process is very readily conceivable, and,
from our point of view, it would look like degeneration in

religion, under stress of a new religious motive, the do ut

des of sacrifice to ancestral ghosts. That Unkulunkulu
should come to be thought dead is the less surprising, as
a Zulu in bad luck will be so blasphemous as to declare
that the ancestral spirits of his worship are themselves
dead. '
When we sacrifice to them, and pray that a
certain disease may cease, and it does not cease, then we
begin to quarrel with them, and to deny their existence.
And the man who has sacrificed exclaims :
" There are no
Amadhlozi ; although others say there are, but for my
part I say that the Amadhlozi of our house died for
ever."'i . . .

Thus I can easily suppose that the Zulus once had an

idea of a creative being ; that they reduced him, on the
lines described, to a first man ; that they neglected him in
favour of serviceable ghosts ; and that they now think him
extinct ; like the ghosts themselves when they cease to be
serviceable.

Mr. Hartland's theory is the reverse of mine. He

says :
'
In fact, so far as can be gathered, the very idea of
creation was foreign to their minds.' . . .
'
The earth
was in existence Unkulunkulu as yet existed.' ^
first, before
But heaven, and the sun, and all things were not in
existence before Unkulunkulu he made them, according :

to other native witnesses, and Dr. Callaway, in his first

page, says that the Zulus regard Unkulunkulu as the

Creator.
The evidence, as Mr. Hartland urges with truth, is
'
contradictory.' But its contradictions contradict his
statement that '
the very idea of creation was foreign to
' Callaway, p. 29. ^ Callaway, p. 41 ; Folk Lore, ut supra, p. 23.

Q 2
228 MAGIC AND RELIGION

their minds.' Many witnesses attest the existence in the

Zulu mind of the idea of creation.
'
It was said at first, before the arrival of missionaries,
if we asked, " By what were the stones made ? " " They
were made by Umvelinqangi." ' '
The ancients used to say,
before the arrival of the missionaries, that all things were
made by Umvelinqangi but they were not acquainted ;

with his name.' The natives,' says Dr. Callaway, cannot

'
'

tell you his name, except it be Umvelinqangi.' ^ The sun '

and moon we referred to Unkulunkulu, together with all

the things in this world, and yonder heaven we referred to
Unkulunkulu. We said all was made by Unkulun-
. . .

kulu.' ^ At first we saw that they were made by Unkulun-

'

kulu, but ... we worshipped those whom we had seen

with our eyes (the ghosts of their fathers), so then we
'
'

began to ask all things of the Amadhlozi.' This convenient

Zulu, Umpengula Mbanda, states my very hypothesis.' But
he seems to have been a Christian convert, and probably
constructed his theory after he heard of the Christian God.
'
"We seek out the Amadhlozi that we may not be always
thinking about Unkulunkulu.' So spiritualists are more
interested in ghosts than in the Christian God. '
In
process of time we have come to worship the Amadhlozi
only, because we knew not what to say about Unkulun-
kulu,' just as the spiritualist knows what to say about
'
'

his aunt, who speaks to him through the celebrated Mrs.

Piper.*
Dr. Callaway consulted a very old Zulu, Ukoto, whose
aunt was the motherof King Chaka (Utshaka). Mr. Eider
Haggard Chaka about 1813-1828. With him began
dates
seventy years of Zulu conquest and revolution, in which
old ideas might be obliterated. Ukoto answered Dr.
'
Callaway, p. 10, note 25. ' Ibid. p. 21.
« Ibid. p. 17. •
Ibid. pp. 26, 27.
 SOUTH AFRICAN EELIGION 229

Callaway's inquiries thus :

'
When we were children it was
said the Lord is in heaven. . . . We heard it said that

the Creator of the world (Umdabuko) is the Lord which is

above. When I was growing up, it used to be said the

^
Creator of the world is above.'
So far we must either reject most respectable evidence,
going back to the earliest years of last century, before the
Zulu period of revolution, or dismiss Mr. Hartland's
opinion that the very idea of creation is foreign to
the Zulu mind. A very old woman, whose childhood
was prior to Chaka's initiation of the revolutionary period

of conquest (1813), being interrogated by the Zulu,

Umpengula, said that '
when we asked of the origin of
corn, the old people said " it came from the Creator who
created all things. But we do not know him." The old
people said the Creator of all things is in heaven.' ^ The
'

old woman then abounded in contradictions. She said

that Unkulunkulu was the Creator in heaven, but only the
day before she had denied this. Dr. Callaway thought
not that her mind was wandering, but that there appears '

in this account to be rather the intermixture of several

faiths,which might have met and contended or amal-
gamated at the time to which she alludes the early '
—
days of Chaka —
1. Primitive faith in a heavenly Lord
'

or Creator. 2. The ancestor- worshipping faith, which con-

founds the Creator with the first man. 3. The Christian
faith, again directing the attention of the natives to a God
who is not anthropomorphic' She might also, in a part
of her tale, allude to the fabled ascension of the father of
King Chaka prior to 1813.
From my point of view. Dr. Callaway's theory seems
' Umdabuko is derived from ukaddbuTca, to be broken off, a word im-
plying the pre-existenoe of something from which the division took place.
Callaway, i. note 3, 50, note 95. It is usually a vaguely metaphysical term.
^ Callaway, pp. 52, 53.
230 MAGIC AND RELIGION

possible. The memories and ideas of people who were

'
ancient,' when Chaka and this old woman were young,
before the Zulus entered on a 'wolf age, a war age,'
went far back into the Zulu past, when their belief
may have been nearer to that kind of savage deism
which Waitz regards as unborrowed and indigenous
to Africa.^ Another very old man, Ubebe, who had
'
fought against Chaka, said As to the source of being :
'

(Umdabuko) I know only that which is in heaven. The

,
'

ancient men is above

said for the Lord
UmdakuJco . . .

gives them Umdabuko, source of ife, may be local

life.' '

or personal, the place in which man was created, or the

person who created him.' Here the Umdabuko is . . .

called 'the lord which gives them life.' ^ Here, too, the
evidence is of Zulu antiquity, the words of the ancients of
Chaka's time. The use of the same name for a person
and a place is familiar to us in Zeus and Hades,' ' ' '

and we use Heaven ourselves for God, as in the will

'
'
'

of Heaven.' The old man uses Umdabuko as a personal

name ; elsewhere it is equivalent to Uthlanga, the imper-
sonal metaphysical source of being, not identical with
Unihlanga, '
a bed of reeds,' from which mankind arose
in Zulu myth. '
UmManga is the place where they broke
off, or out came, from U/ilanga.'
Old Ubebe said to Umpengula :
'
Do you not understand
that we saidUnkulunkulu made all things that we see or
touch.' And Unkulunkulu, he added, was a man, and now
a dead man ; then he considered, and added :
'
It is evident

that all things were not made by a man who is dead they ;

were made by one who now is.' He began with the creator
vouched for by the other old people he relapsed into the ;

confusion of him with the first man, and either reverted to

' Waitz, Anthropologic, i. 167. ^ Ibid. p. 59, and note 12.
' Ibid. 61, and note 17, 9, and note 22.
 SOUTH AFRICAN RELIGION 231

the original idea, or to a natural reflection of his own.

Dr. Callaway found Ubebe declaring that tradition averred
the maker to have been a man, but that the missionaries
averred the Creator to be '
the heavenly Lord.' '
The
old men Unkulunkulu was an ancestor and
said that
nothing more, an ancient man who begat men, and gave
origin to all things.' ^ In fact the primal being of lower

savages, Andamanese and Australians, is a man, vnthout

human limitations, and creative. My hypothesis, like Dr.
Callaway's, is that Ubebe and the rest wandered between
three faiths a faith analogous to that of the Andamanese
:

and Australians that faith modified by ancestor-worship

;

carried to a great pitch —the creator being identified with

the first man, and the doctrine of the missionaries. It is no
wonder that these ancients are confused, but perhaps my
hypothesis, which is Dr. Callaway's, so far, helps to
explain their contradictions. '
They talk of Providence,
bat I reckon there is One above he,' said the British
agriculturist, quite as confused as Ubebe.
Dr. Callaway interrogated another very old man,
Ulangeni. He denied that Utikxo, his name for God, was
a Hottentot word, introduced by missionaries, misled by
what Dr. Callaway thinks their erroneous idea that the
Hottentot Utikxo represented a lofty and refined theistic
belief. Ulangeni utterly rejected with extreme contempt
the idea that his tribe borrowed Utikxo from a people
broken and contaminated by the Dutch.^ '
We have
learnt nothing of them.' In Ulangeni's opinion, Utikxo
was disregarded
created Unkulunkulu, but, being invisible,
in favour of his visible deputy, as Mungan-ngaur might

come to be disregarded in favour of Tundun. 'And so

tliey said Unkulunkulu was God.' I am grateful to Ulan-

geni for again anticipating my humble theory. He gave

'
Callaway, 63, and note 23. ^ Ibid. p. 65.
232 MAGIC AND EELIGION

a humorous account of the arrival of the first missionary,

Unyegana (Gardiner?), of his 'jabbering,' of his promise
to give news of Utikxo, and of the controversies of Zulu
theologians. A native convert won the day and composed
a hymn : all this is recorded by Umpengula. With all

respect for Ulangeni, he appears to have been in the

v^rong about Utikxo. Kolb (1729) gives Gounja Ticquoa
(Utikxo) as the Hottentot v7ord for a supreme deity but, ;

if Dr. Callav^^ay is right, Kolb was in error.

'
Nothing is more easy than to inquire of heathen
savages the nature of their creed, and during the
conversation to impart to them great truths and ideas
which they never heard before, and presently to have
these come back to one as articles of their own original
faith. . .
.'1

But Kolb's Hottentots, as Dr. Callaway notes, say that

Ticquoa 'is a good man.' They did not get that from
Kolb, or any missionary : as I have said it is the regular
preanimistic savage theory, as in Australia and the Anda-
man Isles. Later investigations down to Hahn tell us of
Tsui Goab, '
wounded knee,' a Hottentot being who is

only an idealised medicine- man. Shaw says that 'the

;
older Kaffirs used to speak of Umdali, the Creator
but Moffat found no trace of anything higher than
Morimo, another mythical first ancestor, who came out of

the earth. Livingstone asserts just the reverse. '

There
is no necessity for beginning to tell even the most
degraded of these people of the existence of God, or of a

future state, the facts being universally admitted.' ^ As to

the Bechuana Morimo, Mr. Hartland gives the etymology
of his name : it is said to be derived from gorimo, above,
with the singular prefix mo. It would thus mean '
Him
who is above.' But why, then, did Morimo come out of
'
Waitz, Anthivpologie, pp. 105, 106. ^ Missionary Travels, p. 158.
 SOUTH AFRICAN KELIGION 233

a hole in the earth ? Was he once He who is above,' and

'

was he confused with the first man ? The plural, Barimo,

seems to mean the spirits of the dead. Molsino, teste
Cassilis, is used for an ancestral ghost. Mr. Hartland is

'
inclined to regard Morimo not as a once supreme deity
fading away, but as a god in process of becoming.' ^ 1
feel that I have no grounds whereon to base even a con-
jecture.

A curious piece of evidence by Dr. Callaway is given

in a note not in his book. One Zulu account is that
Unkulunkulu was created by Utikxo. Now Unkulun-
kulu was visible, Utikxo was invisible, and so was more
prominent and popular.^ Thus regarded, Unkulunkulu
is the demiurge and deputy of Utikxo, as sometimes are
Daramulun, Tundun, Hobamok, Okee, Bobowissi, the
deputies of Baiame, Mungan-ngaur, Kiehtan, Ahone,
Nyankupon, and so on. The idea is usual in savage
theologies. Now Dr. Callaway cites the evidence of another
Zulu :
'
We had this word before the missionaries came ;

we had God (Utikxo) long ago ; for a man when dying

would utter his last words, saying, " I am going home I ;

am going up on high." For there is a word in a song

which says
Guide me, Hawk 1

That I may go heavenward,

To seek the one-hearted man,
Away from double-hearted men.
Who deal in blessing and cursing.

We see, then, that those people used to speak of a matter

of the present time, which we clearly understand by the

word which the missionaries teach us. So we say . . .

there is no God ' (no new God) who has just come to
'

us.' Dr. Callaway explains : That God of whom the

'

'
Folk Lore, March 1901, pp. 26, 27.
^ Callaway, Bel. of Amazulu, p. 67.
234 MAGIC AND RELIGION

missionaries speak is not a new God, but the same God

of whom we spoke by the terms Ukqamata and Utikxo.'
Dr. Callaway could not produce this testimony, or
translate it, owing to the archaisms and allusions demand-
ing familiarity with ancient Zulu songs, till he got the aid

of a Kxosa Kaffir.

I am apt to regard the archaic character of the piece

as fairly good proof of genuine antiquity. If the testi-
mony is accepted, it settles the question in my sense.
The Zulu religion, in its higher elements, was a waning
religion Utikxo was, '
with his one foot in the grave,'

like John Knox ; he was not, as by Mr. Hartland's

theory, a god in the making. Old hymns are our best
authorities, and the hymn proves a belief in a future far
nobler than the transfiguration of Zulu souls into serpents.
A deity is also attested by the witness. But from the use
of the word Utikxo by this witness, lie may be speaking of
ideas borrowed by Hottentots from the Dutch, and by
Kaffirs from Hottentots.
Another odd example occurs elsewhere. Mr. Frazer
quotes the King of Sofala, or of Quiteva, or 'The Quiteva.' ^
This king ranks with the deity ; in fact, '
the Caffres
acknowledge no other gods than their monarch,' says Dos
Santos. But Mr. Frazer omits the circumstance that the
same author adds They acknowledge a God who both in
:
'

this world and the world to come they fancy measures

retribution for the good and evil done in this. . . .

Though convinced of the existence of a deity they neither

adore nor pray to him.' ^ Here we have a belief in a

future life and a god (Molunga) analogous to that revealed

' Folk Lore Jowrnal, South Africa, ii. iv. 1880, p. 59, et seq.
' Oolden Bough, i. 155 ii. 10. Dos Santos, in Pinkerton, xvi. 682-687,
;

et seq.
' Dos Santos, in Pinkerton, xvi. 687. He confuses Quiteva, the
country, and the king, the Quiteva. Cf. supra, p. 97 note 3.
 SOUTH AFEICAN RELIGION 235

in the archaic Zulu hymn. But Dos Santos only recog-

nised as god a god who receives prayer and adoration
hence he says that the Kaffirs have no gods, and also that
they '
acknowledge a god '
—unworshipped. The name
of that god, Molunga, is the same, I presume, as Mulungu,
who now, '
in the world beyond the grave, is represented as
^
assigning to spirits their proper places.'
To myself, then, Zulu religion, now almost exclusively
ancestor-worship, does seem to contain a broken and
almost obliterated element of belief in a high unwor-
shipped god, presiding over a future life. Obviously
archaic hymns are better evidence, with their native
interpretation, than the contradictory statements of
individual Zulus, who speak dubiously of what the
fathers used to say. The analogy between the Utikxo
and Mulungu belief also counts as corroboration, while the
unworshipped supreme being, with a deputy or deputies
(Utikxo — Unkulunkulu), is a pervading feature of savage
religion. If philology could throw any certain light on
the meanings of names like Mulungu, and so forth, more
sure ground might be reached. Again, when the name of
a relatively supreme being may be regarded as a plural,
like Elohim, the inference may be that many ancestral
spirits are being blended, or have been blended, into one
being. The case of the Mura Mura of the Australian
Dieri has met us already, in the essay on '
Magic and
Eehgion.' Is it a case of '
They ' or '
He ? '
'
Mulungu
God,' a native told Mr. Clement Scott ;
'
you can't put
the plural, as God is One.' '
Spirits are spirits of people
who have died '
(Mzima), '
not gods.' On the other hand,
' Macdonald, Africana, For etymological guesses, and the
i. 66, 67.
application of Mulungu Barimo) to ancestral spirits, and the state-
(as of
ment that all things in the world were made by Mulungu,' who was prior
'

to death, see Africana, and Mr. Clement Scott's Dictionary of the Mang'anja
Language in British Central Africa, and Making of Religion, pp. 232-238.
236 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Mr. Macdonald learned that 'people who have died

become Mulungu.' Yet he is also regarded as a separate
and supreme being, who assigns their places to the spirits
of the dead. His very name is variously interpreted as
'
sky '
or '
ancestor.'

We may argue that Mulungu is primal, and that

the spirits of the dead, Mzima, are only '
the people
of Mulungu,' who was, in the myth, prior to death.

Or we may argue that many Mzima have been com-

bined in a later conception of Mulungu as a single
being. Such beings do occur, it is certain, where spirits

of the dead are held of no account in religion. I fear

that, in the condition of the evidence, students will take
sides in accordance with their bias : at least both parties
will think that their opponents do so. I have observed
that many writers appear only to be aware of the existence
of the religious bias, which denotes lack of humour.
As toUtikxo, Mr. Beiderbecke.like Dr. Callaway, thinks
that Kaffirs, living near Hottentots, borrowed their name
for god, Tixo (Utikxo) and dropped Unkulunkulu.
, Among
the Ovaherero, in a region '
which had not yet been under
the influence of civilisation and Christianity '
(1873), Mr.
Beiderbecke found that a god called Karunga was believed
in. Look at our oxen and sheep is it not Karunga who
'
:

has made us so rich,' as Jehovah made the Israelites ?

Mukuru was used by believers in Kuringa as the name for
the missionaries' God. Mukuru is in Otyiherer6 the name '

for god.' The derivation is unknown, but Omurunga, the

sacred fan-palm tree, must be derived from Omuru, not
Omuru from Omurunga. The Otyiherer6 word for spirit
differs from both it is Otyimbosi. As a god, Karunga seems
:

to have no sacrifices these are made to ancestral spirits.

:

Karunga does not appear to be offended by sin, but this

seems merely to be inferred from his receiving no atone-
 SOUTH AFRICAN RELIGION 237

ment, as the spirits do. When people are dying they say
Mil them come.' Traces of him as a creator
'
Karungahas bid
are very dubious, but rain, thunder, and so on come
from him, as proverbial sayings prove, and he is prayed
to in time of danger — the prayers may be post-Christian.
The Omuambo creation tale, or one of the tales, makes
Kalunga, like Morimo, come out of the earth, and
create men and women. He is no They
ghost. '
also had
ghosts,' the witness said, '
but Kalunga was quite a
distinct and unique being.'
My bias in favour of my own theory is unconcealed,
but I conceive that South African belief in a god, 'a
unique being,' indicates itself in Mr. Beiderbecke's
evidence.
There are different words for this being and for ghosts
and spirits ; though in other cases philology finds cog-
nate African words for both.
Dr. Callaway concludes :
'
It appears that in the native
mind there is scarcely any idea of deity, if any at all,

wrapped up in their sayings about a heavenly chief.

When it is applied to God it is simply the result of

teaching. Among themselves he is not regarded as the
Creator, nor as the preserver of men ; but as a power, it

may be nothing more than an earthly chief, still cele-

brated by name —a relic of the king worship of the

Egyptians ; another form of ancestor- worship' — only he
is not worshipped !
^ Dr. Callaway, a most impartial in-
quirer, has given several cases of very old Zulus, who in
childhood heard from their elders about a creator, a
creative lord. But this excellent collector had just a
trifle of most justifiable bias. He was arguing to prove
that Unkulunkulu, Uthlanga, Utikxo, and the rest were

'
Beiderbeeke, F. L. Journal, South Africa, iv. v. 88-97.
''
Callaway, p. 124.
238 MAGIC AND EELIGION

not safe equivalents to be used by missionaries for God.

And they were not Umpengula argued
safe equivalents.
was a name
that point to perfection. Unkulnnkulu, he said,
to deceive children with you must not come
;
to us with a
new great god, and call him by the name of a being whom
every adult Zulu despises.' But that the name was
despised, say in 1860, by 'convinced manes- worshippers,'
by no means proves the non-existence of a higher belief
in the past. Mr. Eidley deemed Baiame a fit name for
the Christian God probably it was imprudent to employ
:

it in teaching natives.
Urged by his justifiable objection to the use of native
names to indicate the Christian God, Dr. Callaway, in
the conclusion just quoted, forgot, or had abandoned, his
opinion that the evidence of old Zulus represented a blend-
ing of beliefs, beginning with '
a primitive faith in a
heavenly Lord or Creator.' ^ I entirely go with his con-
clusion that the natives at large, of his generation, did
not regard '
the heavenly chief as the Creator or preserver
of men,' and that '
they had scarcely any notion of deity at
all.' But, on the evidence collected from very old people
by Dr. Callaway, I feel disposed to think it probable
enough that, under stress of military life, conquest, and
ancestor-worship, the Zulus may have forgotten and
almost obliterated the higher belief which the old men
had heard of in their infancy. If so, the Zulus fall

into the general line of my argument. Their faint

traditions (as in the case of Atahocan) have dwindled
to children's tales. They are not the '
theoplasm '
of a god
who was in course of becoming. But, of course, it may
be argued that these faint rudiments came in, with Utikxo,
through the Hottentots, who picked them up in conversa-
tion with the Dutch. This process, however, does not
'
Callaway, pp. 74-76. ^ Callaway, p. 55, note 4.
 SOUTH APEICAN RELIGION 239

apply to the belief in superior beings, carefully concealed

from the native women, the children, and the Europeans,
by the Australians. Nor does it apply to the American
Eehtan, Ahone, Andouagni, Atahocan, and many others.
Such are the hesitating conclusions which I venture to
draw from what we are told about religion among the
In favour of my theory is the
peoples of South Africa.
fact that the oldest evidence, that of persons born before
the genius of Chaka revolutionised Zulu life, agrees with
what I expect to find, a creative tradition.
The success of either of the competing theories —that
which sees elements of a high religion among low savages,
and that which denies the existence of these elements — does
not appear to me to affect our ideas about '
the truth of
Bach theory regards religion as a thing evolved
religion.'

by mankind in accordance with their essential nature.

The only question is as to the sequence of stages of
evolution. Suppose that the beginning of religion was
(as in my hypothesis) regard for a maker and father,

who was credited with sanctioning morality, and, in some

cases, with rewarding or punishing the good or bad in a
future life. These ideas occur in modern religion. But
the circumstance that they also occurred in primitive
religion would not prove modern religion to be '
true.' It

would only prove that the men who evolved primitive

religion were really human : very like their descendants.
"Why not They did not produce the higher ideas pure
? :

or at least, as we find them, they are always contaminated,

often overlaid, by myths of every degree of absurdity and

viciousness. But it is to be observed that the faith of
primitive man, as far as it is represented by the evidence
which I offer as to very backward man, had not some of
the worst elements of the creeds of more advanced races.

Sacrifices there were none. But when agriculture arose,

240 MAGIC AND RELIGION

it brought with it hecatombs of human sacrifices,

especially if we agree with Mr. Frazer's theory stated in

'
The Golden Bough.' So far it cannot be doubted that, as
man advanced in social progress, he became more deeply
stained with religious cruelty. In similar fashion the
religion of peace and goodwill came to be accompanied,
thanks to the nature of mankind, by religious cruelties as
barbarous as those of the Aztecs. Tantce molis erat : so
hard has it been to elevate the race in any one direction
without introducing new depressions in other directions.
 241

XIII
•CUP AND BINO:' AN OLD PBOBLEM SOLVED
History and antiquity supply our curious minds with
many pleasant profitless exercises. Even in these days of
education there are still many who have heard of
persons
the Man in the Iron Mask, and would like to know who he
was. Nobody, of course, reads the '
Letters of Junius,'
but many would be glad to be certain as to who wrote
them.
My riddle is infinitely more remote, but it has this
merit : that I think I can unriddle it. If ever you roamed
on that moor of the Cheviot Hills which is near Chatton
Park (I think on Lord Tankerville's ground), you may
have noticed, engraved on the boulders, central cup-like
depressions, surrounded by incised concentric circles.

Who hollowed out these devices, why, and in what age ?

I remember putting these questions when I first saw
the '
scalps ' of whinstone, just swelling out of the turf
among the heather, on a beautiful day of September. It
was a lonely spot, where victual never grew ; about us
were the blue heights of the Cheviots, below us the
fabulosus amnis of Till, that drovpns three men to one
drowned by Tweed. My friend told me that some said
the stones were places of Druid human sacrifice, and
others, men of common sense, held that the herd-boys
carved the circles out of sheer idleness.
But these answers will not pass. There were no
R
242 MAGIC AND RELIGION

herd-boys nor Druids in Central Australia, nor on the

Eio Negro in Brazil, among the Waimara Indians, nor
in Fiji, nor in Georgia of old, nor in Zululand, where
these decorative markings occur with others of primeval
character. In our own country they are found, not only
on scalps of rock, but on the stones of ' Druid circles,' from
Inverness-shire to Lancashire, Cumberland, and the Isle of
Man. They also occur on great stones arranged in avenues
on cromlechs (one huge horizontal stone supported on
others which are erect) on the stones of chambered
;

tumuli (artificial mounds) in Yorkshire on stone kists ;

'
'

or cof&ns, in Scotland, Ireland, and in Dorset on pre- ;

historic obelisks, or solitary '

standing stones,' in Argyll
on walls in underground Picts' houses in the Orkneys and
Forfarshire ; in prehistoric Scottish forts ; near old camps
as well as on isolated rocks, scalps, and stones. Analogous
double spirals occur at New Grange, in Ireland, at the
entrance of the great gallery leading to the domed
chamber ; in Scandinavia ; in Asia Minor ; in China and
Zululand ; in Australia, India, America, North and South,
and in Fiji.^

Now, who made these marks, when, and why? Sir

James Simpson says They are archaeological enigmas,
:
'

which we have no present power of solving.' He cites

some guesses. The markings are archaic maps or plans
'

of old circular camps and cities.' They are sundials but —

they occur in dark chambers of sepulchres, or underground
houses ! They stand for sun, or moon, or for Lingam
worship. They are Roman, or they are Phoenician —
theory on which much learning has been wasted.
To all these guesses Sir James Simpson opposed the

For India see Archaological Notes on Ancient Sculpturmgs on Bocks in

'

Kumaon, India, by Mr. J. H. Bivett-Carnac, Calcutta, 1883. The form of

the Jew's harp is common to India and Scotland.
 'CUP AND KING' 243

solution that the markings are merely decorative. '

From
the very earliest historic periods in the architecture of
Egypt, Assyria, Greece, &c., down to our own day, circles,
single or double, and spirals have formed, under various
modifications, perhaps the most common types of lapidary
decoration.' It appears in Polynesian tattooing, this love
of spirals and volutes. But, added Sir James, '
that they
were emblems or symbols, connected in some way with
the religious thoughts and doctrines of those that carved
them, appears to me to be rendered probable, at least, by
the position and circumstances in which we occasionally
find them on the lids of stone cof&ns and
placed,' as
mortuary urns. Their date must be very remote.' They '

preceded writing and tradition. They are found in

company with polished neolithic stone weapons, as in
Brittany, without any remains of the metals, save in one
case, of gold. The markings are certainly, in Australia,
earlier than the use of metals. Sir James found by
experiment that the markings could be made even on
Aberdeen granite with a flint celt and a wooden mallet.
He reckoned them earlier than the arrival of the Celtic
race, and asked for evidence of their existence in Africa,
America, or Polynesia. He did not know the Fijian
example in Williams's work on the Fijians, nor the
American and Australian examples.
Sir James did not live to hear much about these
mysterious marks in remote and savage lands. But, in
1875, Professor Daniel Wilson discovered, or rather
reported his discovery of, cups and rings on a granite
boulder in Georgia. The designs are quite of the familiar
orthodox sort, and rocks covered with deep cup-marks
occur in Ohio.^ Now there are romantic antiquaries, all

for Druids and Phoenicians ; and there are sardonic

'
Proceedings S.A.S., June 1875. ' Ohio Eock Markings.'
R 2
244 MAGIC AND RELIGION

antiquaries, who like to rub the gilt off the gingerbread.

Dr. Wilson was of the latter class, and explained the cups
as holes men in grinding stone pestles.
made by early
The concentric rings may have been drawn round the
cups for amusement.' This is damping, but early man
'

did not use stone kists and the inner walls of sepulchres
as grindstones ;
yet on these the marks occur. Nor would
he climb an almost inaccessible rock to find his grindstone ;

yet thesummit of such a rock has the decorations, in the

parish of Tannadyce (Forfarshire). We may, therefore,
discard Dr. Wilson's theory as a general solution of the
problem. Sir James Simpson left it with the answer that
the marks are decorative, plus religious symbolism.^ His
guess, as I think I can prove, or, at least, cause to seem pro-
bable, was correct. The cups and circles, with other marks,
were originally decorative, with a symbolical and religious
meaning in certain cases. How I have reached this
conclusion I go on to show.
When you want to understand an old meaningless
custom or belief, found in the middle of civilisation, you
try to discover the belief or custom in some region where
it possesses intelligible life. Then you may reckon that,

where you now find it without meaning, it once meant

what it now does where it is full of vitality, or meant
something analogous.
The place where the concentric circles and other
markings have a living and potent signification I dis-
covered by pure accident. I had been reading the proofs
of Messrs. Spencer and Grillen's valuable book on the
'
Native Tribes of Central Australia '
(Macmillan). There
I had noted plenty of facts about the native churinga, or
'
sacred things,' flat oval pieces of wood or stone, covered
with concentric circles, cups, and other decorations, which
'
Ancient Sculpturings of Cups, Circles, dc. Edinburgh, 1871.
 'CUP AND EING' 245

are read, or deciphered, as records of the myths and

legendary history of the native race. These churinga
are of various sizes,down to a foot or less in length. I
did not think of them in connection with our cups, circles,
and so forth on our boulders and standing stones. But
a friend chanced to come into my study, who began to
tell me about the singular old site, Dumbuck, discovered

by Mr. W. A. Donnelly (July 1898), under high-tide mark

in the Clyde estuary, near Dumbarton. The odd thing,' '

said my friend, '

is that they have found small portable
stones, amulets marked in the same way as the cup and

ring marked rocks,' and he began to sketch a diagram.

'
Why, that's a churinga,' said I, '
a Central Australian
churinga,' enlightened by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. My
friend, after being informed as to churinga, told me that
other examples had been dug up, also by Mr. Donnelly, in
an ancient fort near the other site, at a place called Dunbuie.
Here, then, I had things very like churinga, and of the
same markings as our boulders, kists, and so on, in two
Scottish sites, where I understand neither pottery nor
metal has yet been detected. Next, I found that the
marks which the Australians engrave on their small
churinga, they also paint on boulders, rock-walls, and
other fixtures in the landscape, on sacred ground, tabooed
towomen.
The startling analogy between Australian and old
Scottish markings saute aux yeux.
On the cover of Sir James Simpson's book, stamped
in gold, is a central set of six concentric circles, sur-

rounding a cup. From the inmost circle a groove goes to

the circumference of the outer circle (the circles often
occur without this radial groove), and there the line gives
a wriggle, suggesting that the circle was evolved out of a
spiral. Above and below this figure are a similar one with
246 MAGIC AND RELIGION

three and another with four concentric circles ; at each

side are two-circled and one-circled specimens with the

wriggled line, and two cups and circles with no wriggle.

Now compare fig. 131, p. 631, of Messrs Spencer and

Gillen. Here we have the churinga ilkinia, or sacred
rock-drawing, in red and white, of the honey ant totem in
the Warramunga tribe. Here are, first, seven concentric
circles, through the centre of which goes a straight line

of the same breadth (only found among the Warramunga),

while to each extremity are added two concentric circles
of small dimensions, ending in a cross. Around, as on
Sir James's cover, are smaller sets of less numerous
concentric circles, exactly like Sir James's, except for the
radial groove which ends in a wriggle. Again (fig. 124,
p. 615), we have two sets of concentric circles with white
dots answering to cups, and, where the third set of circles
should be, is a volute, as at New Grange, in Ireland, and
in many other examples in our islands.
Now, in Central Australia the decorative motives, or
analogous motives, of the permanent rock-paintings are
repeated on the small portable churinga, which are
deciphered by the blacks in a religious, or rather in a
mythical, sense. It is, therefore, arguable that the small
portable Scottish cup and circle marked stones, only
recently discovered, bore the same relation to the en-
gravings on permanent stones, scalps, and boulders as do
the Australian churinga to the Australian sacred rock-
paintings. They may have been portable sacred things.
Dumbuck, now in course
I have been unable to visit
of excavation, and have only seen some casts and pen-
and-ink sketches sent to me by Mr. Donnelly. But I
have examined the similar objects from Dunbuie, in the
museum at Edinburgh. The antiquaries looked dubiously
on them, because they had seen no such matters before
 'CUP AND RING' 247

(they might have done so in Ireland), because a shell, v/ith

a very modern scratched face, was among the finds, and
because a few of the markings on one or two stones look
recent and fresh. But I argue that a Dumbarton
humorist wishing to hoax us Monkbarnses would hardly
'
salt ' an old site with objects unknown to Scottish anti-
quaries, yet afterwards discovered in Central Australia.
How could the idea occur to him ? A forger would forge
things known, such as flint weapons ; he would not forge
novelties, which, later, are found to tally with savage
sacred things in actual use.
Many of the Dunbuie finds are engraved in Mr.
Millar's paper on Dunbuie.^ But he has not engraved
the most unmistakable cburinga, a small oval slab of
stone, with an ornament of little cups following its out-
line (much as in an Irish instance), and provided, like

stone churinga in Australia, with a hole for suspension.

He does engrave certain hitherto unheard-of articles
spear-heads of slate, two supplied with suspension holes.
One (p. 294) has a pattern of the simplest, like a child's
drawing of a larch, which recurs in Australia.^ That
these slate spear-heads, pierced for suspension, were used
in war I doubt, though some Australians do use spear-
heads of a flinty slate
'
and where flint is so
;
'
scarce,
as in Scotland, hard slate may be used — for example,
in North America.' I rather regard the slate weapons as
amulets, or churinga, analogous to the very old and rare
boomerang-shaped churinga of the Arunta (lizard totem)

Proceedings S.A.S. vol. xxx. 1896, pp. 291-316.

'

Spencer and Gillen, p. 632, Nos. 14-23. 'Ilkinia and Plum Tree
^

Totem.'
^ The evidence for Australian slate spear-heads is not strong. Capt.
King acquired a bundle of bark in a raid on natives. It contained ' several
spear-heads,most ingeniously and curiously made of stone . . . the stone
was covered with red pigment, and appeared to be of a flinty slate.' — See
The Picture of Australia, p. 243. London, 1829.
248 MAGIC AND RELIGION

of Central Australia. Mr. Millar observes :

' They have
all been saturated with oil or fat, as water does not adhere
to them, but runs off as from a greasy surface.' Now
the Australian churinga are very frequently rubbed with
red ochre, and made greasy with '
hand grease '

—a sin-

gular coincidence. Footmarks are among the sacred

Australian rock-paintings with a legendary sense. They
also occur, engraved on rock in Brittany, Ireland, on
' The Fairy Stone ' (ilkinia) in Glenesk, and on '
The
Witches' Stone ' at Monzie, associated with cups and
concentric circles.^ These close analogies point all in one
direction.
Meaningless in Europe, what meaning have these
designs in Australia ? Though certainty is impossible, I
take it that they were first purely decorative, before the
mythical and symbolical meaning was read into them by
the savages. They occur on the mystic '
bull-roarers ' of
Central Queensland, but I do not learn that in Queens-
land the circles and so on are interpreted or deciphered as
among the Arunta.^ Still, they occur here in a religious
connection —the bull-roarer being swung at the mysteries
and they are carved on trees at mysteries held far south in
New South Wales. ^ But even in Central Australia the
markings sometimes occur as purely decorative, on one
rock or other object, while on others they are sacred, and
are interpreted as records of legends,* according to Spencer
and Gillen. There are '
ordinary rock-paintings,' and
'
certain other drawings, in many cases not distinguish-
able from some of the first series, so far as their form

Simpson, pp. 182-184.

'

Roth, Natives of N. W. Qtieensland, p. 129, pi. xvii.

^

^ Journal Anthrop. Institute, May 1895, p. 410, pi. 21, fig. 7.

Some wooden churinga are engraved, as Australian Magic Sticks,' in

' '

Batzel's popular History of Mankind, i. 379. They exactly answer to the

churinga of the Arunta.
 'CUP AND RING' 249

is concerned, but belonging to a class all of which are

spoken of as churinga ilkinia, and are regarded as
sacred because they are associated with totems. Each
local totemic group has certain of these specially belong-
ing to the group, and in very many cases preserved
on rock-surfaces in spots which are strictly tahu to the
women, children, and uninitiated men.' One of the
commonest represents a snake coming out of a hole in a
'

rock,' which the wriggle out of the cup in our circle-

marked stones would stand for fairly well. Some designs

;
are only '
play-work ' others exactly similar, on another
spot, have a definite meaning. The meaning is read,
where the spot is sacred grormd. The concentric circles
are '
believed, on good ground, to have been derived from
an original spiral.' '
It is much more easy to imagine a
series of concentric circles originating out of a spiral than
to imagine a spiral originating out of a series of concentric
circles.' In this country the spiral seems to be later than
the circle.
These devices not only occur on fixed rocks and
portable churinga, they are also painted on the bodies of
boys when initiated in the mysteries :
'
concentric circles
with radiating lines preponderate.'
In Mr. Haddon's '
Decorative Art of British New
Guinea ' he describes designs of concentric circles and
spirals which are clearly derivatives of drawings of the
human face.' Thus our concentric circles and spirals may,
in the last resort, have been derived from drawings of the
human face, though diablement changSs en route.
What, then, however we interpret the origin, decora-
tive or symbolic, of the sacred designs, is their significance
as understood by the Arunta of Central Australia at the
present time ?
'
Eoyal Irish Academy, Cuymmgham Memoirs, No. i. 1894.
260 MAGIC AND RELIGION

The Arimta are totemistic —that is, they beheve in

close relationswhich bind up the groups of their society
with certain plants and animals. But they differ vastly
from other totemistic races all over the world, and even in
Australia. So much do they differ that it may be doubted
whether their totems can properly be called totems at all.
Elsewhere a man of a given totem — say the emu— cannot
marry a woman of that stock it is incest. The children
;

inherit their totem, either from the mother, or, less fre-
quently, the father. Any local group in a given region
contains persons of various totems. People may not kill,

eat, or make any use of the plants and animals which, in

each case, are their totems.
Among the Arunta all is otherwise. A child's totem
may be that of his father, of his mother, or different from
that of either parent. A man may marry a woman of his
own totem, which elsewhere and capitally is incest,
punished. Thus, father mother is a grub
is a grub ;

one child may be a grub, another an emu. Moreover,

here totems are local; almost every one in a given
place will be, for example, a lizard or a plum tree.

Usually people do eat their own totems, though sparingly,

at magical rites, intended to multiply the animal or
plant with which it is associated, in the interests of

the general food supply. The Grubs work a rite to

cause plenty of grubs, and they give the other groups a
lead by eating sparingly of the first fruits of the grubs.

This bears, in my opinion, no strong analogy to the so-

called '
totem-sacrament.' To work the magic, the men
of the grub or other totem must eat a little of it. This
probably confirms their relation to the grub, but involves
no religious element. They do not adore the grub. If

any one likes to call this a '

totem-sacrament,' he is

rather easily satisfied. Nor does it agree with the

 'CUP AND RING' -251

notion that a man's totem is the receptacle of his '

life '
or
'
soul
;
' if so, why should he encourage his neighbour to
kill and eat it ? Nay, he even helps them to destroy it.

Whether Arunta totemism is the most archaic kind,

from which all other totemism has varied, or whether it is

a private '
sport ' from the main stock, does not concern
us here, and is matter of conjecture. The Arunta, and
other Central Australian tribes, look back to a mythic
past, when ancestors, closely connected with this or that
plant or animal, perhaps transformations of such animal
or plant, roamed the country in groups, each of the same
totem name, each feeding freely on its own totem.
This was 'the Alcheringa time,' and existing rites are

explained by '
aetiological myths, 'stating how such or such
a mummery, still practised, was originally practised in the
Alcheringa. Nothing of the sort, of course, need have
been the case, and such myths cannot tell us what the
manners and customs of that dim age really were.
Demeter was a woman of the Greek Alcheringa, and the
Eleusinian rites were explained by the Greeks as origi-
nating in her Alcheringa adventures. But these obviously
were invented purely to account for the rites themselves,

not vice versa.

Now, among the Arunta the blacks of to-day are
regarded as reincarnations of the Alcheringa fabulous
ancestors. Bach of these carried about (both men and
women) churinga, the portable decorated stones. When an
Alcheringite died, a rock or tree rose to mark the place,
but his or her spirit '
remained in the churinga.' Plenty
of churinga were dropped at different sites, and round
these now hover the spirits associated with them. In one
place is a crowd of wild cat ghosts ; at another, a mob of
frog or lizard or emu ghosts. These want to be re-
incarnated. Consequently, a woman who desires to have
252 MAGIC AND EELIGION

a baby goes to one of them (in Argyll she would slide

down a cup-marked rock !), a woman who does not want
to have a baby keeps away. A child's totem is derived,
not from father or mother, but from the totem of the
ghosts at the place where the woman thinks she conceived
it. When the baby is born her relations hunt the spot,

and find for it the churinga left by the spirit which is

reincarnated in it.

Thus, first there is the fabulous Alcheringite, himself

a transformation of an emu, lizard, water, fire, or what
not. Then there is his spirit haunting, after his death,
a spot where churinga of his totem were deposited. That
spirit enters into and is born again from a passing woman,
and the spirit's churinga is found and is henceforth the
child's churinga —an oval plate of stone, with cup and
ring or other decorations.' All these churinga are kept
at sacred central stores, caves, or crevices. Each member
of the tribe is represented by her or his '
churinga nanja
in these repositories. Women may not go near these
sacred stores, nor may they see a churinga.^ If they do,
their eyes are burned out with a fire stick. A man's
churinga is not, to him, like the egg in which was the
life of the giant in the fairy tale. If it comes to grief, he
does not die, but expects bad luck, as we do if we break a

mirror. Not till he has been through the mysteries and

the most cruel mutilations, and just before he has been
painted with the pattern on the sacred rock of his totem,
can a man see the store-houses of the churinga. Now, in
the witchetty grub totem this sacred painting tallies with
the lines incised, under concentric circles, on the covering

'
For cups, see Spencer and Gillen, p. 129 ; for concentric circles, see
p. 131.
' The tribal stores of churinga are not the same as the places where

churinga were dropped in the Alcheringa.

 'OUP AND EING' 253

of a stone kist at Tillicoutry.' There are circles above

the lines in the Australian example, or rather circular
dabs of paint, called '
the decorated eyes,' painted on the
rocks ; the corresponding patterns are incised on the
portable churinga. In Scotland the patterns are incised
both on fixed rocks and portable stones ; the latter at
Dumbuck and Dunbuie.
I observe many patterns common to both regions.
There are the concentric circles, the spiral, the marks like
horseshoes, the tree pattern, the witchetty grub pattern,
the volute, the long sinuous snake-like pattern, and a
number of these recur in Brazil, on the banks of the
Eio Negro. ^ Now, though v?e have those patterns on rocha
in Ohio, Brazil, Australia, in this country, in France, in

Asia Minor, T only know the patterns on portable small

stones in Australia, at Dunbuie, on the Dumbuck site,

and, I think, in a cairn near Lough Crew, in County

Meath. The curious, for may consult
this last case,
'Proceedings of Scottish Society of Antiquaries,' 1893,
p. 299, where in figs. 6 and 7 he will see what in Australia
would be called two stone, churinga, with any number of
Scoto-Australian patterns on large stones. On one the
pattern is like that of a stone from Dunbuie.
In Australia members of each totem decipher the
marks, purely conventional, as representative of the totem,
and of adventures in the Alcheringa time. For example,
a mark like two croquet hoops, or horseshoes, is an old '

woman gathering frogs.' The concentric circles are frogs

the dots round them are tracks of women ; dull, often dirty,

stories are told about the adventures of the Alcheringites

'
Proceedings S.A.S. vol. xxix. p. 193. Spencer and Gilleu, fig. 132,
No. 6.
^ S.A.S. 1884-5, vol. vii.
pp. 388-394. Compare, for County Meath,
the same work, 1892-93, pp. 297-338.
254 MAGIC AND RELIGION

commemorated by the patterns. At the sacred pattern-

painted rocks, magic ceremonies, extremely puerile, are
performed to ensure a supply of the edible totem which
the pattern represents. Some event occurred there in the
Alcheringa ; the rite repeats what, in myth, was then done,
and the stomachs of the men are rubbed with the churinga
'
for luck.' Such are the uses of the churinga. Did they once
exist wherever the similarly decorated fixed rocks exist ?

Did the makers of the decorations in Scotland decipher the

churinga as the Central Australians do now ? Were the

dwellers by Clyde (much more advanced in culture than
the Australians) totemists, looking on their small decorated
stones as associated with the spirits of Alcheringa ances-
tors? Do women in Argyll slide down a cup-marked
rock, in hope of offspring, because totemistic ghosts once
hovered round it, eager to be reincarnated ? The fact of
the sliding is by a chief of Clan Diarmid.
attested
Nobody can answer I have showa these decorated
!

rocks and small stones to have a living significance, a vital

legendary symbolism, in Central Australia. I cannot
prove that they had the same significance in County
Meath or Dumbartonshire. The Australians may have
begun with mere decoration, and later added a symbolism
suited to their amazing theory of life. In our country
the decorations may have quite a different symbolical sense,

but probably they had some sense. Otherwise, why

engrave them, not only on rocks, but on small stones
pierced for suspension ? Perhaps men believed in an
Alcheringa time on the Clyde ;
perhaps they multiplied
salmon and deer by magical mummeries at the engraved
rocks perhaps these were sacred places, tabooed to
;

women. Or quite a different set of fables and customs may

have crystallised in Scotland round marked rocks and
inscribed small stones. I cannot prove that, as in Australia,
 'CUP AND EING' 265

Clydesdale boys of old, when initiated in the mysteries,

were painted with the pattern on their sacred totem rock

and stone or wood churinga. But, if not these rites,

other rites were, I conceive, connected with the decorative

patterns found in so many still savage countries.
One piece of evidence rather points in this direction.
The Australian stone churinga are shaped like the wooden
churinga, and these are shaped like the tundun, or '
bull-
roarer.' Now the bull-roarer (which occurs in Australia
where stone churinga do not) is a sacred oval piece of wood,
not to be seen by women, which is whirled at the mysteries,
and makes a windy, roaring noise. The same object is

used, for the same purpose, at the mysteries in America,

Africa, and, of old, in Greece.' The roaring noise is taken
to be the voice of Tundun, son of Mungan-ngaur, '
Our
Father ' in the heavens, among the Kurnai, and of gods
or culture heroes of other names in other tribes. Now, in
Celtic Scotland (as also in England) this instrument, the
tundun, occurs as a mere toy, in Gaelic named strannam.
Does it descend from a sacred object of savage mysteries,
and are the Australian stone churinga —in shape like the

tundun, and like the tundun tabooed to women —mere

lapidary modifications of the wooden tundun ? However
this may be, the strannam looks like a link in the long
chain which binds us to the prehistoric past.
While correcting the proof-sheets of this article I read,
Glasgow Herald (January 7, 1899), an article on
in the

Dumbuck and Dunbuie, by Dr. Munro, the eminent authority

on crannogs, or pile-dwellings, and, generally on prehistoric
Scotland. Dr. Munro, as I understand him, does not
regard Dumbuck as an older than mediaeval site, nor as a

See the author's Custom and Myth : The Bull Boarer. Prof. Haddon
'

hag discovered many other inetanoes see also The Golden Bough, iii. 423
;

et seq.
256 MAGIC AND RELIGION

true crannog. The incised stones he looks on either as of

most singular character (if genuine) or as forgeries of

to-day, the opinion which he seems to prefer. He was
then unacquainted with similar objects in any part of the
world. I have here provided references to similar objects
from Central Australia, and I suggest examination of the

a^pparently similar Irish objects, figured in '

Proceedings
of Scottish Society of Antiquaries,' 1893, p. 299, figs. 6
and 7. Not having seen these stones I can only offer the

hint suggested by the illustrations in ' Proceedings.' Why

a forger should forge such unknown objects, and place
them at Dunbuie, in 1895, before the Central Australian
stones had been described, I cannot guess. Nor can I
enough deplore the stupidity of the same hypothetical
forger in not salting'
Dunbuie and Dumbuck with
'

neolithic implements, whether antique or made by some

Flint Jack of to-day. Both his sins of omission and of

commission donnent furieusement d penser. Dr. Munro,

however, as I gather from his article on Dumbuck in
'
The Eeliquary ' (April 1901), still declines to recognise
the Dumbuck decorated portable stones as of genuine
antiquity.
 257

XIV
FIB8T-FBUITS AND TAB.OOS

Taboo is one of the few savage words which have

struck root in England. Introduced from New Zealand
(tapu) and other Polynesian islands, it is used in English
to denote a prohibition. This, that, or the other thing, or
person, or book is 'tabooed.' Many of the Ten Com-
mandments are, in this sense, taboos. But, in anthro-
pological language, '
taboo ' generally denotes something
more than a prohibition. It commonly means a pro-
hibition for which, to the civilised mind, there is no very
obvious meaning. In this way the prohibitive Command-
ments are not precisely taboos ; it is pretty obvious why
we ought not to steal or kill, though the raison d'etre of
the Seventh Commandment is obscure to some advanced
intelligences. But the reasons why a
Sinclair must not
cross the Ord on a certain lawful day,' or why on an-
'

other '
lawful day the fishermen of St. Andrews might
'

not go a-fishing, resemble many savage taboos in the

lack of a manifest reason why. Secondly, the infraction
of the savage taboo generally, unlike that of the deca-
logue, carries its own punishment. Forbidden food is

poison, tabooed land is dangerous to tread upon, to handle

tabooed property may mean death ; nobody knows what
awful cosmic catastrophe might occur if a tabooed woman
saw the sun ; many words and names are taboo, and no
luck will come of using them — for instance, you must not
s
 258 MAGIC AND KELIGION

name 'salmon,' 'pigs,' or the minister when out fishing

in some parts of Scotland.
In many cases the reason of this or that taboo is

easily discoYered. A day is unlucky because all the

fishers, as at St. Andrews, were lost on that day in a
past century through a storm ; or the Sinclairs on
another day were cut off in an expedition. Most of

us have our lucky or unlucky days, clothes, and other

vanities. Again, things are taboo for some reason in
that kind of faith which holds that things connected in
the association of ideas are mystically connected in fact.

You must not mention salmon, lest they hear you and
escape; or tin in Malay tin mining, lest the tin should
literally ' make itself scarce.' You may not name the fairies,
a jealous folk. Therefore you say '
the people of peace,'
and so on. But many other taboos have good practical
reasons. If women, among ourselves, were tabooed from
salmon-fishing, eating oysters, or entering smoking-rooms
/ (all of which things are greatly to be desired), the reason
would be the convenience of the men, who wish a sanctuary
or asylum in the smoking-room, and want to keep oysters
and fishing to themselves. It is pretty plain why the
sight of the royal treasury is tabooed to a West African
king : to speak colloquially, if admitted to see the hoards
he '
would blue the lot.' A taboo often protects by a
supernatural sanction the property and persons of the
privileged classes. If the umbrella of a bishop or a baronet
were taboo, it would not be taken away from the club by
accident.
This simple explanation covers the case of many taboos.
Brother and sister may scarcely ever see each other,
still less speak to or name each other, where the law
against brother and sister marriage or amour is the one
most definite law of the community. ' It is not, therefore,
 FIRST-FRUITS AND TABOOS 259

surprising,' says Mr. Jevons, '

that the earlier students of
the custom ' (of taboo) regarded
' it as an artificial invention,
a piece of statecraft, cunningly devised in the interests of
the nobility and the priests. This view is, however, now
generally abandoned,' because taboo 'is most at home
in communities which have no state organisation, and
flourishes where there are no priests or no priesthood.
Above all the belief is not artificial and imposed, but
^
spontaneous and natural.'
I hesitate about this theory. Taboo can hardly
flourish more than it does in Polynesia and West Africa,
where there are kings and priests. Moreover, though
there are human societies without kings or priests (as in

Australia), there are no societies in which artificial

rules are not propagated, instituted, and enforced by the

adult males meeting in councils. The Arunta of Central
Australia are, of course, far from '
primitive.' They have
institutions, ceremonies, weapons, rules, and a complete
system of philosophy, which must have needed unknown
ages to develop. They have local head-men, or Alatunjas,
whose office passes always in the male line : from father to
son, if the son be of age to succeed, or, if he is not, to the
brother,on whoSe death it reverts to the son. An Alatunja
dying without a son nominates a brother or nephew to
succeed him. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen know no
equivalent to this law among other Australian tribes, and
it indicates, among the so-called '
primitive ' Arunta, a
marked advance beyond other tribes in social evolution.
The Alatunja is hereditary Convener of Council, and if an
able man has considerable power. He is guardian of the
Sacra of the group, determines the date of the cessation
of close-time for certain sorts of game, the date of the
magical ceremonies for fostering the game or edible
'
Introduction to the History of Religion, p. 82.

s 2
260 MAGIC AND RELIGION

plants, and directs the ceremonies. In the councils

called by the Alatunja it appears that changes in stereo-
typed custom may be introduced. Men learned in the
customs and magic settle everything.'
skilled in Defi-'

nite proof of fimdamental innovations thus introduced

Messrs. Spencer and Gillen do not possess but tradition ;

indicates alterations of custom, and it is quite possible

that a strong Alatunja, well backed, might bring in
even a radical reform.^ There are also recognised
grades of skill among the medicine-men and the dealers
with spirits, who must have their own share of social
influence.
In brief, though without priests or kings these backward
tribes have councils, and conveners, and directors whose
office is hereditary in the male line. These persons, through
unknown ages, have moulded customs and taboos, which
are just as much sanctioned by traditoin and authority
just as little spontaneous and universal,' as if kings and
'

priests had invented them for purposes of statecraft.

Mr. Jevons next argues that taboo '
cannot have
been derived from experience. It is prior to and even
contradictory of experience. In fine, it is an inherent
tendency of the human mind.' In the same way Gibbon's
ancestor. Blue Gown herald, when among North American
Indians, declared that heraldry is an inherent tendency
of the human mind, an innate idea.
An opinion is not necessarily erroneous because it is

obsolete, nor a view wrong becaiise '

it is generally
abandoned.' I am here supporting the '
generally
abandoned ' hypothesis that many taboos, at least, are
artificial and imposed, against Mr. Jevons's idea that
the taboo, like armorial bearings, results from an inherent '

tendency of the human mind ' '

prior to and even contra-
' Spencer and Gillen, pp. 10-16.
 FIEST-FRUITS AND TABOOS 261

dictory of experience.' ^ That a new-born baby is danger-

'

ous,' or that '

the water in which a holy person has washed
is dangerous,' my private experience does not tell me ; in
fact, I never made either experiment : never tubbed in
the water previously used by a bishop. But I am
prepared to admit that neither babies nor bishops are
proved by our experience to be dangerous. That is not the
question. The savage argued, not from unbiassed and
impartial scientific experiment, but from fancied experi-
ence. Thus Mr. Jevons mentions a Maori who died after
finding out that he had eaten, unawares, the remains of the
luncheon of a holy person, a chief. There was experience
produced by suggestion. The suggestion was suggested
in the interests of holy chiefs ; they were '
tabooed an inch
thick,' as Mr. Manning writes. As to the baby, the Dyaks,
as in our own fairy belief, hold that '
new-born children
are the especial prey of evil spirits,' just as corpses were in
Scotland, where, if the door was left ajar, the corpse sat
up, and mopped and mowed. If the watchers left it, and
dined in the 'but,' an awful wacarme arose in the 'ben.'
The minister entered, stilled the tumult, asked for the
tongs, and came back holding in the tongs a bloody glove !

This he dropped into the fire.

This kind of thing is contradictory to the experience

of ih.e fancied experience of Dyaks,
Mr. Jevons, but not to
Scots, Opinion therefore makes taboos in
and other races.
accordance with experience, or what is believed to be
experience, and the belief is fortified by suggestion,
which produces death or disease when the taboo is broken.
On the analogy of infectious diseases, the mischief of the
tabooed thing is held to be contagious.
Thus I cannot hold with Mr. Jevons that the human
mind is provided with an a priori categorical imperative
'
Jevons, p. 85.
262 MAGIC AND EELIGION
'
that there are some things which must not be done,' '
a
feeling '
'
independent of sense experience.' ^ If the
choice of what things are '
not to be done '
seems to us
'
irrational,' that is merely because our reason is more
enlightened than that of the savage. He prohibited just
such things as his philosophy, and what he believed to be
his experience, showed him to be dangerous for obscure
reasons. Any was dangerous to eat
fool could see that it

poison berries or But it took reflec-

frolic with a bear.
tion to discover that a baby or a corpse was dangerous by
reason of evil spirits, Irimtarinia, whom the Alkna Buma,
or clairvoyant, could see, and describe, though Mr. Jevons
and I could not discern them.^ These Iruntarinia notori-
ously carry off women, and probably, like the fairies, have
their best chance in the hour of child-birth : at all events,
the fairies have.^ The belief is socially useful : it prevents
young Arunta women from wandering off alone, and
philandering out of bounds.
Thus these taboos are sanctioned by the tribal

counsellors as the results of experience, not their own

perhaps, but that of the Alkna Buma, or clairvoyant, or
'sensitive,' or 'medium,' or habitually hallucinated
person. Other taboos, as to women, are imposed for
very good reasons, though not for the reasons alleged, and
broken taboos are not (in actual ordinary experience)
attended by the penalties which, however, suggestion
may produce.
Taboo, then, is not imposed irrationally, nor in
deference to '
an inherent tendency of the human mind '

(that Mrs. Harris of philosophy), but for a very good

reason, as savage reasoning goes, and in accordance with
what is believed to be experience, and, by dint of sugges-
tion, really does become experience,
.levons, pp. 85-87. ^ Spencer and Gillen, pp. 15, 515. ' Ibid. p. 517.
 FIRST-FRUITS AND TABOOS 283

was irrational in Dr. Johnson to touch certain

It '
'

posts, and avoid certain stones, and enter a door twice, if

he first entered it with the wrong foot. All my life I
have had similar private taboos, though nobody knows
better that they are nonsense. But some solitary
experience in childhood probably suggested a relation of
cause and effect, where there was only a fortuitous
sequence of antecedent and consequent, and so Dr.
Johnson and I (though not so conspicuously as the Doctor)
imposed taboos on ourselves in deference to (fancied)
experience. Early man has acted in the same way
on a large scale, obeying no categorical a priori impera-
tive, but merely acting on his philosophy and experience
which is real to him, though not to civilised men. They
usually do not understand it, but educated persons vrith a
survival of savagery in their mental constitutions find the
affair intelligible.

But the reason in actual practical experience for some

taboos must be plain to the most civilised minds, except
those of Eadical voters for the Border Boroughs. Man, in
the hunter stage, must have game laws and a close-time for
edible animals and plants. The Border Eadical will not
permit a close-time for trout, perferring to destroy them,
and with them their offspring, when gravid and unfit for
human food, or before they recover condition.
The '
primitive '
Arunta are not so irrational, and have
a close-time, protected by taboo, or, at least, by cere-
monies of a nature more or less magical. In these cere-
monies of a people not pastoral or agricultural, we seem to
see the germs of the offerings of first-fruits to gods or
spirits, though the Australian produce is offered neither to
spirits nor to gods. These tribes recognise a great spirit,

indeed, Twanyirika, but that he plays any other part in

religion or society than presiding over the tribal mysteries
'264 MAGIC AND EELIGION

we have at present no evidence to prove. Similar figures,

associated with the mysteries, are, in other parts of

Australia, provided with an ample mythology, and are

subject to a being more august and remote. But either
the Arunta are advanced thinkers who have passed
beyond such ideas, or they have not yet attained to them,
or our witnesses are uninformed on the subject.' In any
case, the first-fruits of the game, grubs, and plants of the
Arunta are not offered to Twanyirika, or to the minor
sprites, Iruntarinia.

The ceremonies, partly intended to make the creatures

used for food prolific, and partly, I think, to indicate that
the close-time is over and that the creatures may be taken
and eaten, are called Intichiuma. On the mummeries ex-
pected to make animals and plants plentiful we need not
dwell. In each case the men who belong to the totem of
the beast, grub, or plant perform the ceremonies. There
is believed to be a close and essential connection between
a man of the kangaroo totem and all kangaroos, between
a man
of the grub totem and all grubs, so each totem
group does the magic to propagate its ally among beasts or
plants. How these ideas arose we do not know. But if

a local group was originally called kangaroos or grubs

(and some name it must have), the association of names
would inevitably lead, by association of ideas, to the
notion that a mysterious connection existed between the
men of a totem name and the plant, animal, or what not
which gave the name. These men, therefore, would work
the magic for propagating their kindred in the animal and
vegetable world. But the existence of this connection
would also suggest that, in common decency, a man
should not kill and eat his animal or vegetable relations.

In most parts of the world he abstains from this

'
Spencer and Gillen, pp. 222, 246.
 FIRST-FRUITS AND TABOOS 265

unconsinly behaviour : among the Arunta he may eat

sparingly of his totem, and must do so at the end of the

close-time or beginning of the season.

He thus, as a near relation of the actual kangaroos or
grubs, declares the season open, and gives his neighbours of

other totems a lead. Novs? they may begin to eat grubs or

kangaroos; the taboo is off. Thus, in 1745, Gask tabooed
the corn of his tenants ; they must not reap it, because
they refused '
to rise and follow Charlie.' Prince Charles,
hearing of this, cut a few ears with his claymore, thus
removing the taboo. In the same way the grub or kan-
garoo men publicly eat a little of their own totem, after
which the tribesmen and other totems may fall to and de-
vour. When the grub or whatever it is becomes plentiful,
after the magic doings for its propagation, it is collected
and placed before some members of the grub totem. The
Alatunja, or convener, grinds up some of the grub, he and
his fellow totemists eat a little, and hand the mass back
to the members of other totems. They eat a little of
their own totem, partly, Messrs. Spencer and Gillen say,
to strengthen their mystic connection with the creature.
This, in a way, is a ' sacramental ' idea, though no religious
regard is paid to the plants and animals. But the men
also partake, to remove the taboo, and to let the rest of
the community gorge themselves legally.^
The rite has thus a practical purpose. The grubs or
other creatures are not prematurely destroyed, like trout
on the Border. In fact, trout themselves are sensible
enough not to begin feeding on May fly prematurely.

' The Arunta eating of the totem, at the magic ceremony, is not religious.
Mr. Jevons, however, adduces it as proof of '
the existence of the totem-
sacrament,' surviving an etiolated form.' But what proof have we
'
in
that the totems were once totem gods,' or in any way divine, among the
'

Arunta ? Jevons, The Science of Eeligion,' International Monthly, p. 489,

'

April 1901.
266 MAGIC AND EELIGION

'
Throughout the previous week,' says Sir Herbert Maxwell,
'a few May flies had been seen . . . but not a trout
would point his nose at one. . . . This hesitation on the
part of the trout to begin their annual banquet is one of
the best known and, at the same time, least explicable

features of the May fly fortnight.' ' The Arunta also

let the grub come on to its full rise before feeding. When
a certain bulb is ripe, the men of its totem rub off

and blow away the husks, then the general public may
begin feeding. There is nothing sacramental in this
ceremony, which merely opens the season for tuber
eating. The taboo is off. And so in other cases : the
kangaroo men are smeared with the fat of the kangaroo,
and eat a little of the animal.^ The non-kangaroo
tribesmen may then eat kangaroo. The traditions of the
Arunta represent their mythical ancestors as in some
cases feeding solely on their totems. But this cannot
possibly be true. A grub man would die, when grubs
were out, of starvation, and so with the rest. '
When
fruits is in, cats is out,' and a man of the gooseberry
totem, who only ate gooseberries, would perish miserably.
The Arunta eating of the totem has nothing to do with
consecrating the first-fruits of grubs or kangaroos to a god
or with absorbing the qualities of a spirit. When
Swedish peasants bake a cake shaped like a girl, from
the last sheaf of the new corn, they perhaps originally
ate the cake '
as the body of the corn spirit.' ' But when
the Lithuanian farmer takes the first swig of the new beer
'
the second brew was for the servants '
— perhaps he is

only declaring his ownership, and opening the beer season.*

In an unnamed part of Yorkshire the parson cuts the

'
Memories of the Months, 1900, pp. 132, 133.
^ Spencer and Gillen, chapter vi.
^ G. B. ii. 318. ' IHd.
 FIRST-FRUITS AND TABOOS 267

first corn ; he is the Alatunja, and opens the harvest. In

the Celebes the priest opens the rice harvest ; all eat of it

'
after this every one is free to get in his rice.' At St.
Andrews on the Medal Day (which is in harvest time) the
Alatunja (that is the new captain) drives a ball from the
first tee ; after this every one is free to drive off in his

turn —but not before. In some places, as in Indo-China,

the first-fruits are offered to a god ; in Zululand the
king pops a little into the mouth of every man present, who
'may immediately get in his crops.' If he began harvest
before he would die, or, if detected, would be speared, or
forfeited. Sometimes the first-fruits are offered to '
the
holy spirit of fire.' There are all sorts of ways and
ceremonies of opening the season and taking off the taboo.
I really don't think it follows that the first fruits are
dangerous to eat, before the ceremony, because '
they are
regarded as instinct with a divine virtue, and consequently
the eating of them is a sacrament or communion.' ^ It is
dangerous to eat them, as it would be dangerous to steal
a tabooed umbrella. They are tabooed because it is close-
time.
The other may come to be entertained, an auto-
ideas
matic punishment may be thought to follow the breach of
the taboo, though we do not learn that this is the case
among the Arunta. But the origin of the taboo on the
immature food, I think, is the perfectly practical idea of
a close-time ;
plants are not to be gathered, nor animals
killed, prematurely. The more or less supreme being of
the Fuegians is angry — if you shoot flappers. Very bad '

to shoot little duck, come rain, come wind, blow, very

much blow.' The great black man, who cannot be
^ '

escaped, and who influences the weather according to

men's conduct,' is right about the flappers. He sanctions
'
G. B. ii. 335. ^ Fitzroy, Cruise of the Beagle, ii. 180.
268 MAGIC AND RELIGION

a necessary game law. The How (king), in Tonga, used

to wait till the yams were ripe, then he fixed a day for

gathering them, and had a religious function. The sort

of function depends on the stage at which local religion

has arrived; but a close-time —no premature killing or

gathering — is the practical idea at the base of all these

affairs of first-fruits. Any other superstition, sacrificial or
sacramental, may crystallise round the practical primitive
prohibition, especially when it was sanctioned by the good
old device of automatic punishment, following on infringe-
ment of taboo.
If Sir Herbert Maxwell could persuade Mr. Thomas
Shaw, M.P., that the proverbially execrable weather on
the Border is the direct result of fishing, especially with
salmon-roe, out of season ; if there was to be no fishing
till Mr. Shaw, after tasting of the first trout, declared
the season open ; if the clergy of all denominations
lent their presence to the imposing ceremony, then
I believe thatTweed, Ettrick, Teviot, Yarrow, Ail, and
Kale would be worth fishing in again.
Taboo, as Mr. Frazer and Mr. Jevons agree, has had its
uses in the evolution of morality ; but remark that strictly

moral offences are nowhere under taboo. You may steal

(as long as the object stolen is not tabooed and does not
belong to a chief or priest), you may kill, you may inter-

fere with the domestic bliss of your neighbour, you may

lie, but the automatic punishment of taboo-breaking no-
where follows. Baiame or Pundjel may punish you but ;

there is no instant mechanical penalty, as under taboo.

After writing this paper, I found that Mr. Eobert
Louis Stevenson's experience of tapu, in the Pacific,
led him to form the same opinions as are here expressed.
'
The devil-fish, it seems, were growing scarce upon the
 FIRST-FRUITS AND TABOOS 269

reef ; it was judged fit to interpose what we should call

a close season . . . a tapu had to be declared.' The tapus

described '
are for thoroughly sensible ends.' There are
tapus which, to us, appear absurd, '
but the tapu is more
often the instrument of wise and needful restrictions.'

These taboos are imposed from above, by Government.

In other cases, where the taboo expresses an inference
from savage superstition (say that a baby or a corpse is

dangerous), the taboo is not imposed except by pubhc

opinion. That opinion is sanctioned (as in the case of
first-fruits) by the action of the Alatunja, or headman
in more advanced societies, by the king. In many cases,
taboos are imposed on the king himself by the priestly
colleges. But the greatest authority is tradition, resting
on fancied experience.
'
In the South Seas, pp. 47-50.
270 MAGIC AND RELIGION

XV
WALKING THBOUGE FIBE
Perhaps the topic of this paper may be ranged under the
head of '
Magic,' though in many cases the rite of passing
through fire is sanctioned by rehgion, and the immunity of
the performers is explained by the protection of gods. The
immunity is really the curious feature. Mr. Frazer describes
the Chinese vernal festival of fire in spring, connected as
it is with the vpidespread custom of '
renewing the fire '
at

a certain season. The chief performers are labourers, who

must fast for three days and observe chastity for a week
while they are taught in the temple how to discharge the
difficult and dangerous duty which is to be laid upon
them. '
The fire is made in an enormous brazier of char-

coal, sometimes twenty feet wide.' The fire is grati-

fied with salt and rice, thrown on it by a Taoist priest.

Further, '
two exorcists, barefooted, and followed by two
peasants, traverse the fire again and again till it is some-
what beaten down.' The procession of performers then
walks through amidst much excitement. Their immunity
is ascribed to the horny consistency of the soles of their
feet, and they suffer if the fire touches their ankles.^
Various Indian examples are given by Mr. Frazer.
Captain Mackenzie found the performance remote from
the '
sensational,' and thought that only girls with tender
'
O. B. iii. 307, 308, citing Internationales Archiv fUr Ethnographie
(1896), pp. 193-193.
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 271

soles were likely to suffer. A case is also quoted from

Strabo, women being the performers, and the instance of
the Hirpi of Soracte is well known.' Mr. Frazer is in-

terested mainly in the religious, magical, or ritual signifi-

cance of the rite, which varies in different places. To me,

on the other hand, the immunity of the performers
appears a subject worthy of physiological inquiry.
The subject occurs everywhere in history, legend, folk-
lore, law, and early religion, and yet nobody has thought it

worth while to collect the ancient reports and to compare

them with well- authenticated modern examples. In Mr.
Tylor's celebrated work, '
Primitive Culture,' only one or
two casual allusions are made to the theme. '
They
built the high places of Baal, in the valley of the son of
Hinnom, to cause their sons and daughters to pass
through to Moloch,' that is to pass through the fire,

'whether in ritual or symbolical sacrifice.'^ As a sup-

posed rite of purification the ceremony is again touched
upon lightly.^ Again :
'
The ancient ceremony of passing
through a fire, or leaping over burning brands, has been
kept up vigorously in the British Isles,' ^ namely, at the
midsummer ceremonies, when it is, or was, the custom to
jump over, or run through, light fires. Nobody would
guess that a rite of passing deliberately, and unscathed,
through ovens or furnaces yet exists in Japan, Bulgaria,
the Society Islands, Fiji, Southern India, Trinidad, the
Straits Settlements, the Isle of Mauritius, and, no doubt,
in other regions.

We must distinguish between such sportive playing with

fire as prevailed recently in our isles and the more serious
Fire Ceremony of Central Australia, which tests endurance
' G. B. iii. 311, 312; Strabo, xii. 2-7, for Castabala in Cappadocia;
Virgil, Mn. xi. 784 ; and Servius's Commentary.
^ Primitive CuUtcre, ii. p. 281.
' Ibid. ii. p. 429. ' Ibid. i. p. 85.
272 MAGIC AND RELIGION

on the one hand, and the apparent contravention of a natural

law on the Again, we must discount the popular
other.
reply that the hand can be rapidly plunged into molten
metal and withdrawn without injury, for we do not happen
to be concerned with such a brief exposure to heat. Once
more, the theory of the application of some unknown
chemical substance must be rejected, because, as we shall
prove, there are certainly cases in which nothing of the
kind is done. Moreover, science is acquainted with no
substance — alum or diluted sulphuric acid, or the like
which will produce the result of preventing cauterisation.^
Sir William Crookes, is not familiar with any
at least,

such resources of science. His evidence as to fire-handling

by D. D. Home is familiar, and I understand that Mr.
Podmore can only explain it away by an hypothesis of a

trick played in a by means of an asbestos glove

bad light,

or some such transparent trick. ^ Perhaps he adds a little

'
hallucination oh the part of the spectators. But asbestos
'

and hallucination are out of the question in the cases

which I am about to quote.
Home was, or feigned to be, in a state of trance when
he performed with fire. The seeress of Lourdes, Berna-
dette, was also in religious contemplation when she
permitted the flame of a candle to play through her
clasped fingers (which were unscathed) for a timed
quarter of an hour.^ Some Indian devotees, again,

aver that they '

meditate ' on some divine being while
passing over the glowing embers, and the Nistinares of

Bulgaria, who dance in the fire, are described as being in

a more or less abnormal mental condition. But even this

condition is absent in the well-attested Eaiatean and

' See note at end of chapter.

'^
Studies in Psychical Research, pp. 58-59.
' Dr. Dozous timed the miracle.' Boissarie, Lourdes,
'
p. iS.
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 273

Fijian examples, in which also no kind of chemical

preparation is employed. Finally, where savages are
concerned, the hardness of the skins of their feet is dwelt
upon, as in the Chinese case already quoted. But, first, the
sole of the boot would be scorched in the circumstances,
while their feet are not affected ; next, the savages' feet
were not leathery (so Dr. Hocken avers) ; thirdly, one of
the Europeans who walked through the fire at Earotonga
declares that the soles of his own feet are peculiarly tender.
Thus every known physical or conjectured psychical con-
dition of immunity fails to meet the case, and we are left

wholly without an ascertained, or a good conjectural,

'
reason why '
for the phenomena.
T shall begin with the most recent and the best
authenticated cases, and work back in time, and in
civilisation. Mr. Tregear, the well-known lexicographer
of the Maori and the Mangarova languages, lately
allied

sent me number of The Journal of the

the twenty-ninth '

Polynesian Society,' March 1899, Wellington, N.Z.

Professors Max Muller and Sayce were Honorary Members
of the Society, which studies Polynesian languages,
customs, and conditions. Mr. Tregear attests the upright,
truth-telling character of the British official, who is the
narrator of his own experiment. As the journal is not
widely circulated in England, I quote the whole of the
brief report.

THE UMU-TI, OE PIEE-WALKING CEEEMONY

By Colonel Gudgeon, British Eesident, Eaeotonga

[In this Journal, vol. ii p. 105, Miss Teuira Henry

describes this ceremony as practised in Eaiatea, of the
Society group. We
have lately received from Colonel
Gudgeon the following account of his experiences in
walking barefooted across the glowing hot stones of a
274 MAGIC AND RELIGION

native oven, made in Earotonga by a man from Eaiatea.

Since the date of the paper quoted, it has come to light
that the Maoris of New Zealand were equally acquainted
with this ceremony, which was performed by their
ancestors. On reading Colonel Gudgeon's account to
some old chiefs of the Urewera tribe, they expressed no
surprise, and said that their ancestors could also perform
the ceremony, though it has long gone out of practice.
Editoes.]

must tell you that I have seen and gone through the
I
fireceremony of the Umu-ti.
The oven was lit at about dawn on the 20th of January,
and I noticed that the stones were very large, as also were
the logs that had been used in the oven for heating
purposes.
About 2 we went to the oven and there found
P.M.
the tohunga Eaiatea man) getting matters ready, and I
(a
told him that, as my feet were naturally tender, the stones
should be levelled down a bit. He assented to this, and
evidently he had intended to do so, for shortly after, the
men with very long poles, that had hooks, began to level
the stones flat in the oven, which was some 12 ft. in
diameter. He then went with his disciple and pointed to
two stones that were not hot, and instructed him the
reason was that they had been taken from a marae, or
sacred place.
He then unwound two bundles, which proved to be
branches of a large-leaved Ti (or Dracana) plucked, it is
said, from two of these trees standing close together, and
it is said that the initiated can on such occasions see the
shadow of a woman with long hair, called te varua kino
(evil spirit), standing between the trees. The right-hand
branch is the first plucked, and it is said that the branches
bend down to be plucked.
So much Shamanism, and now for the facts.
for the
The tohunga and his tauira (pupil) walked
(priest)
each to the oven, and then halting, the prophet spoke
a few words, and then each struck the edge of the
oven with the ti branches. This was three times repeated,
and then they walked slowly and deliberately over the two
fathoms of hot stones. When this was done, the tohunga
came to us, and his disciple handed his ti branch to
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 276

Mr. Goodwin, at whose place the ceremony came off, and

they went through the ceremony. Then the tohunga said
to Mr. Goodwin, I hand my mana (power) over to you ;
'

lead your friends across.' Now, there were four Europeans

— Dr. W. Craig, Dr. George Craig, Mr. Goodwin, and
—
myself and I can only say that we stepped out boldly.
I got across unscathed, and only one of the party was badly
burned and he, it is said, was spoken to, but, like Lot's
;

wife, looked behind him —

a thing against all rules.
I can hardly give you my sensations, but I can say
this: that I knew quite well I was walking on red-
hot stones and could feel the heat, yet I was not burned.
I felt something resembling slight electric shocks, both at
the time and afterwards, but that is all. I do not know
that I should recommend every one to try it. A man
must have mana to do it if he has not, it will be too
;

late when he is on the hot stone of Tama-ahi-roa.

I cannot say that I should have performed this wizard
trick had I not been one of the fathers of the Polynesian
Society, and bound to support the superiority of the New
—
Zealander all over Polynesia indeed all over the world.
I would not have missed the performance for anything.
To show you the heat of the stones, quite half an hour
afterwards some one remarked to the priest that the
stones would not be hot enough to cook the ti. His only
answer was to throw his green branch on the oven, and
in a quarter of a minute it was blazing. As I have eaten
a fair share of the ti cooked in the oven, I am in a position
to say that it was hot enough to cook it well.
I walked with bare feet, and after we had done so,
about 200 Maoris followed. No one, so far as I saw, went
through with boots on. I did not walk quickly across
the oven, but with deliberation, because I feared that I
should tread on a sharp point of the stones and fall. My
feet also were very tender. I did not mention the fact,
but my impression as I crossed the oven was that the
skin would all peel off my feet. Yet all I really felt when
the task was accomplished was a tingling sensation not
unlike slight electric shocks on the soles of my feet, and this
continued for seven hours or more. The really funny thing
is that, though the stones were hot enough an hour after-
wards to burn up green branches of the ti, the very tender
skin of my feet was not even hardened by the fire.

t2
a76 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Many of the Maoris thought they were burned, but

—
they were not at any rate not severely.
Do not suppose that the man who directed this
business was an old tohunga. He is a young man, but of
the Eaiatea family, who are hereditary fire-walkers.
I can only tell you it is mana mana tangata and mana —
atua.

On this report a few remarks may be offered. (1) No

preparation of any chemical, herbal, or other sort was
applied to the Europeans, at least. (2) '
The handing
over the mana ' (or power) was practised by Home, some-
times successfully (it is when Mr. S. C. Hall's
alleged), as
scalp and white locks were unharmed by a red-hot coal
sometimes unsuccessfully. A clergyman of my acquaint-
ance still bears the blister caused when he accepted a
red-hot coal from the hand of Home, as he informs
me by letter. (3) The '
walk '
was shorter than seems
common: only 12 ft. (4 paces). (4) A friend of Colonel
Gudgeon's was badly burned, and the reason assigned was
a good folklore reason, since the days of Lot's wife, of
Theocritus, and of Virgil : he looked behind. (5) The
feeling as if of '
slight electric shocks '
is worthy of notice.

(6) Colonel Gudgeon clearly believes that a man without

mana had better not try, and by mana, here, he probably

means 'nerve.' As we can hardly suppose, in spite of
Home, that mana, in a supernormal sense, can be handed '

over by one man to another, Colonel Gudgeon's experi-

'

ence seems equally to bafHe every theory of how it is '

done.' Perhaps we can all do it. People may make

their own experiments. Perhaps Colonel Gudgeon faced
fire in a manner so unusual as a result of Dr. Hocken's
description of the Fijian rite at Mbenga, an isle twenty
miles south of Suva. This account was published in the
'
Transactions of the New Zealand Institute,' vol. xxxi.

1898, having been read before the Otago Institute on

 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 277

May 10, 1898, and is here reprinted in full as

follows :

AN ACCOUNT OF THE FIJI FIEB CEEBMONY

By De. T. M. Hocken, F.L.S.

Amongst the many incidents witnessed during a recent

visit tothe tropical island of Fiji, probably none exceeded
in wonder and interest that of which I propose to give
some account this evening, and to which may be applied
the designation of fire ceremony.'
'
It is called by the
natives '
In this remarkable ceremony a
vilavilairevo.'
number of almost nude Fijians walk quickly and unharmed
across and among white-hot stones, which form the
pavement of a huge native oven termed lovo — in which
'
'
—
shortly afterwards are cooked the succulent sugary roots
and pith of the Gordyline terminalis, one of the cabbage
trees, known to the Maoris as the ti,' and to the Fijians
'

as the "masawe.' This wonderful power of fire-walking

is now not only very rarely exercised, but, at least as
regards Fiji, is confined to a small clan or family the Na —
—
Ivilankata resident on Bega (=Mbenga), an island of
the group, lying somewhat south of Suva, and twenty
miles from that capital.
A small remnant of the priestly order at Eaiatea, one
of the Society Islands, is yet able to utter the preparatory
incantation, and afterwards to walk through the fire.
It exists also in other parts of the world, as in parts
of India, the Straits Settlements, West India Islands, and
elsewhere. Very interesting accounts of the ceremony
as seen at Eaiatea and at Mbenga are to be found in the
second and third volumes of the Journal of the Poly-
'

nesian Society,' and in Basil Thomson's charming South '

Sea Yarns.' These descriptions filled our small party of

three — my wife, Dr. Colquhoun, and myself with the —
desire to witness it for ourselves, and, if possible, to give
some explanation of what was apparently an inexplicable
mystery. Our desires were perfectly realised.
The Hon. Mr. A. M. Duncan, a member of the Legis-
lative Council of Fiji, and agent at Suva of the Union
Steamship Company, to whom I carried a letter of intro-
duction from Mr. James Mills, the managing director of
278 MAGIC AND EELIGION

that Companj', v/as most courteous and obliging, and

promised his best efforts in the matter. His energy and
ready response succeeded, with the result that a large
party from Suva enjoyed such a day as each one must
have marked with a red letter.
It was necessary to give the natives three days in
which to make their preparations constructing the oven —
and paving it with stones, which then required heating
for thirty-six or forty-eight hours at least with fierce fires
fed with logs and branches. They had also to gather
their stores of food to form the foundation of the huge
feast whose preparation was to succeed the mystic cere-
mony. During these three days we lost no opportunity
of collecting from former witnesses of the ceremony what-
ever information or explanation they could afford, but
Vv^ith no very satisfactory result the facts were un- :

disputed, but the explanations quite insufficient. Some

thought that the chief actors rubbed their bodies with a
secret preparation which rendered them fireproof others ;

that lifelong friction on the hard hot rocks, coral-reefs,

and sands had so thickened and indurated the foot-sole
that it could defy fire but all agreed as to the hona fides
;

of the exhibition. The

incident recounted in the Poly- '

nesian Journal was also confirmed where Lady Thurston

' —
threw her handkerchief upon the shoulder of one of the
actors, and, though it remained there but a few seconds
before being picked off by means of a long stick, it was
greatly scorched.'
The story or legend attached to this weird gift of fire-
walking was told us, with some variation, by two or three
different people, and it is mainly as follows far-distant : A
ancestor of the present inheritors of this power was walk-
ing one day when he espied an eel, which he caught, and
was about to kill. The eel squeaked out, and said, '
Oh
Tui Na Galita = Bng-Galita), do not
( kill mespare me.
;

I am a god, and I will make you so strong in war that

none shall withstand you.' Oh, but,' replied Na Galita,
'

'
I am already stronger in war than any one else, and I
fear no one.' Well, then,' said the eel, I will make
' '

your canoe the fastest to sail on these seas, and none shall
come up with it.' But,' replied Na Galita, as it is, none
'
'

can pass my canoe.' Well, then,' rejoined the eel, I

'
'

'
I have not seen this account.
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 279

will make youa great favourite among women, so that all

with you.' 'Not so,' said Na G-alita, 'I
will fall in love
have one wife, of whom I am very fond, and I desire no
other.' The poor eel then made other offers, which were
also rejected,and his chances of life were fading fast when
he made a final effort. Oh, Na Galita, if you will spare
'

me, I will so cause it that you and your descendants shall

henceforth walk through the masawe oven unharmed.'
'
Good,' said Na Gahta, now I will let you go.' This
'

story varies somewhat from that told in the Polynesian '

Journal.' ^
The eventful naorning was blazingly hot and brilliant,
and the vivid-blue sky was without a cloud as we steamed
down towards Mbenga in the s.s. Hauroto. Mr. Vaughan,
an eminent inhabitant of Suva, who has charge of the
Meteorological Department there, was of our party, and
carried the thermometer. This was the most suitable for
our purpose procurable it was in a strong japanned-tin
;

casing, and registered 400° Fahr. We

had also three
amateur photographers.
Owing to the numerous coral-reefs and shallows, we
finally transhipped into the Maori, a steamer of much
less draught. Approaching the silent verdure-clad islet,
with its narrow beach of white coral sand, we saw a thin
blue haze of smoke curling above the lofty cocoanut trees
at a little distance in the interior, which sufficiently
localised the mysterious spot. We
now took the ship's
boat, and soon, stepping ashore, made our way through a
narrow pathway in the dense bush until we came to an
open space cleared from the forest, in the midst of which
was the great lovo, or oven.
A remarkable and never-to-be-forgotten scene now
presented itself. There were hundreds of Fijians, dressed
according to the rules of nature and their own art— that
is, they were lightly garlanded here and there with their

fantastic lihulikus of grass, ornamented with brilliant

scarlet and yellow hibiscus flowers and streamers of the
delicate ribbonwood. These hung in airy profusion from
their necks and around their waists, shovping off to ad-
vantage their lovely brown glossy skins. In addition,
many wore clean white cotton sulus, or pendant loin-
cloths. All were excited, moving hither and thither iu
'
See also Mr. Thomson's South Sea Yarns.
280 MAGIC AND RELIGION

wild confusion, and making the forest ring again with

their noisy hilarity. Some climbed the lofty cocoa-palms,
hand over hand, foot over foot, with all the dexterity of
monkeys. The top reached, and shrouded amongst the
feathery leaves, they poured down a shower of nuts for
the refreshment of their guests.
The celerity with which they opened the nuts was
something astonishing, and afforded an example, too, as
to the mode of using stone implements. A stout strong
stick, 3 ft. long, and sharpened at both ends, was driven
into the ground, and a few smart strokes upon it soon
tore from the nut its outer thick covering. The upper
part of the shell was then broken off by means of a long
sharp-edged stone as cleanly and regularly as the lid of an
egg is removed with a knife, and then was disclosed a pint
of delicious —
milk a most welcome beverage on that over-
poweringly hot day.
The great oven lay before us, pouring forth its torrents
of heat from huge embers which were still burning fiercely
on the underlying stones. These were indeed melting
moments for the spectators. The pitiless noontide sun,
ajud the no both pent up in the
less pitiless oven-heat,
deep well-like forest clearing, reduced us to a state of
solution from which there was no escape. Despite this
the photographers took up their stations, and others of us
proceeded to make our observations. The lovo, or oven,
was circular, with a diameter of 25 ft. or 30 ft. its ;

greatest depth was perhaps 8 ft., its general shape that of

a saucer, with sloping sides and a flattish bottom, the
latter being filled with the white-hot stones. Near the
margin of the oven, and on its windward side, the ther-
mometer marked 114°.
Suddenly, and as if Pandemonium had been let loose,
the air was filled with savage yells a throng of natives
;

surrounded the oven, and in a ruost ingenious and effective

way proceeded to drag out the smouldering unburnt logs
and cast them some distance away. Large loops of
incombustible lianas attached to long poles were dexte-
rously thrown over the burning trunks, much after the
manner of the head-hunters of New Guinea when secur-
ing their human prey. A twist or two round of the loop
securely entangled the logs, which were then dragged out
by the united efforts of scores of natives, who all the
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 281

while were shouting out some wild rhythmical song.

This accomplished, the stones at the bottom of the oven
were disclosed, with here and there flame flickering and
forking up through the interstices. The diameter of the
area occupied by those stones was about 10 ft., but this
was speedily increased to a spread of 15 ft. or more by a
second ingenious method. The natives thrust their long
poles, which were of the unconsumable wi-tree {Spondias
dulcis), between the stones at intervals of perhaps 1 ft.
—
A long rope-like liana wa previously placed underneath
the poles, and 1 ft. or 2 ft. from their extremities, was
now dragged by scores of lusty savages, with the effect of
spreading and levelling the stones. This done, our ther-
mometer was suspended by a simple device over the centre
of the stones, and about 5 ft. or 6 ft. above them but it
;

had to be withdrawn almost immediately, as the solder

began to melt and drop, and the instrument to be de-
stroyed. It, however, registered 282° Fahr., and it is
certain that had not this accident occurred, the range of
400° would have been exceeded, and the thermometer
burst.
During all these wild scenes we had seen nothing of
the —
main actors of the descendants of Na Galita. Doubt-
less to give more impressive effect, they had been hiding
in the forest depths until the signal should be given and
their own supreme moment arrive. And now they came
on, seven or eight in number, amidst the vociferous yells
of those around. The margin reached, they steadily
descended the oven slope in single file, and walked, as I
think, leisurely, but as others of our party think, quickly,
across and around the stones, leaving the oven at the
point of entrance. The leader, who was longest in the
oven, was a second or two under half a minute therein.
Almost immediately heaps of the soft and succulent leaves
of the hibiscus, which had been gathered for the purpose,
were thrown into the oven, which was thus immediately
filled with clouds of hissing steam. Upon the leaves and
within the steam the natives, who had returned, sat or
stood pressing them down in preparation for cooking the
various viands which were to afford them a sumptuous
feast that evening or on the morrow.
But for us the most interesting part of the drama was
over, and it only remained to review observations and
282 MAGIC AND EELIGION

draw conclusions. Just before the great event of the day,

I gained permission to examine one or two of the fire-
walkers prior to their descent into the oven. This was
granted without the least hesitation by the principal
native magistrate of the Eewa district, N'Dabea by name,
but generally known as Jonathan. This native is of great
intelligence and influence, is a member of the Na Galita
Clan, and has himself at various times walked through
the fire. On this occasion he took no other part in the
ceremony than that of watching or superintending it.
The two men thus sent forward for examination disclosed
no peculiar feature whatever. As to dress, they were
slightly garlanded round the neck and the waist the pulse
;

was unaffected, and the skin, legs, and feet were free from
any apparent application. I assured myself of this by
touch, smell, and taste, not hesitating to apply my tongue
as a corroborative. The foot-soles were comparatively
—
soft and flexible -by no means leathery and insensible.
Thus the two Suvan theories were disposed of. This
careful examination was repeated immediately after egress
from the oven, and with the same result. To use the
language of Scripture, No smell of fire had passed upon
'

them.' No incantations or other religious ceremonial

were observed. Though these were formerly practised,
they have gradually fallen into disuse since the intro-
duction of Christianity. I did not succeed in procuring
the old incantation formula doubtless it was similar to
;

that of the old Eaiatean ceremony, which is given in the

second volume of the Polynesian Society's Journal,'
'

p. 106.
Whilst walking through the fire. Dr. Colquhoun
thought the countenances of the fire-walkers betrayed
some anxiety. I saw none of this nor was it apparent
;

to me at either examination. The stones, which were

basaltic, must have been white-hot, but due to the
brilliance of the day this was not visible.
Various natives, being interrogated for an explanation,
replied, with a shrug, They can do this wonderful thing
'
;

we cannot. You have seen it we have seen it.' Whilst

;

thus unable to suggest any explanation or theory, I am

absolutely certain as to the truth of the facts and the bona
fides of the actors. A feature is that, wherever this power
is found, it is possessed by but a limited few. I was assured,
 WALKING THEOUGH FIRE 288

too, that any person holding the hand of one of the fire-
walkers could himself pass through the oven unharmed.
This the natives positively assert.
My friend Mr. Walter Carew, for thirty years a
Besident Commissioner and Stipendiary Magistrate in
Fiji, has frequently conversed v?ith Jonathan (referred to
ahove), who, whilst withholding no explanation, can give
none. He says, I can do it, but'l do not know how it is
'

;
done and, further, that at the time he does not ex-
'

perience any heat or other sensation.

Does any psychical condition explain these facts, as
suggested in Lang's Modern Mythology ? ^ I certainly
'
'

did not observe any appearance of trance or other mental

condition. In connection with this Mr. Carew thinks
that intense faith is the explanation, and that if this were
upset, the descendants of Na Galita would be no longer
charmed. But it is difficult to see how any mental state
can prevent the action of physical law. Hypnotism and
ansesthetics may produce insensibility to pain, but do not
interfere with the cautery.
Many of the so-called fire miracles are remarkable
indeed, but are readily explained, and by no means come
within the present category. Such, for instance, as
plunging the hand, which is protected by the interposed
film of perspiration assuming the globular state of water,
into boiling lead. Similarly, many conjuring feats. At
the beginning of this century an Italian Lionetti —
performed remarkable experiments rubbed a bar of red-
:

hot iron over his arms, legs, and hair, and held it between
his teeth he also drank boiling oil. Dr. Sementini, of
;

Naples, carefully examined these experiments, and experi-

mented himself until he surpassed the fireproof quaUties
of his suggestor. He found that frequent friction with
sulphurous acid rendered him insensible to red-hot iron ;

a solution of alum did the same. A layer of powdered

sugar covered with soap made his tongue insensible
to heat. In these and similar instances, however, an
explanation, though probably not a very sufficient one, has
been given, but in that forming the subject of this paper
no solution has been offered. Lang's chapter on the
'
Fire Walk should be consulted
' his account of the
;

Bulgarian Nistinares is as wonderful and inexplicable as

'
I would now withdraw the suggestion in the light of recent evidence.
284 MAGIC AND RELIGION

anything here recited. The whole subject requires

thorough scientific examination.

My next case occurs • among a civiHsed race, the

Japanese, and by Mr. Lafcadio Hearn, an
is vouched for
American writer, whose book I have not at hand, and by
Colonel Andrew Haggard.' Colonel Haggard saw the
fire-walk done in Tokio, on April 9, 1899. The fire
was 6 yards long by 6 ft wide. The rite was in
honour of a mountain god. Ablutions in cold water were
made by the performers, and Colonel Haggard was told by
one young lady that she had not only done the fire-walk,
but had been '
able to sit for a long time, in winter, im-
mersed in ice-cold water, without feeling the cold in the
least.' After some waving of wands and sprinkling of
salt, people of all ages walked through, not glowing stones
in this case, but '
red-hot charcoal.' '
I examined their
feet afterwards : they were quite soft, and not a trace of
fire upon them.' Colonel Haggard says that the rite is
'
a very unusual thing '
in Japan : many of the Japanese
living in Tokio had never heard of it before. Colonel
Haggard was unable to get any clear answer as to why
the rite is performed. The priest talked something about
a good God who had power over the bad element of fire.

It is not clear how, the rite being so unusual, two Japanese

ladies told Colonel Haggard that they had frequently '

gone through the fiery ordeal.'

If any one is anxious to know the particulars of the

rite as practised in the isle Mauritius, he may communicate
with our police officials there, who annually superintend
the performance. Coolies from southern India do just
what is done by Japanese and Fijians. Our administra-
tion, however, does not permit women to pass through the
fire.

'
The Field, May 20, 1899, p. 724.
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 285

After giving these recent examples in Mauritius, Japan,

Earotonga, and an isle of the Fijian group, I am obliged
to fall back on the evidence already set forth in Chapter
XII. of my book, 'Modern Mythology' (1897). The
Bulgarian practice I take from the '
Eecueil de Folklore,
de Litterature et de Science,' edited by the Bulgarian
Minister of Public Instruction, with the aid of Drs.
Schischmanof (whom I know personally) and Mastov.
In a private letter. Dr. Schischmanof hints at extase

religieuse, as in the self-mutilations of Dervishes and

Fakirs. Their performances are extraordinary enough,
but there was no religious ecstasy in the little Japanese
boy of six, whom Colonel Haggard saw pass through the
fire, none in Colonel Gudgeon, none in the Fijians
observed by Dr. Hocken. The fire-walkers in Bulgaria
are called Nistinares, and the faculty is regarded as
hereditary. We find the same opinion in Fiji, in ancient
Italy, and in the Spain of the last century. In Spain the
fire-walkers were employed to help to put out fires.

The story is given in the essay on the last Earl Marischal

in my 'Companions of Pickle' (p. 24), and is derived
from d'Alembert's account of the Earl :
'
There is a family
or caste in Spain, who, from father to son, have the
power of going into the flames without being burned,
and who, by dint of charms permitted by the Inquisition,
can extinguish fires.' The Duchess of Medina Sidonia
thought this a proof of the verity of the Catholic faith,

and, wishing to convert the Earl, asked him to view the

performance. But he insisted on lighting the fire him-
self, and to that the Spaniards would not consent, the
Earl being a heretic.
To return to the Bulgarian Nistinares, they dance in
the fire on May 21, the feast of SS. Helena and Con-
stantine. Great fires of scores of cartloads of dry wood
286 MAGIC AND RELIGION

are made. On the embers of these the Nistinares (who

turn bhxe in the face) dance and utter prophecies, after-
wards placing their feet in the muddy ground where
hbations of water have been poured forth. The report
says nothing as to the state of their feet. The Nistinare
begins to feel the effect of the fire after his face has
resumed itswonted colour and expression.
As for India, I may cite Mr. Stokes, in '
The Indian
Antiquary '
(ii. 190); Dr. Oppert, in his '
Original Inhabit-
ants of India '
(p. 480); and Mr. Crookes, in '
Introduction
to Popular Religion and Folklore in Northern India

(p. 10). Mr. Stokes uses evidence from an inquest on a

boy that fell into the fire and died of his injuries, at

Periyangridi. The fire-pit was 27 ft. long by 7^ ft.

broad, and a span in depth. Thirteen persons walked

through. Mr. Stokes did not witness the performance
(which is forbidden by our law), but explains that the fire

'would hardly injure the tough skin of the sole of a

labourer's feet.' Yet it killed a boy !

The incredulous say that the fire- walkers smear their

feet with oil from the fat of the green frog. Dr. Oppert,
admitting that '
the heat is unbearable in the neighbour-
hood of the ditch,' says that the walkers '
as a rule do not
do themselves much harm.' This is vague. Equally
vague is the reference to rumours about '
a certain pre-
servative ointment.'
In Trinidad, British West Indies, Mr. Henry E. St.

Clair, writing to me, describes (September 14, 1896)

the feat as performed by Indian coolie immigrants. He
personally witnessed the rite, which was like that described
to me by Mr. Stephen Ponder. In both cases the per-
formers were Klings. The case witnessed by Mr. Ponder
took place in the Straits Settlements, Province Wellesley.
The trench was about 20 yards long by 6 ft. wide and 2 ft.
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 287

deep. A pyre of wood, 4 or 5 was lighted at ft. high,

noon by 4 p.m. it was a bed of red-hot embers. The
;

men, who with long rakes smoothed the ashes, could not
stand the heat for more than a minute at a time.' A
'

little way from the end of the trench was a hole full of

water. Six coolies walked the whole length, and thence

into the water. Not one of them showed the least sign
'

of injury.' They had been prepared by a devil-doctor,' '

not a Brahmin. On a later occasion Mr. Ponder heard

that one of them fell and was terribly burnt.'
'

In these cases, Trinidad (and Mauritius) and the Straits

Settlements, the performers are South Indian coolies. In
all cases there were multitudes of European spectators,
except in Mauritius, where, I learn, Europeans usually
take no interest in the doings of the heathen.
Turning to Tonga, we have the account of Miss Teuira
Henry. ^ The sister and sister's child of Miss Henry
have walked over the red-hot stones, as in the Barotonga
and Eijian cases. The ovens are 30 ft. in diameter. The
performance was photographed by Lieutenant Morn6,
of the French Navy, and the original photograph was sent
to the Editor of the 'Polynesian Journal,' with a copy
from it.by Mr. Barnfield, of Honolulu. The ceremony,
preparatory to cooking the ii plant, is religious, and the
archaic hymn sung is full of obsolete words. Mr.
Hastwell, of San Francisco, published a tract, which I
have not seen, on the Raiatean rite, witnessed by himself.
The stones were '
heated to a red and white heat.' The
natives '
walked leisurely across ' five times ;
'
there was
not even the smell of fire on their garments ' (cited in the

'Polynesian Journal,' vol. ii. No. 3). There is corro-

borative evidence from Mr. N. J. Tone, from Province
Wellesley, Straits Settlements, in the Polynesian Journal,' '

'
Polynesian Journal, vol. ii. No. 2, pp. 105-108.
288 MAGIC AND RELIGION

ii. 3, 193. He did not see the rite, arriving too late, but
he saw the and examined the naked feet of the
fire-pit,

walkers. They were uninjured. Mr. Tone's evidence is

an extract from his diary.
As to Fiji there are various accounts. The best is that
of Mr. Basil Thomson, son of the late Archbishop of
York. Mr. Thomson was an official in Fiji, and is a
well-knovsTi anthropologist. His sketch in his '
South
Sea Yarns ' (p. 195, et seq.) is too long for quotation.
The rite is done yearly, before cooking the masdwe (a

draccena) in the oven through which the clan Na Ivilan-

kata walk. '
The pit was filled with a white-hot mass,
shooting out little tongues of white flame.' '
The bottom
of the pit was covered with an even layer of hot stones
. . . of flame played continually among
the tongues
them.' The walkers planted 'their feet squarely and
firmly on each stone.' Mr. Thomson closely examined
the feet of four or five of the natives when they emerged.
'
They were cool and showed no trace of scorching, nor
were their anklets of dried tree-fern burnt,' though '
dried
tree-fern is as combustible as tinder.' '
The instep is

covered with skin no thicker than our own, and we saw

the men plant their insteps fairly on the stone.' A large
stone was hooked out of the pit before the men entered,
and one of the party dropped a pocket-handkerchief upon
the stone when the first man leapt into the oven and
'

snatched what remained of it up as the last left the

stones.' Every fold that touched the stone was charred.
Mr. Thomson kindly showed me the handkerchief. He
also showed me a rather blurred photograph of the
strange scene. It has been rudely reproduced in the
'
Folk Lore Journal,' September 1895.
Such is part of the modern evidence ; for the ancient,
see '
^neid,' xi. 784 et seq. ; Servius on the passage
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 289

Pliny, '
Hist. Nat.' vii. 2 ; Silius Italicus, v. 175. This
evidence refers to the Hirpi of Mount Soracte, a class
exempted from military service by the Eoman Government,
because, as Virgil makes Aruns say, '
Strong in faith we
walk through the midst of the fire, and press our footsteps
in the glowing mass.' The Hirpi, or wolves, were per-
haps originally a totem group, like the wolf totem of
Tonkaway Eed Indians ; they had, like the Tonkaway, a
rite in which they were told to '
behave like wolves.' ^

The goddess propitiated in their fire-walk was Feronia, a

fire-goddess (MaxMiiller), or a lightning goddess (Kuhn),
or a corn goddess (Mannhardt). Bach of these scholars
bases his opinion on etymology.
I have merely given evidence for the antiquity, wide
diffusion, and actual practice of this extraordinary rite.
Neither physical nor anthropological science has even
glanced at it (except in Dr. Hocken's case), perhaps
because the facts are obviously impossible. I ought to
make an exception for Sir William Crookes, but he,
doubtless, was hallucinated, or gulled by the use of
asbestos, or both. Perhaps Mr. Podmore can apply these
explanations to the spectators whom I have cited. For
my part, I remain without a theory, like all the European
observers whom I have quoted. But, in my humble
opinion, all the usual theories, whether of collective
hallucination (photographic cameras being hallucinated),
of psychical causes, of chemical application, of leathery
skin on the soles of the feet, and so on, are inadequate.
There remains '
suggestion.' Any hypnotist, -with, his
patient's permission (in writing and witnessed), may try
the experiment.
Since this paper was written I have seen an article,
'
Les Dompteurs du Feu,' on the same topic, by Dr. Th.
'
Serv. JEneid, vii. 800.

U
290 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Pascal.^ The first part of the essay is an extract from the

'
Revue Theosophique Fran9aise.' No date is given, but
the rite described was viewed at Benares on October 26,
1898. I am unable to understand whether Dr. Pascal is

himself the spectator and Eevue

narrator of the '

Theosophique,' or whether he quotes (he uses marks of

quotation) some other writer. The phenomena were of
the usual kind, and the writer, examining the feet of two
of the performers, found the skin of the soles fine and
intact. In four cases, in which the performers had
entered the fire after the procession —with the Master
of the Ceremonies and two excited persons, who
spHt cocoanuts with swords —had gone, there were
slight cauterisations, healed two days later. The author
of this passage speaks of a Brahmin (apparently 'the
Master of the Ceremonies ') who observed to Mr. Govinda
Das, '
that the control of the fire was not so complete as
usual, because the images of the sanctuary had been
touched by Mahomedans and others in the crowd.'
The second case, not given with marks of quotation,
occurred in the park of Maharajah Tagore on Decem-
ber 7, 1898. '
A Frenchman, the son of Dr. Javal of
Paris, was present.' The
was also
narrator, '
nous,'
present, and went up after the rite to venture his hand
in the furnace. He was warned that the Brahmin had
left ten minutes before, and that the fire had recovered '

its activity.' The Maharajah, however, caused the cere-

mony to be repeated, and some minutes after all was

ready. The narrator then traversed the fire, barefoot, at un
petit trot, '
a little less than two paces a second.' As 100
yards can be run in ten seconds, this trot was remarkably
slow. He felt in paces one and two a sensation of burn-
ing, in the five following paces a sensation of intense heat.

' Annales des Sciences Psychiques, July-August, 1899.

 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 291

There were three small brown marks on his feet, which

formed blisters, but did not interfere with walking, and
healed in some days.'
' He now learned that the Brahmin's
premier aide did the ceremony not quite successfully.
He is convinced that, but for the ceremony, he would
have been seriously injured.
The third case was at Benares in February 1899.
Three Hindoos collided and fell in : neither they nor their
clothes were burned.
The author clearly regards the performers of the cere-
mony as able to tame considerably the destructive energy
'

of the fire.' This, of course, is the theory of the savage

devotees. The ceremony was only a procession of sacred
images carried in a glazed sanctuary, and words, not known
to the spectator, were uttered by the Brahmin. Holy water
was sprinkled, and a cocoanut was thrown into the oven.
As has been said, incantations are pronounced in Fiji and
elsewhere.^
The following case is recent : it is culled from '
The
Daily Mail,' November 9, 1900.

OEDEAL BY PIEE
According to the Japan Herald,' on Monday last a
'

party of distinguished Americans (the American Minister

and his wife, two naval officers, and others) attended the
religious rites of the Ontake Jinsha, a powerful sect of
Shintoists.
A heap of burning charcoal was placed in a large
furnace. The officiating priest read a service over the
fire, after which the foreign visitors, to the number
of seven, including ladies, took off their shoes and
walked over the fire, their naked feet showing no sign of
scorching.
The performance called forth, says the report, the
enthusiastic approval of the spectators.
'
In the Wide World Magazine (December 1899), a Japanese lady
describes the performance witnessed by Colonel Haggard, already cited.
n 2
292 MAGIC AND RELIGION

Yet more recent is the next case, from Honolulu, the

reporter being Mr. Gorten, a correspondent of the
'Boston Evening Transcript,' March 20, 1891. We
quote the passage :

We have already v^itnessed still another strange sight

suggestive of necromancy and the incantations of the
Bast. Papa Ita, a Tahitan, has given us exhibitions of
the famous fire-v/alking which is still practised in the
South Sea Islands and parts of Japan and India. On the
vacant land swept a year ago by the Chinatown fire a
great elliptical pit was dug and a large quantity of wood
placed therein, on which were piled the lava rocks. All
day the fire burned till the stones were of a white heat
then the white-haired native from Tahiti approached the
fiery furnace dressed in a robe of white tapa, with a
girdle and head-dress of the sacred ti leaves and a bundle
of leaves in his hand for a wand. Striking the ground
with the ti-leaf wand, he uttered an incantation in his
own language, which was a prayer to his gods to temper
the heat and allow him to pass then calmly and
;

deliberately, with bare feet, he walked the length of the

pit, bearing aloft the ti-leaf wand. Pausing a moment on
the other side, he again struck the ground and returned
over the same fiery path. This was several times
repeated, and he even paused a few seconds when in the
middle of the pit to allow his picture to be taken. The
stones were undoubtedly hot and were turned by means
of long poles just before the walking, to have the hottest
side up, and from between the rocks the low flames were
continually leaping up. The heat that radiated to the
spectators was intense. It was a fact that others
followed vsdth shoes on, but no one could be found to
accept the standing offer of 500 dollars to any one who
would, with bare feet, follow Papa Ita. None but natives
of course believe there is anything supernatural, but
we cannot explain how he does it. It cannot be called a
fake, for he really does what he claims to do, and none,
so far, dare imitate him. The natives fall down before
him, as a great Kapuna, and many interested in the
welfare of the Hawaiians deplore these exhibitions, feeling
it is bad for the natives, in that it strengthens their old
 WALKING THROUGH FIRE 293

bonds of superstition, to the undoing of much of the

advancement they have made. Just now Papa Ita is
touring the other islands of the group, and rumour has it
that his manager will take him to the Pan-American
Exhibition at Buffalo. In that case people in the States
can see and judge of this curious exhibition for them-
selves.

I end with the only instance (forwarded from a

correspondent by Mr. T. S. O'Connor) of the ascertained
use of an ointment to diminish the effect of the fire. Dr.
Hocken and Colonel Grudgeon, as we saw, found no trace
of this device ; nor is it mentioned in the Japanese
evidence.
Port of Spain, Trinidad, B.W.I., June 8, 1897.

You referred some time ago to the fire-walkers.

I have seen some of these gents performing quite recently,
and got an explanation from a coolie customer of ours
who watched the business with me. It seems they rub
themselves with an oil, made from the root of the tabi-
cutch (don't know the Latin name), which has the
property of producing profuse sweat, and the two combine,
causing an oily covering which M'arms very slowly and
is difficult to dry up by heat. But even then it is essential
that the men be good Stoics. I give the explanation for
what it is worth, but saw the preparation myself, and had
some of the stuff scraped off a man, who was ready for the
rite, put it on a piece of tin and held it in the fire, and it
certainly neither dried up nor got hot in a hurry.

It is clear that this explanation does not explain

several of the cases wherein no anointing is used. We
can only agree with Dr. Hocken that the performances
deserve the study of physiologists and physicians. The
explanation of lamblichus, 'they walk on fire unharmed,'
is that '
the god within them does not let fire harm them.'
This implies that an exalted psychical condition of the
performers secures their immunity. But in the cases
294 MAGIC AND RELIGION

where Europeans bore a part, and even in Dr. Hocken's

examination of the natives, there vi^as no sign of other
than the normal mental condition. As fresh evidence
comes in, it is perhaps not impossible that science will
interest herself in the problem.
 296

APPENDIX A
MB. tyloe's theory of bobeowing

I TEED SO nervous about differing from Mr. Tylor as to the

borrowing of the idea of a superior and creative being from the
Jesuits by the Eed Indians that I have reconsidered his essay. ^
He is arguing that '
the Great Spirit belongs not to the untu-
tored but to the tutored minds of the savages.' I am not con-
tending for the use of the words '
Great Spirit ' as of native
origin, and as employed to designate what I call a superior
being. That the natives had an untaught belief in such a being
is my opinion, not that they styled him Great
'
Spirit.'

Mr. Tylor refers us to '

Eelations des J6suites,' 1611, p. 20,
in the Quebec edition of 1858. Here (to translate the passage)
I read They beUeve in a god, so they say, but can only name
:
'

him by the name of the sun, Niscaminou, and know no

prayers, nor manner of adoring him.' When hungry they put
on sacred robes, turn to the east, and say, Our Sun, or our '

God, give us to eat.' Here, then, are prayer, vestments, and

turning to the east. The Jesuits, then, did not introduce these
for the first time ; nor did they introduce the conception of the
superior being thus implored.
A similar relation of the sun to the being addressed in
prayer exists now among the Blackfoot Indians of America.
With them the word Natos is '
equivalent to holy or divine,'
and is also the name To Natos prayer and sacri-
of the sun.
fice are offered,and the cruel rites of the Natos-dance are
performed. Tongues of cattle are served out to the virtuous :

'
this rite partakes of the nature of a sacrament.' Youths
sacrifice a finger, in recognition of prayers answered by Natos.
'
Prayer is made to Natos only, and everything in OkAn (the '

ceremony) is sacred to him alone.' ^

'

'
J.A.I. Feb. 1892.
" The Blackfoot Sun-daiice, Eev. J. MacLean, Toronto, 1889.
296 MAGIC AND EELIGION

These are advanced, elaborate, and thoroughly native

observances, of which the germ may be found in the religions
described in the Jesuit ' Eelations '
of 1611.
Mr. Tylor says '
especially through missionary influence,
since 1500, ideas of . . . retribution after death for deeds done
in hfe have been implanted on native polytheism in various
parts of the world.' But his Jesuit authority of 1611, in the
passage cited by him, writes They believe in the immortality :
'

of the soul,and in recompenses for good men and bad, con-

fusedly, and in a general way, but they seek and care no
further as to the manner of such things {comment cela doibt '

estre). Mr. Tylor's authority does not, I confess, appear to me

to support his opinion. The natives believed in future
'
retribution.'
His other texts ' show us savages consulting each his
Manitou, '
a powerful being ' {quelque nature puissante), or
diable. A Manitou is '
any superior being, good or bad :
' the
God of the Jesuits is le bon Manitou, Satan is le mauvais
Manitou.
I am not arguing that these phrases are more than the
pigeon-French of the savage flock, or that the ideas expressed
did not later become implanted in their minds. But Mr. Tylor,
in his essay of 1892, omits what he quotes in his Primitive '

Culture,' the Jesuit evidence of 1633 (p. 16) to one Atahocan '

who made everything. Speaking of God in a hut one day,

they asked me, " What is God ? " I replied, " The AU Powerful
One, who made heaven and earth." They then began to say

to each other, ''

Atahocan, Atahocan, he is Atahocan." ' ' They
have no worship which they are used to pay to him whom they
hold for their god.' (This is the religious condition of the
by Dos Santos in Pinkerton, xvi. 687.) Now
Kaffirs described
it is Atahocan who interests me, as pre-missionary no doubt :

he was not called le bon Manitou— but there he was In 1634 !

Father Le Jeune consulted a very hostile sorcerer, who mini-

mised Atahocan. They do not know,' said the sorcerer, who
' '

was the author of the world, perhaps Atahocan it was uncer- :

tain. They only spoke of Atahocan as one speaks of something

so remote as to be dubious. In fact the word Nitatahocan

'
Eel. des j6suUes, 1633, p. 16 ; 1637, p. 49.
 MR. TYLOR'S THEORY OF BORROWING 297

means in their language, " I tell a story, The an old '

tale." '

'
sorcerer,' a servant had no interest in
of familiar spirits,
Atahocan, though the tribesmen recognised in him the God
and Creator of Father Le Jeune. There was but a waning
tradition of a primal maker; interesting and important just
because it was waning, and therefore could not be of fresh
European introduction. The beings in receipt of sacrifice were
Khichikotuii, to whom they threw fat on the fire, with prayer.^
It appears to me that these affable familiar ghosts, practically
serviceable, had Atahocan into the background.
cast the otiose
But Andouagni, Kiehtan, and others, was certainly
he, like
there before the Jesuits, and these beings are elsewhere cited
by Mr. Tylor. The question is one of the existence of belief in
such a being, not (for me at least) of the origin, which may
well be post-European, of the words Kitchi Manitu, or Great '

Spirit.' If the Mandans believed, as Mr. Tylor does not deny)

in Omahank Numakchi, the Creator, whose name appears to
'

mean Lord of Earth,' it is quite unimportant that there is no '

Mandan deity whose name answers Great Spirit.' to that of

I mentioned, in the first essay of this book, Mr. Max Miiller's
version of Bishop Salvado's account of Motagon, a dead creator
in Western Australia. Mr. Tylor recognises him as Sir George
Grey's Mettagong, '
an insignificant demon identified with the
phosphoric fungus.' But demon die in decrepit
did that '

old age long ago,' Like Bishop Salvado's Motagon? There

seems to be no hope of making anything clear out of Motagon.
Mr. Oldfield, cited by Mr. Tylor for AustraHa, I have never
quoted his account cannot be uncontaminated.
: Yet the
natives may have believed in an evU spirit before they adorned
him with horns, as Mr. Oldfield states, which no indigenous
beast possesses. '
Their doctrine of a horned devil must be '

modern, though not necessarily their belief in a bad spirit. With

Mr. Tyler's theory of Baiame as a missionary translation of '

the word for creator,' as early as 1850, I have already dealt in

my second essay, showing that Baiame is a native pre-
missionary word, whatever may be its etymology. Mrs.
Langloh Parker renders it, not maker (from baia, to cut, or
'
'

fashion), but '

big man.'
'
Bel. des JisuUes, 1634, p. 13. ' Ibid. pp. 32, 33.
» /. A. I. Feb. 1892, p. 287.
 298 MAGIC AND RELIGION

APPENDIX B
THE MABTYEDOM OP DASIUS

It is difficult to ascertain the facts about this affair. There are

first two brief narratives. One is printed in the '
M6nologie de
Basile.'^ The other is in Cod. Ambrosianus, D 74, fol. 65r.
M. Cumont thinks that both have a single source namely, an —
abridgment of the Acts of St. Dasius,' published by himself
'

from the Parisinus 1539, a MS. of the eleventh century. The

two brief late narratives say that the Greeks in Dorostolum
held a yearly feast of Cronos. Thirty days before the feast
they chose a handsome young soldier, clad him in royal
raiment, and allowed him thirty days of revelry, after which he
was to sacrifice himself at the altar of Cronos. The lot fell on
Dasius, who preferred to die as a martyr of Christ. Diocletian
and Maximian, hearing of this, commanded him to be put to the
sword. The second MS. names Bassus as the officer at whose
tribunal Dasius was arraigned.
The long MS. first published by M. Cumont says that the
man on whom the lot fell personated Cronos himself. On the
thirtieth day of revelry he died by the sword as a victim to the
'
unclean idols.' The author then adds that, in his own time,
so-called Christians do devil-worship by dancing about in skins
of beasts at the new year —
which is not the date of the
Saturnalia (December 17-23). Unlike these sinners, who thus
give themselves to the devil, Dasius determined to refuse to be
a sacrifice to heathen gods. He would never sacrifice himself
to Cronos. He proclaimed himself a Christian, was thrown
into a dark cell, and was brought before Bassus, the Legate,' '

next day.
Bassus asked what he was charged with, his name, and
profession. Dasius gave his name, profession, and religion.
Bassus (who appears to have been a mild kind of man) bade
him revere the images of the Emperors, whose salt he ate
(8<opou/i€Vo)v fiijlv TO. (rin/jpia-ta). Dasius, in a covenanting spirit,
replied that he served no earthly monarch. Bassus again
invited him to adore the images of the Emperor, which '

'
Urbino, 1727, vol. i. p. 198.
 THE MAETYRDOM OF DASIUS 299

homage even barbarous nations Dasius defied the devil,

pay.'
and anticipated, in his unformulated
confession,
still the
Nicene Creed. Bassus, keeping his temper to a marvel, said
that every man must obey constituted authority. Dasius
ansv?ered, Do to me whatever your filthy and impious Emperors
'

command.' Bassus then offered him two hours for reflection,

'
that you may
consider in yourself how you may live among us
with honour.' Dasius refused the respite in vulgar and insolent
terms. Bassus then ordered him to be decapitated. He had a
last chance, being offered incense to burn before the Imperial
effigies, but he threw it on the ground, and was done to death.
Not a word about the mock-kingship passed between Dasius
and Bassus, who merely asked him to perform the customary
sacrifice, that he might live honourably in the regiment
'

(oTTws SvvrjdeLTjs t,rjv [x.€6' rjfjLwv iv Soiy). How could Dasius live on if

he was to be sacrificed at any rate ? Why did not Dasius tell

' '

Bassus the supposed facts of the case that he objected to a —

month of unhallowed revelry, followed by self-sacrifice to
Cronos ? Bassus obviously knew nothing about all that. A
soldier only has his orders Dasius insulted the religion and the
;

head of the State he declined to retract, and Bassus had to

:

administer the law. If Dasius did not like the law he need not
have enlisted.
The two brief MSS. give us none of this conversation
between Bassus and Dasius. That foul-tongued confessor,
according to Mr. IVazer, refused to play the part of the
'

heathen god and soil his last days by debauchery. The threats
and arguments of his commanding officer, Bassus, failed to
shake bis constancy, and accordingly he was beheaded.' ' But
Bassus, a perfect gentleman, never asked Dasius to soil his last
days by debauchery, or to play the part of a heatlien god. He
merely offered to Dasius the usual test, just as Claverhouse
might have offered the Abjuration Oath. The position of
Dasius was exactly that of a dragoon of 1684 who '
refused the
abjuration.'
In my opinion, Dasius probably was executed for his
scruples, insolently expressed, if we believe his biographer ; and,
if we do not believe his biographer, the evidence ceases to exist.
The biographer, knowing about the usual King of the Saturnalia
'
Oolden Bough, iii. 141.
300 MAGIC AND RELIGION

in every Eoman household, and wishing to check the survivals

of pagan revelry at the new year, declared that the King of
the Saturnalia was actually sacrificed to Saturn. But in his
own account of the conversations between Dasius and his com-
manding officer not a word is said about the Saturnalia and
the sacrifice of the mock-king. On the other hand, the com-
manding officer, or military judge, labours to save the life of
Dasius, not being aware that it is in any way endangered
except by his recusancy. This hardly appears in Mr. Frazer's
brief summary. But a glance at the original Acts of St. Dasius
'

shows the nature of the evidence.^

If any part of it has an official basis, as M. Cumont
supposes, that part must be the examination of Dasius by
Bassus. Here occurs no hint of sacrificing Dasius as Saturn ;

Bassus expects him to throw incense on the flame, and to con-

tinue an honourable soldier of the Empire. He knows nothing
about sacrificing Dasius. Thus, as historians regard evidencei
the statement about the yearly victim of Saturn, a statement
made long after the event, and after the establishment of
Christianity, is weak indeed. For it has no corroboration in
the works of Latin or Greek historians or antiquaries. But
anthropology is not history, and Mr. Frazer argues, 'the
martyrologist's account of the Saturnalia agrees so closely with
the accounts of similar rites elsewhere, which could not
possibly have been known to him, that the substantial
accuracy of his description may be regarded as established.' ^
Now we have the Aztec case and the Sacsean case. But
the Aztec victim is a captive, not a free soldier, whose life

Bassus most anxious to preserve. The Sacsean victim is

is

not sacrificed, and is a condemned criminal. Now Mr. Frazer

has said when a nation becomes civilised, if it does not drop
'

human sacrifices altogether, it at least selects as victims only

such vsrretches as would be put any rate.' ^ But a
to death at
valuable soldier, like Dasius, is not a wretch who would be put
to death at any rate. Again, among the numerous cases of
periods of licence, like the Sacsea, we know only one instance

'
Analecta Bollandiana, xvi. pp. 5-16. The precise position of a
'
Legatus like Bassus is rather indistinct. If an officer, he need not have
'

asked Dasius what his profession was.

' '

2 G. B. iii. 142. = Q. B. iii. 120.

 THE MARTYRDOM OF DASIUS 301

of sacrifice, and that of a criminal, in Ashanti. Our business is

to prove that free Eoman soldiers voluntarily sacrificed them-
selves at the Saturnalia. The Aztec sacrifice of a captive,
the Persian execution of a criminal, with folklore rites of
analogous description, scarcely make the Eoman custom pro-
bable, vyhile the direct evidence is only that of the martyrolo-
gist. His evidence merely asserts, as to the death of Dasius,
that he perished for refusing the usual test. Again, as
M. Parmentier argues, the sacrifice, if it existed, may have been
of Oriental importation. In this condition of the evidence,
especially as it allots thirty days to the Saturnalia, an otherwise
unheard-of period, suspension of judgment seems prudent.

APPENDIX C
THE BIDE OF THE BEAEDLESS ONE

Mb. Feazeb's argument about the Eide of the Beardless One,

and the possible traces of a similar burlesque performance
preluding to or succeeding the Crucifixion, is not easy to
follow. Perhaps, in the text, I may have misconceived my
author's meaning. We know the ride of the beardless one
in Persia through the work of Hyde, pubHshed at Oxford in
1700, and again in 1760. I condense Hyde's account as given
by Mr. Prazer.^ The date of the festivity of the beardless
one was '
the first month, which in the most
day of the first
ancient Persian calendar corresponds to March, so that the
date of the ceremony agrees with that of the Babylonian New
Year Festival of Zakmuk.' In Mr. Prazer's third volume, the
Saceea synchronise with Zakmuk, though in his second volume
the Sacsea are of June- July. We shall suppose him, in the
present passage, to adhere to the date of March for the Sacaea.
The ride of the beardless one, if so, occurs at the Sacsean date.
But Hyde found that some Persians regarded the ride of the
beardless one as of recent institution ; if they were right, it

has no traceable connection with the ancient Sacaea. Nor was

there any mock-king concerned in the ride of the beardless
one ; and there was no probable sacred harlot ; still less were
'
G. B. iii. 181, 182.
302 MAGIC AND EELIGION

there two beardless ones, with two sacred harlots, as in Mr.

Erazer's theory of the Sacsea. Hyde says no
At all events
more about the sacred Ohrysostom or any
harlots than Dio
other ancient author records in the case of the Sacsea. Far
from being attired as a king, the beardless buffoon was led
about naked, on a horse, mule, or ass, fanning himself and
complaining while people soused him in ice, snow, or
of heat,
cold water. Attended by the household of the king or governor,
he extorted contributions. The goods seized between dawn and
morning prayers fell to the governor or king what the ;

buffoon took between the and second prayers he kept

first

and then he vanished. The populace might beat him later, if

they caught him.
Now if this holiday farce existed, at the Sacsea and at
Zakmuk, during the time of the exile, the Jews could not
borrow the Sacsean custom of hanging a mock-king, for, on Mr.
Frazer's theory (if I do not misunderstand it), the ride of
the beardless one came in after the serious meaning of
'

the custom ' (the hanging of the mock-king) had been '

forgotten.' The ride of the beardless one is a degenerate '

copy of the original '

—
of the Sacsean whipping, hanging,
and scourging a condemned criminal which had fallen —
out of use, I presume. Lagarde is not of that opinion he :

thinks that the author of the Book of Esther knew and

combined the colours of the Persian Magophonia, the Sacsea,
and the ride of the beardless. In fact, Dio Ohrysostom does
not tell us that the Sacaean mock-king rode, whether naked or
in splendour, through the city nor that he made a forced
;

collection, which he was not allowed to live to enjoy. These

things may have occurred, but no record proves them. Yet
Mr. Frazer has, provisionally, to conjecture that the Sacsean
victim had a ride of honour, and made a collection, and that
our Lord enjoyed the same privileges. The description of
'

His last triumphal ride into Jerusalem reads almost like an

echo of that brilliant progress through the streets of Susa
which Haman aspired to and Mordecai accomplished.' Our
Lord does not appear to have been either naked, like the
beardless one, or clad in splendour, like Mordecai, or crowned
and robed, or attended by the men-at-arms of Pilate or Herod.
He borrowed an ass, with her colt, and the multitude strewed
 THE KIDB OF THE BEABDLESS ONE 303

branches and cried, '

Hosanna to the Son of David.' He then
'
overthrew the tables of the money-changers, and cast out all
them that sold and bought in the Temple a raid,' as Mr. :
'

Frazer says. But it is not on record that He seized any

property, and His motive has been regarded as an objection to
commercial transactions in a sacred edifice.
It may seem a little arbitrary to connect these acts of
Christ, not with what the Sacsean victim, to our knowledge, ever
did, but with what was done by the beardless buffoon, his
degenerate copy. "We have first to guess that the Sacaean
mock-king acted like him whom we have to guess to be his late
;
'
degenerate copy and then to read into the Gospels an idea
'

derived from accounts of the ancient or modern buffoon.

Moreover, while Christ represents the mock-king of the Sacasa
in the high tragedy of the ancient ceremony
'
for He is put
'
—
to death —his counterpart, Barabbas, has a conjectural ride
which is mere '
farce,' like that of the beardless buffoon. Now
Mr. Prazer says that, '
after the serious meaning of the
Sacaean custom had been forgotten, and the substitute was
allowed to escape with his life, the high tragedy of the ancient
'^

ceremony would rapidly degenerate into farce.'

The degeneration was rapid indeed in the twinkling : of an
eye. was not allowed to escape with his life
Christ the :
'

high tragedy of the ancient ceremony existed in his case. But '

instantly the high tragedy was forgotten

'
Barabbas, Christ's '
!

counterpart, in Mr. Frazer's theory, '

may very well . . . have
been going about the streets, rigged out in tawdry splendour,
with a tinsel crown on his head, and a sham sceptre in his
hand, preceded and followed by all the tag-rag and bobtaU
of the town, hooting, jeering, and breaking coarse jests at his
expense, while some pretended to salute his mock majesty, and
others belaboured the donkey on which he rode. It was in
this fashion, probably, that in Persia the beardless and one-
eyed man made his undignified progress through the town, to
the delight of ragamuffins and the terror of shopkeepers whose
goods he confiscated if they did not hasten to lay their peace-
^
offerings at his feet.'
All this as to Barabbas implies that the '
high tragedy ' of
the Sacaea was abeady lost in the '
farce '
of the '
degenerate
"
I
G. B. iii. 183. O. B. iii. 192.
304 MAGIC AND RELIGION

copy,' the ride of the beardless. If so, why did Christ lose
his life? If He died solemnly as a recognised god (which Mr.
Prazer seems to me to deny in iii. 120 and asserts in iii. 194-197),
why is his no less sacred counterpart, Barabbas, also and

simultaneously a counterpart of the beardless buffoon ?

Either the whole affair was solemn and tragic, the Haman
(Christ) and the Mordecai (Barabbas) being recognised as divine,
or the whole affair was farce, and in neither Christ nor Barabbas
was there any recognised divinity. Mr. Frazer makes the belief
in the divinity of Christ depend on the contemporary recogni-
tion of the godhead of the Sacsean victim, whose male issue
was also perhaps recognised as divine.'^ But he also assures
us that the divinity of the Sacsean victim must have been
'
forgotten.' ^ In the same way Christ, as victim, was recognised
as divine, and so, necessarily, was his counterpart, Barabbas
'
whether in sober fact, or pious fiction, the Barabbas or Son of
that Divine Father who generously gave his own Son to die for
the world.' ^ Yet this Son of the Divine Father was so remote
from sacred that, just three pages before his Sonhood is
asserted, we have a picture of him riding about on a donkey
among the jeers of the tag-rag and bobtail.'
'
It is difficult to
''

accept both of the theories (not very self-consistent in my

humble which Mr. Frazer seems able to hold simul-
opinion),
taneously or alternately. If Barabbas rode a donkey amid the
jeers of the ragamuffins, then Christ had no triumphal entry
into Jerusalem. He, too, had merely a burlesque ride, if
Barabbas had a burlesque ride, as Mr. Frazer thinks probable.
By the essence of his theory, Christ and Barabbas were counter-
parts, both were divine, or neither was divine, in general
opinion. If Barabbas was a personage in a low farce (as Mr.

Frazer supposes), so was Christ, and no halo of divinity can

accrue from taking part in a burlesque, which cannot also be a
high tragedy, with divine actors. As if difficulties were never
to cease, the beardless buffoon is a degenerate copy of the
Sacsean victim. But while he was a proxy for the king, and
also a representative of Humman, or Marduk, or Tammuz, or
Gilgamesh, or Eabani, or a god not yet identified in his :

popular form, as the beardless buffoon, 'his pretence of

'
a. B. iii. 186. 2 G. B. iii. 120.
' O. B. iii. 195. *
G. B. iii. 192.
 THE BIDE OE THE BEAEDLESS ONE 305

suffering from heat, and his final disappearance, suggest that, if

he personified either of the seasons, it was the departing

winter rather than the coming summer.' ^

If so, was the buffoon of the popular ceremony the folklore

original of the Sacaean mock-king, or was he a degenerate
copy of that versatile victim with a new meaning popularly
assigned to him ? We are to recognise in him the familiar
'

features of the mock or temporary king,' ^ though he has neither

crown, sceptre, robes, nor aught to cover his nakedness. If he
is not the popular original of the mock-king of the Sacaea, how
does he, and how does his magic, put us '
in a position finally
'^

to unmask the leading personages in the Book of Esther ? '

If he is a new popular interpretation of the Sacman mock-king,

a misconstrued survival, he cannot help to explain the Sacsea,
or '
Esther,' especially if, as a player in a farce which was a
mitigation of the Sacsea, he had not come into existence when
'
Esther was written. But, if the beardless buffoon represents
'

the popular germ of the Sacaean victim, then that victim was
originally neither the king's proxy, nor Tammuz, nor Marduk,
nor Gilgamesh, nor Eabani, but perhaps '
the departing winter.'
He can only serve the theory, in that capacity, if provided with
a counterpart to represent the coming summer, while he and
his counterpart both have female mates, of whom there is not
a ghost of a trace in our authorities, whether in the instance
of the Sacsea, the Eide of the Beardless, or the Crucifixion.
Nobody says that there were two beardless buffoons, yet there
is just as much evidence for them as for the conjectural two
sacred characters, with two sacred harlots, at the Sacsea. We
must avoid the multiplicatio entium prceter necessitatem.

'
a. B. iii. 184. = G. B. iii. 182. ' G. B. iii. 184.
 INDEX
Adonis. See Tammuz scope of their ideas, 16 practice
;

Agathias (Byzantine poet), cited, of magic, 46, 61, 62, 65 ; magical

130 rites to assist the
processes of
Ahone (aboriginal N. American god), nature, 82, 83 periods of licence,;

20,39 193, 194, 196, 198 ; totems, 250,

Alatunjas (Arunta headmen), 101, 251, 252 cited, 67, 68, 101, 259,
;

259, 260, 265, 267, 269 263, 264, 265 note, 266, 267
Alcheringa (mythical heroic age, or Ashanti licence at the harvest
:

period of fabulous ancestors, of festival, 188, 189

the Arunta), 15, 251, 253, 254 Asia Minor Greek cities use of :

Aloheringites (fabulous ancestors), scapegoats in times of calamity,

251, 252 190
Algonquin deity, 39 Astarte (Semitic goddess). See
Alkna Buma (Arunta clairvoyant), Ishtar
and new-born babies, 262 Atahocau (Huron deity), 42, 89,238,
Amadhlozi (Zulu ancestral spirits), 296, 297
227, 228 Athenffius, on the Saosea, 119, 120,
Anahuac human sacrifices, 193
: 121 cited, 132, 185, 186, 195, 196
;

Anaitis (Persian love goddess), 119, Athenian festival of Cronos, 116,

194 117
Andamanese : religious beliefs, 231, Athens scapegoats killed in times
:

232 of distress, 190

Andouagni (aboriginal Canadian AthoU, Earlof (pretender to royalty),
god), 10 no form of prayer ad-
; mock crowning of, 203
dressed to 10, 11, 12, 21, 89 Atua (Samoan), tree of protection,
Anthropology, present-day neglect 219
of its study, 7; en'ors of the higher '
Australian blacks alleged endeavour :

criticism,' 9 gods not addressed in

; to delay the course of the sun, 3 ;

prayer, 10, 1 1 conilicting evidence

; religious ideas unborrowed, 44
of race beliefs, 11 coincidence; attention to the dead, 49 Chris- ;

of testimony, 12, 13. Sec under tian Deity identified by them with
names of tribes and gods their own supreme beings, 49;
Argyllshire : superstition among religious ideas vary according to
women connected with cup- fertility of soil, 50 invent to ;

marked rocks, 252, 254 please whites, 50, 51 emergence ;

Arieian grove of Diana, the, and its of gods from ancestors, 51 ; re-
ghastly priest, 207 et seq. engraved
ligious beliefs, 231, 232 ;

Arthurian legend the magical : churinga and rock paintings, 245

sword, 211 et seq. ; fire ceremony of, 271.
Arunta (tribe of Central Australia), See also under tribal names
their theory of evolution of our Aztecs beliefs, 75 human sacrifice
: ;

species and the nature of life, 15 ; at harvest festival, 127 173, 300 ;
308 MAGIC AND RELIGION
Babylon : annual sacrifice of a Bunjil (Australian god), 32, 34, 41,
criminal proxy king, 77 ; hypothe- 66
sis of that rite, 91, 101, 103, 106 Bunyip (fabled Austi-alian monster),
Backhouse, Mr. (Quaker), his Visit '
26
to Australian Colonies,' cited, 26
Bagolos (tribe) : human sacrifices,
129 Calicut (Malabar) : religious self-
Baiame (Pei-a-raei, or Baiamai) slaughter of the king, 98, 217
(Australian moral creative being), Caligula and the priest of Diana,
25-32, 35, 36, 39, 40, 42, 43, 66, 209
67, 89, 226, 238, 297 Callaway, Dr., on Zulu beliefs, 97,
Balder (Scandinavian spirit), the 225, 227, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233,
Eddaic myth of, 213-217 234, 237, 238
Ballima (Australian spiritual para- Calvary, 200 et seq.
dise), 36, 37 Cambodia temporary kings, 105
:

Banjars (tribe) beat their king till

: period of licence, 187
the weather changes, 85 Cameron, Mr. A. L. P., on the tribes
Barabbas a counterpart of the
: of New South Wales, 70
sacred Victim, 201, 303, 304 Canadian aboriginal god, Audouagni,
Bau (Babylonian goddess), 137, 138 10, 11, 12, 21, 89
Beiderbeoke, Mr., on South African Carew, Mr., on fire-walking, 283
gods, 236, 237 Carnival, destruction of, at end of
Beiruk, William (Australian black), modern Roman festival, 110
on Bunjil, 34 Catlin, on Mandau Mystery Play of
Benares fire-walking, 290, 291
: the Flood, 23, 24
Benedictine Mission at Nursia, 13 Catullus, cited, 184
Bernadette (seeress of Lourdes) fire- : Celebes, the harvest customs, 267
:

handling, 272 Chaka (Zulu king), 97, 228, 229,

Berosus, quoted, on the Sacsea, 119, 230
120, 142, 144, 185, 196 Cheviots, the cup and ring incised
:

Birds, wise, Australian and Ameri- on boulders, 241

can myth of, 24 Chinese vernal festival of fire, 270
Blackfoot Indians (N. America) : Chitome (Congo pontiff '), 138
'

religious ideas, 295 Christ theories concerning, 76, 78,

:

Bluebeard new version, 167

: 79, 100, 106, 110, 200, 206
Bobowissi (W. African deity), 39 Christian faith, origin of the, 76 et
Bora (Australian initiatory mys- seq.
teries), women excluded from, 30, Churinga (Australian), wood or stone
58, 66, 71, 195 marked with circles, cups, &c.,
Borrowed religion, 15 at seq., 295 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 251,
Boyma. See Baiame 252, 253, 254, 255
Brahan. warning to the Mackenzies, Churinga ilkinia, sacred rock-draw-
superstitious belief, 98 ing of totem, 246, 249
BrSbeuf, Father, on the Oki, 19, 42 Coleridge, Hartley, cited, 31
Brewin (Kurnai supreme being), 27, Collins, Mr. ('New South Wales'),
49, 52, 53 on native use of word father,' 32 '

Brinton : etymology of the god Colquhoun, Dr., on fire-walking, 282

Kiehtan, 20 Congo tribes, 61 ; their pontiff not
British Isles fire- walking, 271
: permitted to die a natural death,
Brough Smyth, Mr., cited, 41, 54 96, 133
Bryant's ark, 5 Craig, Dr. George : fire-walking, 275
Buckley (convict), on the Australian Craig, Dr. W. : fire-walking, 275
ideas of a god, 26 Craigie, Mr. W. A., on the myth of
Bulgaria, Nistinares of fire-hand- : Balder, 214
ling, 272, 283, 285, 286 Cranz (missionary), on Greenlanders'
Bullimah (Australian paradise), 36 behefs, 21, 87, 88
Bull-roarers, (in savage mysteries), Crawford, Mr. Lindsay, cited, 57
65, 67, 71, 248, 255 note
 INDEX 309

Croesus, 129 Dyaks, their superstition regarding

Cronos festival, the, 108, 109, 116, new-born children, 261
117
Crookes, Mr., cited, on fire-walking,
286 Eabani (feast of), 164, 165, 166, 178,
Crookes, Sir William, cited, 289 180, 181
Crucifixion, a theory of the, 80, 103 Eddaie myth of Balder, 213-217
Crystal-gazing, 32 Egyptian Book of the Dead, 72 gods, ;

Ctesias, on the Sacasa, 120 tombs and mummies, 90 King of ;

Cumont, Professor Franz, on the Unreason, 105 sacrifice of red-

;

legend of Dasius, 112; on the haired men, 128

Saturnalia, 118, 114, 115, 142; EUis, Sir A. B., 13 ; theory of bor-
cited, 183, 298, 300 rowed gods, 42 on Ashanti harvest
;

'
Cup and ring :' a solution, 241 et seq. festival, 188
Curr, Mr., on Australian native Erecb, Eabani feast at, 164, 165
beliefs, 31 Esther, Book of, 147, 180 theories ;

concerning, 161-181
Ethiopian kings of Meroe wor- :

DAEAMULnN (Australian deity), 27, shipped as gods, killed by priests,

66,71 96
Darwin, cited, 6 Evolution of gods, 82 et seq.
Dasius, story of the martyrdom of, Euhemerism, 90
79, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, European influences on savage
115, 121, 182, 185, 298, 301 beliefs, 11
Davis, Mr. John Moore, on AustraUan Euthyphro, cited, 59, 60
native sacrifice of the first-born, 54 Everard, Jlr. H. S. C, cited, 211
Dawson, Mr. (' Aborigines of Austra- Eyeos, sacrifice of king of, 98, 221
lia '), on native religious worship, Eyre, Mr., on the Australian blacks'
33, 34 idea of origin of creation, 40, 41
Deputy gods, 39 Ezekiel, 151, 176
Devils, expulsion of, savage licence
following, 187
Diana, grove of (near Aricia) the : Faewabdigan (Persian feast), 168,
golden bough in, 207 et seq. 169
Diana of the Chersonese, 208 Fijian hymns, 72 ;
periods of licence,
Dieri, the (Central Australian tribe): 195, 196, 198 ; fire ceremony, 273,
ancestral spirit worship, 50, 56, 62, 277-283, 288
63,64 Fire-walking, 270 et seq.
Dio Chrysostom, on the festival of First-born, eating the, 54
SaesBa, 79, 120 and note, 121, 132, First-fruits, 267 et seq.
147, 185, 186, 199, 302 Fisher's ghost, 54
Divine scapegoats, 189 et seq. Fison, Mr. Lorimer, on the emerg-
Dodge, Colonel, on North American ing of gods from ancestors, 50,
beliefs, 88, 89 56
Donnelly, Mr. W. A., discovery of Foelsche, Mi., on savage belief in a
stones marked with cup and ring, benevolent creator or demiurge,
&e., 245, 246 57 note, 58
Dos Santos, on Caffre beliefs, 97 and Frazer, Mr. J. G., theories of com- :

note, 234, 235 parative study of human beliefs

Druid origin of the word, 215 note
: and institutions, 6, 7 religion the ;

Druid circles, 242 despair of magic, 10, 60 magic ;

Druids, gathering mistletoe, 215 preceded the invention of gods,

Dumbuck (Scotland) marked stones : 47 ; limited definition of religion,
at, 245, 246, 253 48, 59 ; the Australians who
Dunbuie (Scotland) : stones marked practise magic have httle or no re-
with rings at,245, 246, 247, 253 ligion, 49-52 ; on the Jewish Pass-
Duncan, Hon. A. M. fire-walking,
: over, 53 ; its Australian parallel,
277 53, 54 ; speculative generalisations.
310 MAGIC AND RELIGION
55 ; arbitrary selection of wit- Goethe, and native Australian
nesses, 55- 58 ascription of wrong
; beliefs, 35
beliefs to the Arunta, 61 inad- ; Gold Coast savage period
: of
vertent proof that irreligious licence, 186
Australians are religious, 62-65 ; Goodwin, Mr. fire-walking, 275 :

invented powerful beings, 68 Gorten, Mr. fire-walking, 292

:

religion the conciliation of higher Gounja Tiequoa (Hottentot supreme

powers by prayer and sacrifice, deity), 232
69 shooting stars, 74 imported re-
; ; Greek religious beliefs paralleled
ligiousideas, 75 origin of the behef
; with those of savage races, 38 ;

in the divinity of Christ, 76-78 ;

graves of gods, 90, 93
use of the legend of Dasius, 79, Greenlanders religious beliefs, 87,
:

109-115 mental prepossession on

; 88
the Crucifixion, 80 ; double pairs Greenway, Mr., on the derivation
of divinised human beings, 82 of Baiame, 25 44 ;

alleged mortality of gods, 85-94 ;

Greyhair Zulu superstition con-
:

religious regicide, 'J4-100 annual ; cerning, 97

religious regicide, 101-104 mock ; Grogoragally (Aust. son of god), 36,
kings, 103 et seq. persons who ; 37,39
suffer for god-man kings, 104-107; Gudgeon, Colonel the Te XJmuti, :

survivals of human sacrifice at or fire-walking, 273, 274, 276, 285

the Saturnalia, 109-115 ; modern Giinther, Mr., cited, 44
Carnival, 110, 111 the Greek ; Guyaquar Indians, human sacrifices
Cronia, 115-118; the Saceea, by, when sowing, 127
118-122 again mock kings, 120,
;

121, 123 attempts to prove the

;

Sacffiau criminal divine, 123-140 ;

Haddon, Mr. New Guinea art, 249
:

sacrifice by banging, 127-132 Haggard, Colonel Andrew, on fire-

date of the Sacsea, 135-138 the ; walking, 284, 285
SacEean victim, 138 ; analogies of Haggard, Mr. Eider, cited, 228
Zakmuk, Sacffia, and Purim, Hale, Mr. Horace, on the Australian
141-160 ; human
victims at god Baiame, 25, 27, 28, 29 on ;

Purim, 153 connection of Mor-

; Koin, 27 ; cited, 43
decai, Esther, Vashti, and Haman Hall, Mr. S. C. fire-handling, 276 :

with Babylonian and Elamite gods, Haman theories concerning, 134,

:

161 the ride of the beardless

; 161-181
Persian buffoon, 168, 171, 301-305 Haman (Elamite deity), 78
festivals of licence, 185-199 80, 127
Hanging, sacrifice by, 77, 78,
divine scapegoat, 189 Calvary, ; et 138, 148, 153, 175, 177,
seq.,
200-204; the ghastly priest of 178, 189, 195, 197, 199
the grove of Diana, 206-223 Hartland, Mr., quoted, on savage
the Quiteva, 234; taboo, 268; ideas of superior beings, 35, 36
fire-walking, 270 prayers for the dead, 36 censure ;

Fuegian idea on flapper shooting, of Mr. Manning's terminology, 36 ;

267 origin of belief in a supreme being,

224 on Zulu behefs, 227, 229, 232,
;

Gason, Mr., on the beliefs of the 233, 234

Dieri, 56, 67 note on Mura Mura, ; Hastwell, Mr. fire-walking, 287 ;

62,63 Hays of Errol, their mistletoe life-

German theory of Purim, 147 token, 216 note
Georgia, stone-markings in, 243 Hearn, Mr. Lafcadio, on fire-walk-
Ghost-worship, 31 ing, 284
Gilgamesh and Eabani, legend of, Heitsi Bibib (Hottentot superior
164, 165, 180, 181 being), 90
GiUen. See Spencer and Gillen Hennessy, Mr. Pope, quoted, 58
Gingero, king of killed by kinsmen
: Henry, Miss Teuira fire-walking, :

if wounded in war, 96 287

Gods, the evolution of, 82 et seq. Heraldry, 260
 INDEX 311

Heriot, cited, on the Virgiuian Crea- Java :self-slaughter of kings and

tor,22 their substitutes, 99
Herodotus, cited, 149 I
Jensen, Dr., on the feast of Purim,
Hesyohiua, on the Saosea, 121 150, 151, 152, 1.59, 162, 164, 165,
Hindoo Koosh : harvest licence, 187 166, 172, 173, 176, 177, 179
Hippolytus, legend of, 209, 218 Jesuits, credited with suggesting
Hirpi of Soracte, the, 271 fire- ; the idea of a great spirit to savage
walking, 289 races, 23 ; cited, 42, 45
Hobamok (son of the god Kiehtan), Jevons, Mr., on taboo, 259, 260, 261,
38, 39 268
Hocken, Dr. T. M., on fire-walking, Jewish Passover, the, theory of, 53
273, 276, 277-283, 285, 293,294 Jews hanging a mock-king at the
:

Home, D. D., fire-handling by, 272, Purim festival, 78; condemned

276 criminals representing life and
Honolulu fire-walking, 292
: death of vegetation, 78
Horses of Virbius, 139 Jinn, the, 91
Hos (N.-E. Indian tribe) feast of : Johnson, Dr., cited, 263
licence, 187
Hottentot religious beUefs, 231, 232 Kalaki (Australian bull-roarer.) 71
How {Tongan elective king), 86 Kalk (Kallak) Australian bull-
:

Howitt, Mr. A. W., on the Australian roarer, 71

god Baiame, 25, 31, 32, 34; the Kalunga (African god), 237
Kurnai goblin Brewin, 27 ini- ;
Kamchatka : religious beliefs, 226
tiated by the Kurnai, 52 change ;
Kamilaroi (Australian tribe) religi- :

of views on Brewin, 53 on the ;

ous beliefs, 28, 29, 31, 48, 66
attributes of native great spirits, Karunga (African god), 236, 237
66 cited, 12, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44
;
Khonds human sacrifiees, 129
:

Humman (Elamite deity), 139, 156, Kibanga (Upper Congo) king killed :

157, 158, 159, 161, 166, 169, 172, by sorcerers when dying, 96
173-181, 189 Kiehtan (New England god), 20, 21,
38, 39, 90
Kingsley, Miss Mary, cited, 12, 42, 45
Ibn Batdta travellers' tales, 99
:
Kitchi Manitou (North American
Javan family deputed to die for Indian great spirit), 18
the Sultan, 99 Kittanitowit (Algonquin great living
Images, clay or waxen, as vicarious spirit), 20
objects of revenge, 3 Koin (Australian supernatural black
India fire-walking, 286
:
man), 27
Indo-China offering of first-fruits
:
Kolb (missionary), cited, 232
to a god, 267 Kudulu (African tribe) : human sacri-
Ireland late superstition in, 109
: ;
fices, 129
incised patterns on stones, 253 Kuenen, Professor, cited, 147
Iruntarinia (evil spirits), inimical Kurnai (Australian tribe), 32
through new-born children, 262, initiate Mr. Howitt in the mys-
264 teries, 52, 53 67
;

Isaacs, Mr., quoted, on Zulu super-

stitions, 97
Ishtar (goddess), 125, 157, 164, 175, Lafitau, Pere, on the Manitou and
177, 178, 179 Okki, 18, 19
Islamite suggestions of a God to L'Allemant, P^re, on the Virginian
savage races, 11 creator, 22
Lagarde, Professor, on Persian feasts,
Jastkow, Professor, on mental pre- 168, 169, 171, 302
possession, 80 Babylonian gods, ;
Lagos animal and human sacrifices,
:

91 the Tammuz feast, 136, 137

; ;
128
the Zakmuk, 142 the Book of ; Le Jeuue, Father, on the meaning of
Esther, 162 the Purim, 162 cited,
; ;
Manitou, 18 the Algonquin god, ;

157,. 166, 178, 179; 21, 23 cited, 42, 297;

312 MAGIC AND RELIGION
Licence, periods of, at ancient and Meath, portable engraved stones at,
savage festivals, 185-199 253
Lionetti (Italian conjurer), fire- Medicine-men, 33, 100
handling experiments, 283 Meissner, Herr, on the Zakmuk and
Lithuanian beer custom, 266 Saceea festivals, 118, 142
Livingstone, Dr., on Kaffir beliefs, Merodach. See Marduk
232 Mexicans human sacrifices at stages
:

Livy, on the Saturnalia, 108 of the maize's growth, 128 184 ;

Loan-gods (or borrowed religion), Meyer (' Hist, of Antiq.'), quoted, 118
theory of, 17 et seq. Millar, Mr., quoted, on the Dunbuie
Luoian, on the Saturnalia, 108 finds, 247, 248
Lyall, Sir Alfred, 55 on the founda-
; Mistletoe a magical plant, 212, 213,
:

tion of natural religion, 59, 60 ;

214, 215, 216, 217, 221
speculative generalisation, 74 Mithra-worship, 114
quoted, 198, 220 Moab sacrifice of sons of kings,
:

Lydian kings as sacrifices, 129 105

Mock-kings, sacrifices of, 79, 94, 105,
110, 114, 119, 120, 181, 134, 136,
MACDONAiiB, Mr., quoted, 285 note, 187, 153, 169, 178, 181, 182-185,
236 196, 197, 199
Mackenzie, Captain, on fire-walking, Mcesia : mock-king personating a
270 god, 79 sacrifice of kings, 103
;

Macrobius, on the Saturnalia, 108, the killing of Dasius at the

111, 120 note, 205 Saturnalia, 109, 112; cited, 114,
Magic, or witchcraft, 3, 10, 16 46 et ; 115, 121, 188, 185
seq. See under tribal names Moffat, Mr., on Kaffir beliefs, 232
Magophonia (Persian feast), 119, Molunga, Mulungu (Caftre god), 234,
149, 168 235, 236
Makogo (Wathi Wathi tribesman), Mommsen, Prof. Aug., on the Cronos
on the future life, 72 feast, 116
Mandan Deluge legend, the, 23, 24, Montagnets (North American In
25 dians), their application of the
Man-gods, 84, 93, 94, 95, 96, 99, 104, word Manitou, 18
138, 192 Moodgeegally (patron of the mys-
Manitou, meaning of the word, 18 ;
teries), 67
superior being, 296 Moravian missionaries on Baiame,
Manning, Mr., on early religious 25
beliefs in New South Wales, 35 ;
Mordecai (companion of Nehemiah),
his terminology in question, 35, 36, 161, 171
37 on exclusion of women from
; Mordecai (Babylonian supreme
religious knowledge, 39 rebuffed ; god?), 78; theories concerning,
by natives in his inquiries, 42 on ; 134, 135, 161-181
taboo, 261 Morgan, Mr., compiler of Buckley's
Marduk (Babylonian god), 92, 137, 'Life and Adventures,' 26
138, 139, 142, 149, 156, 157, 158, Morimo (Bechuana deity), 232, 237
159, 161, 164, 165, 166, 171, 175, Mortality of gods, 85 et seq.
176, 177, 178, 179, IHO, 181, 189 Motagon (Australian dead creator),
Marimos human sacrifices, 129
; 297
Mariner, on Tongan beliefs, 86 Movers, Dr., on the Sacsea festival,
Matthews, Mr., cited, 57 note 130, 174 cited, 198;

Masai (African tribe), 12 Mukuru deity), the mis-

(African
Mauritius fu-e-walking, 284
: sionaries' God, 236
Maximilian, Prince, on Mandan be- Mulkari (Queensland deity), 40
liefs, 24 Miiller, K. 0., cited, 180
Maxwell, Sir Herbert, on trout and Mundari (tribe) : licence at festivals,
May flies, 266 187
Mbenga (Fiji): fire-walking, 276, Mungan-ngaur (Kurnai god), 27, 82,
277, 279 S2, 53, 66, 68, 89
 INDEX 313

Munro, Dr., on the incised stone Orestes, story of his temple to Diana,
finds at Dumbuck and Punbuie, 208, 209, 218
255, 256 Otyihererd different names for god
:

Mura Mura (Dierian ancestors and 236

spirit,
57 note, 62, 63, 235
deified), 50, |
Ovaherero, the (African tribe), god
Murrings (Australian blacks), 52 of,236
Mystery Play of the Flood (Mandan), 1
Oxford University, and the study of
23 I anthropology, 7
Myths. See under names of tribes
and gods 1

Palmer, Mr., on the tribes of the Gulf

Mzima (spirits of the dead), 236
of Carpentaria, 42, 44 ; cited, 74
Pan, legend of, 91
Parker, Mrs. Langloh, on unborrowed
NANfiA (Fijian harvest festival),
character of Australian beliefs, 34,
orgies at, 195
35, 36 ; prayers for the dead, 36 ;
Na-pi (Blackfoot deity), 90
cited, 297
Natos (Blackfoot deity), 295
Parmentier, M., on the Saturnalia,
Nature's processes assisted by magi-
113 note, 114; on the Sacsea, 118
cal rites, 82, 83 ;

cited, 183, 301

Nebuchadnezzar, 140
Pascal, Dr. Th. fire-walking, 290
:
Nepaul period of licence, 187
:

Patterns, incised, on portable small

New England the god Kiehtan,
:

stones, 253
20, 21 religious beliefs, 38
;
Pausanias, quoted, 209
New Guinea, British character of :
Pei-a-mei. See Baiame
decorative art, 249
Period of Licence, the, 105 et seq
New South Wales : native sacrifice
Persia annual sacrifice of a criminal
:
of the first-born, 54
proxy king, 77 ride of the beard-
;
New Zealand the king's mana or
:
less buffoon, 167, 168, 169, 171,
magical power, 99
301-305
Ngoio (Congo) daily kings, 104
:

Philippinelslanders: religious beliefs,

Niscaminou (Bed Indian deity), 295
90
Noldeke, Professor, on the feast of
Phurdigan (Persian feast), 149
Purim,158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 172,
Pin-sticking of enemy's image, 3
176, 177, 179
Pirnmeheal (Australian god), 34, 66
Noorele (Australian creator), 39, 40,
Pliny, 108 on the Druids, 215, 216
;
41, 66
Podmore, Mr., on fire-handling, 272
North American Indians, religious
Polynesia tattooing, 243 taboo, 259
: ;
beliefs of, 88, 89. Se« also under
Ponder, Mr. Stephen fu-e-walking in
:

tribal names
Straits Settlements, 286
Narsia (Australia) Benedictine
Pondo : period of licence, 188, 195
Mission at, 12
Priest, the ghastly, of the Arician
Nyankupon (West Africa), 39
grove of Diana, 207 et seq.
Proserpine (goddess), 208, 211, 212
Prussian king, God's mouth,' self-
'

Ohio, stone markings in, 243

immolation, 98, 130
Ointment used by fire-walkers, 293
Puluga (Andamanese god), 224, 226
Okeus (aboriginal Canadian god), 20,
Purdagh^n (Persian festival), 189
21,90
Purim (Jewish festival) date, origin,:

Oki (Huron word for spirit), 19, 21,

conjectures,
rites, details, theories,
22,42
analogies, 77, 118, 119, 124, 141,
Okki (Lafitau's Grand Esprit '), 19
'

142, 145-160, 161, 162, 163, 168,

'
Old Mars (Roman god and scape-
'

169, 176-181, 188, 189, 194, 198,

goat), 190
202
Omuambo creation tales, 237
Ontake Jinsha (Shintoists) fire- :

walking, 291 Queensland deity, Mulkari, 40

Oorooma (native Australian hell), 37 Quilacare (Southern India) : self-

Oppert, Dr. : fire-walking, 286 slaughter of the king, 98

314 MAGIC AND RELIGION
Quiteva, the (Sofala deity), 97 note, Servius (early commentator on
234 Virgil), on the golden bough in
the grove of Diana, 207, 208, 209
Eaiatea (Society Islands) fire-walk-
:
Shaw, quoted, 232
ing, 273, 274, 277, 287
Shooting stars, Wathi Wathi inter-

Eain-mabing magic, 62, 63, 64, 65 pretation of, 73, 74

Kai'otonga (New Zealand) fire-
:
Siam : temporary kings, 105
walking, 273-276
Siebert, Mr. (German missionary),
Regicide, religious, 94, 100
on ancestral gods, 50, 56, 63
Red Indian beliefs, 295 Simpson, Sir James, on the cup and
ring, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246
Religious beliefs of barbaric races.
See under tribal names and gods
Sioux human sacrifices for magical
:

purposes, 128
Ride of the beardless buiioon, 301-
305 Skidi (Wolf Pawnees) animal and :

Ridley, Mr. (missionary), on the human sacrifices, 128

Slate spear-heads, 247
Australian godBaiame, 25, 29, 30 ;
Smith, Captain ('History of Vir-
on native ideas of great spirits,
ginia '), on Okki, 19
66, 67 cited, 44, 238
;
Smith, Mr. Robertson, cited, 133,
Romans customs at the Saturnalia,
:

134, 136, 137, 138, 142

108 et seq.
Sofalese (Caftre triba), their king-
Ross, Mr. Denison, cited, 143, 145
god, 97
Roth, Dr., quoted, on the Queensland
god Mulkari, 40 South African religions, 224 et seq.
See under tribal names
South Sea Islanders and Captain
SkCM (Oriental tribe), 118, 119, 143, Cook, 94
194 Spain fire-walking, 285
:

Saoeea (Persian festival), date, origin, Spartans lame kings, 98

:

rites, theories, details, analogies, Spencer, Mr. Herbert, cited, 6, 35

77, 79, 80, 81, 106, 114, 117, 118, Spencer and Gillen, Messrs., cited,
119, 122, 123, 124, 126, 127, 130, 15, 67, 86, 193, 194 note, 244,245,
131, 132, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 246, 248, 259, 260, 265
141, 144, 145-160, 163, 164, 169, Statins, on the Arieian grove, 209
170, 172, 176-199, 201, 202, 203, Stevenson, R. L., on tapu in the
223, 301-305 Pacific Islands, 268
St. Clair, Mr. Henry R. fire-walk-
: Stirling, Dr., cited, 62
ing, 286 Stokes, Mr. fire-walking, 286
:

St. Dasius, martyrdom. See Dasius Stones carved with cup and rings,
St. Paul, cited, 201 universality of, 242 et seq.
Sakeas. See Sacsea Strabo, on the Sacsea festival, 119-
Salvado, Bishop, cited, 297 120; cited, 149, 185, 186, 194,
Samoan trees of refuge for criminals, 195, 271
219, 220, 222 Strachey, William (successor of Cap-
Sandes, Sandan (Persian deity), 130 tain Smith in Virginia), on the
Saturn, 108, 139, 183, 184 position of Okeus, 20
Saturnalia (Roman festival), rites, Straits Settlements : fire-walking,
details, theories and analogies 286, 287
concerning, 79, 108, 109, 110, 183, Strannam (Gaelic), tundun, bull-
184, 195 roarer, 255
Sayce, Mr., cited, 133, 147 Suetonius, on the '
ghastly priest,'
Scapegoats, 189 et seq 209
Schischmanof, Dr. Bulgarian fire-
. Superstition, definition of, 2 et seq.
handling, 285 Superstitions. See under names of
Science and superstition definition,
: tribes, gods, and authorities
1 et seq. Sweden : ancient treatment of king
Scotland incised patterns on rocks
: in times of public distress, 85 ;

and stones, 253, 254 cake-eating, 266

Sementini, Dr. fire-handling, 283
: Sword, the magical, 211
 INDKX 315

Taboo, 257 et seq. Turramulan, Taramulan (Austra-

Tagore fire-walking, 290
: lian god), 31
Ta-li-y-Tooboo (Tongan supreme Twanyirika (Arunta great spirit),
being), 86 65,66,67,68,71,263,204
Tammuz (Babylonian god of vegeta- Tylor, Mr. on the Canadian deity
.

tion), oonoerning, 123-

theories Andouagni, 16 modification of ;

127, 133-139, 141, 143, 144, 149, his views on primitive culture, 17 ;

151, 152, 153, 155, 157, 159, 160, the high gods of low races, 18 the ;

161, 164, 172, 176-180, 183, 189, Great Spirit or Manitou of the
192 North American Indians, 18 the ;

Ta-ta-thi (New South Wales tribe), word Oki, 19 summary of Wins-;

70,71 low, 20 the Greenlanders' Torn-

;

!J?e XJmu-ti (Maori), or fire-walking garsuk, 21 attribution of the idea

;

ceremony, 273-276 of the great spirit to missionary

Thargelia (Athenian festival) : scape- influence, 22 ; Mandan Deluge
goats, 190 legend, 23, 24 ; Australian god
Tha-tha-pali (Watha Watha deity), Baiame, 25-32 ideas of European ;

70, 73, 74 importation, 51 ; native Australian

Thevet, M., on the Canadian Indians' beliefs, 75 ; Greenlanders' beliefs,
belief in a creator,' 21 '
87, 88 note Zulu beliefs, 226 ;
;

Thomson, Mr. Basil : fire-walking, fire-walking, 271 theory of bor- ;

288 rowed gods, 295

Threlkeld, Mr., on the Australian
god Koin, 27 translation of the ; Ubeee (Zulu native), on his race's
Gospel of St. Luke, 27; first beliefs, 230, 231
worker at the dialects of the Ukoto (Zulu on his race's
native),
Baiame - worshipping tribes, 27, beliefs, 228,229
29 ; cited, 43, 44, 45 TJlangeni (Zulu native) repudiates :

Thuremlin (superior being), 71 idea of borrowed Hottentot deity,

Thurston, Lady, her experiment in 231, 232
fire-walking, 278 Umdabuko (Zulu creator), 229, 230
Ti-ra-w4 (Pawnee deity), 89, 128 Umdali (Kaifir creator), 2B2
Tokio (Japan) fire-walking, 284 : Umhlanga (Zulu), bed of reeds
Tone, Mr. N. J. fire-walking, 287 : whence man sprung, 230
Tonga the How religious function,
: Umpengula Mbandi (Zulu native),
268 fire-walking, 287
; on native beliefs, 228, 229, 230,
Tongan religious beliefs, 86 232, 238
Tonquin period of licence, 187,
: Umvelingangi (Zulu deity), 225, 228
188, 195, 196 Unkuluukulu (Zulu deity), 89, 226,
Torngarsuk (Greenlanders' great 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233, 235,
spirit), 21, 87 236, 238
Totems, 246, 249-254, 264 265, Unyoro, the king of not allowed by :

266, 289 his wives a natural death, 96

Traditions. See under names of Upolu (Samoan Islands) sacred :

tribes, gods, and authorities tree asylums for criminals, 219

Tree spirits, 210 et seq. Urabunna (tribe of Central Aus
regear, Mr., on fire- walking, 273 tralia), 16
Trinidad (W. Indies) fire-walking, : Urkus (savage tribe), 58
286 Uthlanga (Zulu source of being),
Tshi-speaking races, 42 230
Tsui Goab (idealised Hottentot Utikxo (Zulu deity), 231, 232, 233,
medicine man), 232 234, 235, 236, 238
Tulong (deity), 70, 71
Tundun (patron of Kurnai mys- Vashti, theories concerning, 78, 161,
teries and bull-roarer), 66, 67, 171, 175, 177, 178, 180
68 Vave (Samoan god), 219
Turner, Mr., quoted, on Polynesian Vegetation, gods of, 5, 206 et seq.
tree sanctuaries, 219 Virbius (deity of vegetation), 139
316 MAGIC AND EELIGION
Virgil, his golden bough, 207 et Wirajuri (Australian tribe), beliefs
seg. of, 66
Virginia: aborigines' chief god Okki, Witchcraft. See Magic
19 Woiworung dirge, a, 41
Volsunga Saga the magical sword,
: Women debarred from the mysteries,
207, 211 27, 33, 52, 71

Xebxes (the king in Book of Esther),

Waitz, Dr. : on Australian religious 148, 161, 167
customs, 30; rejects the hypothesis
of Australian borrowed beliefs, 43,
Yekkunthallt (Queensland tribe)
44 quoted, 232
;
idea of shooting stars, 74
Walking through fire, 270 at seq. Ynglinga Saga, the, 214
Wallace, SirWilliam mock crowning,
:

203
Warramunga (Australian tribe) : Zagmuk, Zakmuk (Babylonian
sacred rock-drawing, 246 festival) , details and theories con-
Wathi Wathi (New South Wales cerning, 118, 137, 141-144, 145-
tribe), religious beliefs, 70, 72, 74 160, 162, 163, 164, 165, 179, 181,
Way of Souls, the, 72, 73 301
Wellhausen, Dr. on the Jewish exile,
: Zeus, grave of, 90, 93 157 ;

181 Zoganes (Babylonian slave-lord),

West Africa, taboo in, 259 human ; theories concerning, 124, 125, 130,
sacrifices, 128 139, 185, 186, 195, 196, 197, 198
Wilson, Professor Daniel, on cups Zulus ghost worshippers, 31 ; reli-
:

and rings, 243, 244 gious beliefs, 97 period of licence,

;

Winslow, quoted, on Kiehtan (New 188, 195; harvest custom, 267.

England native deity), 20, 38 See under tribal names

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INDEX OF AUTHORS Page Page

Ibboll (Evelyn) Ball (John)
—
— (T. K.) -
3,
-14,15
18
Banks (M. M.)
-
- -
9
20
(E. A.) -

Wand (A. H. D.)

H Ba] mg-Gould(Rev.S.)27,so
Barnett (S. A. and H.) 17
3
kton (Eliza) - 28 Baynes (T. S.)- - 30
Ueane (J . H.) - 8 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 20
tschylus - 18 Beaufort (Duke of) - 10,11
Mnger (A. C.) - - 12 Becker (W. A.) 18
Mbemarle (Earl of) - 10 Beesly (A. H.) - 7
Mien (Grant) 24 Bell (Mrs. Hugh) 19
imos (S.) -
3 Bent (J. Theodore) - 9
ingwin (M. C.) 28 Besant (Sir Walter)- 3
iiihiej (F.) - 20 Bickerdyke(J.) 11,12,13
Aristophanes 18 Bird (G.) - . - 19
Aristntle - -
14 Ulackburne (J. H.) 13
Arnold (Sir Edwin) - Bland (Mrs. Hubert) 20
— (Dr. T.) • - -
9, 19
3 Boase (Rev. C. W.)- 5
AshSourne (Lord) 3 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 15
ishbyiH) 28 Boyd (Rev. A. K. H.) 30, 32
Ule\ (W. J.). 3, 17 Brassey (Lady)
ivebury Lord)
( 17
iyreikev. J.) -
25

Bacon - - 7, 14
Baden-Powell (B. H.) 3
Bagehot (W.) 7, 17, 27, 30
B.'pwell (R.l - 3
Bailey (H. C.l - 20
Jain (Alexander) 14
™er(J. H.) - -27,30
— (Sir S. W.) 9, 10
Balfour (A. - 11, 32
~ (Lady Betty)
J.)
5
INDEX OF AUTHORS"" -continued.
Page Page Page
Fowler (Edith H.) 21 Jefferies (Richard) 31 Montague (F. C.) 6
Francis (Francis) 13 Jekyll (Gertrude) 31 Moon(G. W.)- ig
Francis (M. E.) - 21 Jerome (Jerome K.) - 22 Moore (T.) - 25
Freeman (Edward A.) 5 Johnson (J. & J. H.) 31 (Rev. Edward) - 14
Freslifield (D. W.) - 11 Jones (H. Bence) 25 Morgan (C. Lloyd) 17
Froude (James A.) 4,7, g, 21 Jordan (W. L.) - 17 Morris (Mowbray) - 11
Fuller (F. W.) - -
4 Joyce (P. W.) 5, 22, 31 (W.) 18, 19, 20, 22, 30, 31
Furneaux (W.) 24 Justinian :
- 15 Mulhall (M. G.) 17

Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 Kant (I.) - - 15 Nansen (F.) 9

Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. Kaye (Sir J. W.) 5 Nash(V.)- 6
A. E.) - - 12, 13 Kelly (E.)- - 15 Nesbit (E.) - 20
Gibbons (J. S.) 12 Kent (C. B. R.) 5 Nettleship (R. L.) 15
Gibson (C. H.)- 14 Kerr (Rev. J.) - 12 Newman (Cardinal) - 22
Gleig (Rev, G. R.) 8 Killick (Rev. A. H.) -
15
Goethe - 19 Kingsley (Rose G.) - 29 Oldfield (Hon. Mrs.) 7
Going (C. B.) - - 25 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 3 Onslow (Earl of) - 11,12

Gore-Booth (Sir H. W.) 11 Knight (E. F.) - - g, 12 Osbourne (L.) - 23

Graham (P. A.) 13 Kbstlin (J.) 8
(G. F.) - - 16 Park (W.) ^
14
Granby (Marquis of) 12 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 Payne-Gallwey (Sir
Grant (Sir A.) - 14 Lang (Andrew) 5, 10, 11, 13, R.) - - - II, 14
Graves (R. P.) - 8 17,18,19,20,21,22, 26, 31, 32 Pearson (C. H.) 8
Green (T. Hill) 15 Lapsley (G. T.) -
5 Peek (Hedley) - 11
Greene (E. B.)- 5 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 10, r2 Pemberton (W. S.
Greville (C. C. F.) 4 Lawrence (F. W.) 17 Childe-) - - 7
Grose (T. H.) • 15 Laurie (S. S.) -
5 Pembroke (Earl of) - 12
Gross (C.) 4, 5 Lawley (Hon. F.) - 11 Pennant (C. D.) - 12
Grove (F. C.) - 11 Lear (H. L. Sidney) - 29 Phillipps-Wolley(C.) 10,22
(Mrs. Lilly) - 11 Lecky (W. E. H.)' 5, 15, 19 Pitman (C. M.) - 11
Gurdon (Lady Camilla) 21 Lees (J. A.) - -
9 Pleydell-Bouverie (E. O,) 12
Gurnhill (J.) - - 15 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 17 Pole (W.) - - 14
Gwilt (J.) - 25 Levett-Yeats (S.) 22 Pollock (W. H.) - II, 31
Lillie (A.) -
13 Poole (W.H. and Mrs.) 29
Haggard (H. Rider)- 21, 31 Lindley (J.) 25 Pooler (C. K.) - - 20
Hake (O.) - - - 12 Loch (C. S.) 30 Poore (G. V.) 31
Halliwell-Phillippsd.) 8 Lodge (H. C.) -
5 Pope (W. H.) 12
Hamilton (Col. H. B.) 4 Loftie (Rev. W. J.)
-
5 Powell (E.) - - 6
Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 29 Longman (C. J.) 10, 13, 30 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26
Harding (S. B.) 5 (F. W.) - - 13 Prevost (C.) - - 11
Harte (Bret) 21 (G. H.) - -11,12 Pritchett (R. T.) 12
Harting(J. E.)- 12 (Mrs. C.J.) 29 Proctor (R. A.) 14, 24, 28
Hartwig (G.) 24 Lowell(A. L.) - 5
Hassall (A.) 7 Lubbock (Sir John) - 17 Raine (Rev. James) - 5
Haweis (H. R.) 8, 30 Lucan - - 18 Randolph (C. F.) 6
Head (Mrs.) 29 Lutoslawski (W.) 15 Rankin (R.) - 20
Heath (D. D.) -
14 Lvall (Edna) - 22 Ransome (Cvril) 3, 6
Heathcote (J. M.) 12 Lynch (H. F. B.) -
9 Raymond (W.) 22
(C. G.) 12 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) jo Reader (Emily E.) 23
(N.) - - 9 (Hon. A.) - 12 Rhoades (J.) - 18
Helmholtz (Hermann Lytton (Earl of) 5, 19 Rice (S. P.) 10
von) - -
24 Rich (A.) - - 18
Henderson (Lieut- Macaulay (Lord) 5, 6, 19 Richardson (C.) - 10, 12
Col. G. F.) 7 Macdonald (G.) -
g Rickaby (Rev. John) 16
Henry (W.) - 12 (Dr. G.) - - ig, 32 (Rev. Joseph) - 16
Henty (G. A.) - - 26 Macfarren(Sir G. A.) 2g Ridley (Sir E.)- 18
Herbert (Col. Kenney) r2 Mack-ail C] . W.) - 8, 18 (Alice) 23
Herod (Richard S.) - 13 Mackinnon (J.) 6 Riley(J. W.)
- 20
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Maunder (Samuel).
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