French Revolution

The French Revolution[a] was a period of political and societal change in

France that began with the Estates General of 1789, and ended with the
coup of 18 Brumaire in November 1799 and the formation of the French
Consulate. Many of its ideas are considered fundamental principles of
liberal democracy,[1] while its values and institutions remain central to
modern French political discourse.[2]

Its causes are generally agreed French Revolution

to be a combination of social, Part of the Atlantic Revolutions
political, and economic factors,
which the Ancien Régime
proved unable to manage. A
financial crisis and widespread
social distress led in May 1789
to the convocation of the
Estates General, which was
The Storming of the Bastille, 14 July
converted into a National
1789
Assembly in June. The
Storming of the Bastille on 14 Date 5 May 1789 – 9
November 1799
July led to a series of radical
(10 years, 6
measures by the Assembly,
months, and 4
among them the abolition of days)
feudalism, state control over
Location Kingdom of France
the Catholic Church in France,
and a declaration of rights. Outcome Abolition of the
Ancien régime
The next three years were and creation of
:
dominated by the struggle for constitutional

political control, exacerbated monarchy

by economic depression. Proclamation of

Military defeats following the the French First

Republic in
outbreak of the French
September 1792
Revolutionary Wars in April
Reign of Terror
1792 resulted in the
and execution of
insurrection of 10 August 1792. Louis XVI
The monarchy was replaced by
French
the French First Republic in
Revolutionary
September, while Louis XVI Wars
was executed in January 1793.
Establishment of
the French
After another revolt in June
Consulate in
1793, the constitution was November 1799
suspended, and adequate
political power passed from the National Convention to the Committee of
Public Safety. About 16,000 people were executed in a Reign of Terror,
which ended in July 1794. Weakened by external threats and internal
opposition, the Republic was replaced in 1795 by the Directory. Four
years later, in 1799, the Consulate seized power in a military coup led by
Napoleon Bonaparte. This is generally seen as marking the end of the
Revolutionary period.

Causes

The Revolution resulted from multiple long-term and short-term factors,

culminating in a social, economic, financial and political crisis in the late
1780s.[3][4][5] Combined with resistance to reform by the ruling elite, and
:
indecisive policy by Louis XVI and his ministers, the result was a crisis the
state was unable to manage.[6][7]

Between 1715 and 1789, the French population grew from 21 to 28 million,
20% of whom lived in towns or cities, Paris alone having over 600,000
inhabitants.[8] This was accompanied by a tripling in the size of the
middle class, which comprised almost 10% of the population by 1789.[9]
Despite increases in overall prosperity, its benefits were largely restricted
to the rentier and mercantile classes, while the living standards fell for
wage labourers and peasant farmers who rented their land.[10][11]
Economic recession from 1785, combined with bad harvests in 1787 and
1788, led to high unemployment and food prices, causing a financial and
political crisis.[3][12][13][14]

While the state also experienced a debt crisis, the level of debt itself was
not high compared with Britain's.[15] A significant problem was that tax
rates varied widely from one region to another, were often different from
the official amounts, and collected inconsistently. Its complexity meant
uncertainty over the amount contributed by any authorised tax caused
resentment among all taxpayers.[16][b] Attempts to simplify the system
were blocked by the regional Parlements which approved financial policy.
The resulting impasse led to the calling of the Estates General of 1789,
which became radicalised by the struggle for control of public finances.
[18]

Louis XVI was willing to consider reforms, but often backed down when
faced with opposition from conservative elements within the nobility.
Enlightenment critiques of social institutions were widely discussed
among the educated French elite. At the same time, the American
Revolution and the European revolts of the 1780s inspired public debate
:
on issues such as patriotism, liberty, equality, and democracy. These
shaped the response of the educated public to the crisis, [19] while
scandals such as the Affair of the Diamond Necklace fuelled widespread
anger at the court, nobility, and church officials.[20]

Crisis of the Ancien Régime

The regional Parlements in

1789; note area covered by the
Parlement of Paris

Financial and political crisis

France faced a series of budgetary crises during the 18th century, as

revenues failed to keep pace with expenditure.[21][22] Although the
economy grew solidly, the increase was not reflected in a proportional
growth in taxes,[21] their collection being contracted to tax farmers who
kept much of it as personal profit. As the nobility and Church benefited
from many exemptions, the tax burden fell mainly on peasants.[23] Reform
was difficult because new tax laws had to be registered with regional
judicial bodies or parlements that were able to block them. The king could
impose laws by decree, but this risked open conflict with the parlements,
the nobility, and those subject to new taxes.[24]
:
France primarily funded the Anglo-French War of 1778–1783 through
loans. Following the peace, the monarchy borrowed heavily, culminating
in a debt crisis. By 1788, half of state revenue was required to service its
debt.[25] In 1786, the French finance minister, Calonne, proposed a
package of reforms including a universal land tax, the abolition of grain
controls and internal tariffs, and new provincial assemblies appointed by
the king. The new taxes, however, were rejected, first by a hand-picked
Assembly of Notables dominated by the nobility, then by the parlements
when submitted by Calonne's successor Brienne. The notables and
parlements argued that the proposed taxes could only be approved by an
Estates-General, a representative body that had last met in 1614.[26]

The conflict between the Crown and the parlements became a national
political crisis. Both sides issued a series of public statements, the
government arguing that it was combating privilege and the parlement
defending the ancient rights of the nation. Public opinion was firmly on
the side of the parlements, and riots broke out in several towns. Brienne's
attempts to raise new loans failed, and on 8 August 1788, he announced
that the king would summon an Estates-General to convene the following
May. Brienne resigned and was replaced by Necker.[27]

In September 1788, the Parlement of Paris ruled that the Estates-General

should convene in the same form as in 1614, meaning that the three
estates (the clergy, nobility, and Third Estate or "commons") would meet
and vote separately, with votes counted by estate rather than by head. As
a result, the clergy and nobility could combine to outvote the Third Estate
despite representing less than 5% of the population.[28][29]

Following the relaxation of censorship and laws against political clubs, a

group of liberal nobles and middle class activists, known as the Society of
:
Thirty, launched a campaign for the doubling of Third Estate
representation and individual voting. The public debate saw an average of
25 new political pamphlets published a week from 25 September 1788.
[30]
The Abbé Sieyès issued influential pamphlets denouncing the
privilege of the clergy and nobility, and arguing the Third Estate
represented the nation and should sit alone as a National Assembly.
Activists such as Mounier, Barnave and Robespierre organised regional
meetings, petitions and literature in support of these demands.[31] In
December, the king agreed to double the representation of the Third
Estate, but left the question of counting votes for the Estates-General to
decide.[32]

Estates-General of 1789

Caricature of the Third

Estate carrying the First
Estate (clergy) and the
Second Estate (nobility)
on its back

The Estates-General contained three separate bodies, the First Estate

representing 100,000 clergy, the Second the nobility, and the Third the
"commons".[33] Since each met separately, and any proposals had to be
:
approved by at least two, the First and Second Estates could outvote the
Third despite representing less than 5% of the population.[28]

Although the Catholic Church in France owned nearly 10% of all land, as
well as receiving annual tithes paid by peasants,[34] three-quarters of the
303 clergy elected were parish priests, many of whom earned less than
unskilled labourers and had more in common with their poor parishioners
than with the bishops of the first estate.[35][36]

The Second Estate elected 322 deputies, representing about 400,000

men and women, who owned about 25% of the land and collected
seigneurial dues and rents from their tenants. Most delegates were town-
dwelling members of the noblesse d'épée, or traditional aristocracy.
Courtiers and representatives of the noblesse de robe (those who derived
rank from judicial or administrative posts) were underrepresented.[37]

Of the 610 deputies of the Third Estate, about two-thirds held legal
qualifications and almost half were venal office holders. Less than 100
were in trade or industry and none were peasants or artisans.[38] To assist
delegates, each region completed a list of grievances, known as Cahiers
de doléances.[39] Tax inequality and seigneurial dues (feudal payments
owed to landowners) headed the grievances in the cahiers de doleances
for the estate.[40]

On 5 May 1789, the Estates-General convened at Versailles. Necker

outlined the state budget and reiterated the king's decision that each
estate should decide on which matters it would agree to meet and vote in
common with the other estates. On the following day, each estate was to
separately verify the credentials of their representatives. The Third
Estate, however, voted to invite the other estates to join them in verifying
:
all the representatives of the Estates-General in common and to agree
that votes should be counted by head. Fruitless negotiations lasted to 12
June when the Third Estate began verifying its own members. On 17
June, the Third Estate declared itself to be the National Assembly of
France and that all existing taxes were illegal.[41] Within two days, more
than 100 members of the clergy had joined them.[42]

Le Serment du Jeu de paume

by Jacques-Louis David
(c. 1791), depicting the Tennis
Court Oath

Shaken by this challenge to his authority, the king agreed to a reform

package that he would announce at a Royal Session of the Estates-
General. The Salle des États was closed to prepare for the joint session,
but the members of the Estates-General were not informed in advance.
On 20 June, when the members of the Third Estate found their meeting
place closed, they moved to a nearby tennis court and swore not to
disperse until a new constitution had been agreed.[43]

At the Royal Session the king announced a series of tax and other reforms
and stated that no new taxes or loans would be implemented without the
consent of the Estates-General. However, he stated that the three estates
were sacrosanct and it was up to each estate to agree to end their
privileges and decide on which matters they would vote in common with
the other estates. At the end of the session the Third Estate refused to
:
leave the hall and reiterated their oath not to disperse until a constitution
had been agreed. Over the next days more members of the clergy joined
the National Assembly. On 27 June, faced with popular demonstrations
and mutinies in his French Guards, Louis XVI capitulated. He commanded
the members of the first and second estates to join the third in the
National Assembly.[44]

Constitutional monarchy (July 1789 – September

1792)

Abolition of the Ancien Régime

Even the limited reforms the king had announced went too far for Marie
Antoinette and Louis' younger brother the Comte d'Artois. On their
advice, Louis dismissed Necker again as chief minister on 11 July.[45] On
12 July, the Assembly went into a non-stop session after rumours
circulated he was planning to use the Swiss Guards to force it to close.
The news brought crowds of protestors into the streets, and soldiers of
the elite Gardes Françaises regiment refused to disperse them.[46]

On the 14th, many of these soldiers joined the mob in attacking the
Bastille, a royal fortress with large stores of arms and ammunition. Its
governor, Bernard-René de Launay, surrendered after several hours of
fighting that cost the lives of 83 attackers. Taken to the Hôtel de Ville, he
was executed, his head placed on a pike and paraded around the city; the
fortress was then torn down in a remarkably short time. Although
rumoured to hold many prisoners, the Bastille held only seven: four
forgers, a lunatic, a failed assassin, and a deviant nobleman.
Nevertheless, as a potent symbol of the Ancien Régime, its destruction
:
was viewed as a triumph and Bastille Day is still celebrated every year.[47]
In French culture, some see its fall as the start of the Revolution.[48]

The Storming of the Bastille on

14 July 1789; the iconic event
of the Revolution, still
commemorated each year as
Bastille Day

Alarmed by the prospect of losing control of the capital, Louis appointed

the Marquis de Lafayette commander of the National Guard, with Jean-
Sylvain Bailly as head of a new administrative structure known as the
Commune. On 17 July, Louis visited Paris accompanied by 100 deputies,
where he was greeted by Bailly and accepted a tricolore cockade to loud
cheers. However, it was clear power had shifted from his court; he was
welcomed as 'Louis XVI, father of the French and king of a free
people.'[49]

The short-lived unity enforced on the Assembly by a common threat

quickly dissipated. Deputies argued over constitutional forms, while civil
authority rapidly deteriorated. On 22 July, former Finance Minister Joseph
Foullon and his son were lynched by a Parisian mob, and neither Bailly nor
Lafayette could prevent it. In rural areas, wild rumours and paranoia
resulted in the formation of militia and an agrarian insurrection known as
la Grande Peur.[50] The breakdown of law and order and frequent attacks
on aristocratic property led much of the nobility to flee abroad. These
:
émigrés funded reactionary forces within France and urged foreign
monarchs to back a counter-revolution.[51]

In response, the Assembly published the August Decrees which abolished

feudalism. Over 25% of French farmland was subject to feudal dues,
providing the nobility with most of their income; these were now
cancelled, along with church tithes. While their former tenants were
supposed to pay them compensation, collecting it proved impossible, and
the obligation was annulled in 1793.[52] Other decrees included equality
before the law, opening public office to all, freedom of worship, and
cancellation of special privileges held by provinces and towns.[53]

With the suspension of the 13 regional parlements in November, the key

institutional pillars of the old regime had all been abolished in less than
four months. From its early stages, the Revolution therefore displayed
signs of its radical nature; what remained unclear was the constitutional
mechanism for turning intentions into practical applications.[54]

Creating a new constitution

On 9 July, the National Assembly appointed a committee to draft a

constitution and statement of rights.[55] Twenty drafts were submitted,
which were used by a sub-committee to create a Declaration of the
Rights of Man and of the Citizen, with Mirabeau being the most prominent
member.[56] The Declaration was approved by the Assembly and
published on 26 August as a statement of principle.[57]

The Assembly now concentrated on the constitution itself. Mounier and

his monarchist supporters advocated a bicameral system, with an upper
house appointed by the king, who would also have the right to appoint
:
ministers and veto legislation. On 10 September, the majority of the
Assembly, led by Sieyès and Talleyrand, voted in favour of a single body,
and the following day approved a "suspensive veto" for the king, meaning
Louis could delay implementation of a law, but not block it indefinitely. In
October, the Assembly voted to restrict political rights, including voting
rights, to "active citizens", defined as French males over the age of 25
who paid direct taxes equal to three days' labour. The remainder were
designated "passive citizens", restricted to "civil rights", a distinction
opposed by a significant minority, including the Jacobin clubs.[58][59] By
mid-1790, the main elements of a constitutional monarchy were in place,
although the constitution was not accepted by Louis until 1791.[60]

Food shortages and the worsening economy caused frustration at the

lack of progress, and led to popular unrest in Paris. This came to a head in
late September 1789, when the Flanders Regiment arrived in Versailles to
reinforce the royal bodyguard, and were welcomed with a formal banquet
as was common practice. The radical press described this as a
'gluttonous orgy', and claimed the tricolour cockade had been abused,
while the Assembly viewed their arrival as an attempt to intimidate them.
[61]

On 5 October, crowds of women assembled outside the Hôtel de Ville,

agitating against high food prices and shortages.[62] These protests
quickly turned political, and after seizing weapons stored at the Hôtel de
Ville, some 7,000 of them marched on Versailles, where they entered the
Assembly to present their demands. They were followed to Versailles by
15,000 members of the National Guard under Lafayette, who was virtually
"a prisoner of his own troops".[63]

When the National Guard arrived later that evening, Lafayette persuaded
:
Louis the safety of his family required their relocation to Paris. Next
morning, some of the protestors broke into the royal apartments,
searching for Marie Antoinette, who escaped. They ransacked the palace,
killing several guards. Order was eventually restored, and the royal family
and Assembly left for Paris, escorted by the National Guard.[64] Louis had
announced his acceptance of the August Decrees and the Declaration,
and his official title changed from 'King of France' to 'King of the French'.
[65]

The Revolution and the Church

Historian John McManners argues "in eighteenth-century France, throne

and altar were commonly spoken of as in close alliance; their
simultaneous collapse ... would one day provide the final proof of their
interdependence." One suggestion is that after a century of persecution,
some French Protestants actively supported an anti-Catholic regime, a
resentment fuelled by Enlightenment thinkers such as Voltaire.[66] Jean-
Jacques Rousseau, considered a philosophical founder of the revolution,
[67][68][69] wrote it was "manifestly contrary to the law of nature... that a
handful of people should gorge themselves with superfluities, while the
hungry multitude goes in want of necessities."[70]
:
 In this caricature, monks and
nuns enjoy their new freedom
after the decree of 16 February
1790.

The Revolution caused a massive shift of power from the Catholic Church
to the state; although the extent of religious belief has been questioned,
elimination of tolerance for religious minorities meant by 1789 being
French also meant being Catholic.[71] The church was the largest
individual landowner in France, controlling nearly 10% of all estates and
levied tithes, effectively a 10% tax on income, collected from peasant
farmers in the form of crops. In return, it provided a minimal level of social
support.[72]

The August decrees abolished tithes, and on 2 November the Assembly

confiscated all church property, the value of which was used to back a
new paper currency known as assignats. In return, the state assumed
responsibilities such as paying the clergy and caring for the poor, the sick
and the orphaned.[73] On 13 February 1790, religious orders and
monasteries were dissolved, while monks and nuns were encouraged to
return to private life.[74]

The Civil Constitution of the Clergy of 12 July 1790 made them employees
of the state, as well as establishing rates of pay and a system for electing
priests and bishops. Pope Pius VI and many French Catholics objected to
this since it denied the authority of the Pope over the French Church. In
:
October, thirty bishops wrote a declaration denouncing the law, further
fuelling opposition.[75]

When clergy were required to swear loyalty to the Civil Constitution in

November 1790, it split the church between the 24% who complied, and
the majority who refused.[76] This stiffened popular resistance against
state interference, especially in traditionally Catholic areas such as
Normandy, Brittany and the Vendée, where only a few priests took the
oath and the civilian population turned against the revolution.[75] The
result was state-led persecution of "Refractory clergy", many of whom
were forced into exile, deported, or executed.[77]

Political divisions

The period from October 1789 to spring 1791 is usually seen as one of
relative tranquility, when some of the most important legislative reforms
were enacted. However, conflict over the source of legitimate authority
was more apparent in the provinces, where officers of the Ancien Régime
had been swept away, but not yet replaced by new structures. This was
less obvious in Paris, since the National Guard made it the best policed
city in Europe, but disorder in the provinces inevitably affected members
of the Assembly.[78]
:
 The Fête de la Fédération on
14 July 1790 celebrated the
establishment of the
constitutional monarchy.

Centrists led by Sieyès, Lafayette, Mirabeau and Bailly created a majority

by forging consensus with monarchiens like Mounier, and independents
including Adrien Duport, Barnave and Alexandre Lameth. At one end of
the political spectrum, reactionaries like Cazalès and Maury denounced
the Revolution in all its forms, with radicals like Maximilien Robespierre at
the other. He and Jean-Paul Marat opposed the criteria for "active
citizens", gaining them substantial support among the Parisian proletariat,
many of whom had been disenfranchised by the measure.[79]

On 14 July 1790, celebrations were held throughout France

commemorating the fall of the Bastille, with participants swearing an oath
of fidelity to "the nation, the law and the king." The Fête de la Fédération
in Paris was attended by the royal family, with Talleyrand performing a
mass. Despite this show of unity, the Assembly was increasingly divided,
while external players like the Paris Commune and National Guard
competed for power. One of the most significant was the Jacobin club;
originally a forum for general debate, by August 1790 it had over 150
members, split into different factions.[80]

The Assembly continued to develop new institutions; in September 1790,

the regional Parlements were abolished and their legal functions replaced
by a new independent judiciary, with jury trials for criminal cases.
:
However, moderate deputies were uneasy at popular demands for
universal suffrage, labour unions and cheap bread, and over the winter of
1790 and 1791, they passed a series of measures intended to disarm
popular radicalism. These included exclusion of poorer citizens from the
National Guard, limits on use of petitions and posters, and the June 1791
Le Chapelier Law suppressing trade guilds and any form of worker
organisation.[81]

The traditional force for preserving law and order was the army, which
was increasingly divided between officers, who largely came from the
nobility, and ordinary soldiers. In August 1790, the loyalist General Bouillé
suppressed a serious mutiny at Nancy; although congratulated by the
Assembly, he was criticised by Jacobin radicals for the severity of his
actions. Growing disorder meant many professional officers either left or
became émigrés, further destabilising the institution.[82]

Varennes and after

Held in the Tuileries Palace under virtual house arrest, Louis XVI was
urged by his brother and wife to re-assert his independence by taking
refuge with Bouillé, who was based at Montmédy with 10,000 soldiers
considered loyal to the Crown.[83] The royal family left the palace in
disguise on the night of 20 June 1791; late the next day, Louis was
recognised as he passed through Varennes, arrested and taken back to
Paris. The attempted escape had a profound impact on public opinion;
since it was clear Louis had been seeking refuge in Austria, the Assembly
now demanded oaths of loyalty to the regime, and began preparing for
war, while fear of 'spies and traitors' became pervasive.[84]
:
 After the Flight to Varennes; the royal
family are escorted back to Paris

Despite calls to replace the monarchy with a republic, Louis retained his
position but was generally regarded with acute suspicion and forced to
swear allegiance to the constitution. A new decree stated retracting this
oath, making war upon the nation, or permitting anyone to do so in his
name would be considered abdication. However, radicals led by Jacques
Pierre Brissot prepared a petition demanding his deposition, and on 17
July, an immense crowd gathered in the Champ de Mars to sign. Led by
Lafayette, the National Guard was ordered to "preserve public order" and
responded to a barrage of stones by firing into the crowd, killing between
13 and 50 people.[85]

The massacre badly damaged Lafayette's reputation: the authorities

responded by closing radical clubs and newspapers, while their leaders
went into exile or hiding, including Marat.[86] On 27 August, Emperor
Leopold II and King Frederick William II of Prussia issued the Declaration
of Pillnitz declaring their support for Louis and hinting at an invasion of
France on his behalf. In reality, the meeting between Leopold and
Frederick was primarily to discuss the Partitions of Poland; the
Declaration was intended to satisfy Comte d'Artois and other French
émigrés but the threat rallied popular support behind the regime.[87]
:
Based on a motion proposed by Robespierre, existing deputies were
barred from elections held in early September for the French Legislative
Assembly. Although Robespierre himself was one of those excluded, his
support in the clubs gave him a political power base not available to
Lafayette and Bailly, who resigned respectively as head of the National
Guard and the Paris Commune. The new laws were gathered together in
the 1791 Constitution, and submitted to Louis XVI, who pledged to defend
it "from enemies at home and abroad". On 30 September, the Constituent
Assembly was dissolved, and the Legislative Assembly convened the next
day.[88]

Fall of the monarchy

The Legislative Assembly is often dismissed by historians as an

ineffective body, compromised by divisions over the role of the monarchy,
an issue exacerbated when Louis attempted to prevent or reverse
limitations on his powers.[89] At the same time, restricting the vote to
those who paid a minimal amount of tax disenfranchised a significant
proportion of the 6 million Frenchmen over 25, while only 10% of those
able to vote actually did so. Finally, poor harvests and rising food prices
led to unrest among the urban class known as Sans-culottes, who saw
the new regime as failing to meet their demands for bread and work.[90]

This meant the new constitution was opposed by significant elements

inside and outside the Assembly, itself split into three main groups. 264
members were affiliated with Barnave's Feuillants, constitutional
monarchists who considered the Revolution had gone far enough, while
another 136 were Jacobin leftists who supported a republic, led by
Brissot and usually referred to as Brissotins.[91] The remaining 345
:
belonged to La Plaine, a centrist faction who switched votes depending
on the issue, but many of whom shared doubts as to whether Louis was
committed to the Revolution.[91] After he officially accepted the new
Constitution, one recorded response was "Vive le roi, s'il est de bon foi!",
or "Long live the king – if he keeps his word".[92]

Although a minority in the Assembly, control of key committees allowed

the Brissotins to provoke Louis into using his veto. They first managed to
pass decrees confiscating émigré property and threatening them with the
death penalty.[93] This was followed by measures against non-juring
priests, whose opposition to the Civil Constitution led to a state of near
civil war in southern France, which Barnave tried to defuse by relaxing the
more punitive provisions. On 29 November, the Assembly approved a
decree giving refractory clergy eight days to comply, or face charges of
'conspiracy against the nation', an act opposed even by Robespierre.[94]
When Louis vetoed both, his opponents were able to portray him as
opposed to reform in general.[95]

The storming of the Tuileries

Palace, 10 August 1792

Brissot accompanied this with a campaign for war against Austria and
Prussia, often interpreted as a mixture of calculation and idealism. While
exploiting popular anti-Austrianism, it reflected a genuine belief in
exporting the values of political liberty and popular sovereignty.[96]
Simultaneously, conservatives headed by Marie Antoinette also favoured
:
war, seeing it as a way to regain control of the military, and restore royal
authority. In December 1791, Louis made a speech in the Assembly giving
foreign powers a month to disband the émigrés or face war, an act
greeted with enthusiasm by supporters, but suspicion from opponents.
[97]

Barnave's inability to build a consensus in the Assembly resulted in the

appointment of a new government, chiefly composed of Brissotins. On 20
April 1792, the French Revolutionary Wars began when French armies
attacked Austrian and Prussian forces along their borders, before
suffering a series of disastrous defeats. In an effort to mobilise popular
support, the government ordered non-juring priests to swear the oath or
be deported, dissolved the Constitutional Guard and replaced it with
20,000 fédérés; Louis agreed to disband the Guard, but vetoed the other
two proposals, while Lafayette called on the Assembly to suppress the
clubs.[98]

Popular anger increased when details of the Brunswick Manifesto

reached Paris on 1 August, threatening 'unforgettable vengeance' should
any oppose the Allies in seeking to restore the power of the monarchy. On
the morning of 10 August, a combined force of the Paris National Guard
and provincial fédérés attacked the Tuileries Palace, killing many of the
Swiss Guards protecting it.[99] Louis and his family took refuge with the
Assembly and shortly after 11:00 am, the deputies present voted to
'temporarily relieve the king', effectively suspending the monarchy.[100]

First Republic (1792–1795)

Proclamation of the First Republic

:
 Execution of Louis XVI in the
Place de la Concorde, facing
the empty pedestal where the
statue of his grandfather Louis
XV previously stood

In late August, elections were held for the National Convention. New
restrictions on the franchise meant the number of votes cast fell to
3.3 million, versus 4 million in 1791, while intimidation was widespread.
[101]
The Brissotins now split between moderate Girondins led by Brissot,
and radical Montagnards, headed by Robespierre, Georges Danton and
Jean-Paul Marat. While loyalties constantly shifted, voting patterns
suggest roughly 160 of the 749 deputies can generally be categorised as
Girondists, with another 200 Montagnards. The remainder were part of a
centrist faction known as La Plaine, headed by Bertrand Barère, Pierre
Joseph Cambon and Lazare Carnot.[102]

In the September Massacres, between 1,100 and 1,600 prisoners held in

Parisian jails were summarily executed, the vast majority being common
criminals.[103] A response to the capture of Longwy and Verdun by
Prussia, the perpetrators were largely National Guard members and
fédérés on their way to the front. While responsibility is still disputed,
even moderates expressed sympathy for the action, which soon spread to
the provinces. One suggestion is that the killings stemmed from concern
over growing lawlessness, rather than political ideology.[104]

On 20 September, the French defeated the Prussians at the Battle of

:
Valmy, in what was the first major victory by the army of France during
the Revolutionary Wars. Emboldened by this, on 22 September the
Convention replaced the monarchy with the French First Republic (1792–
1804) and introduced a new calendar, with 1792 becoming "Year One".
[105]
The next few months were taken up with the trial of Citoyen Louis
Capet, formerly Louis XVI. While evenly divided on the question of his
guilt, members of the convention were increasingly influenced by radicals
based within the Jacobin clubs and Paris Commune. The Brunswick
Manifesto made it easy to portray Louis as a threat to the Revolution,
especially when extracts from his personal correspondence showed him
conspiring with Royalist exiles.[106]

On 17 January 1793, Louis was sentenced to death for "conspiracy

against public liberty and general safety". 361 deputies were in favour,
288 against, while another 72 voted to execute him, subject to delaying
conditions. The sentence was carried out on 21 January on the Place de
la Révolution, now the Place de la Concorde.[107] Conservatives across
Europe now called for the destruction of revolutionary France, and in
February the Convention responded by declaring war on Britain and the
Dutch Republic. Together with Austria and Prussia, these two countries
were later joined by Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Tuscany in the War of
the First Coalition (1792–1797).[108]

Political crisis and fall of the Girondins

The Girondins hoped war would unite the people behind the government
and provide an excuse for rising prices and food shortages, but found
themselves the target of popular anger. Many left for the provinces. The
first conscription measure or levée en masse on 24 February sparked
:
riots in Paris and other regional centres. Already unsettled by changes
imposed on the church, in March the traditionally conservative and
royalist Vendée rose in revolt. On 18th, Dumouriez was defeated at
Neerwinden and defected to the Austrians. Uprisings followed in
Bordeaux, Lyon, Toulon, Marseilles and Caen. The Republic seemed on
the verge of collapse.[109]

The crisis led to the creation on 6 April 1793 of the Committee of Public
Safety, an executive committee accountable to the convention.[110] The
Girondins made a fatal political error by indicting Marat before the
Revolutionary Tribunal for allegedly directing the September massacres;
he was quickly acquitted, further isolating the Girondins from the sans-
culottes. When Jacques Hébert called for a popular revolt against the
"henchmen of Louis Capet" on 24 May, he was arrested by the
Commission of Twelve, a Girondin-dominated tribunal set up to expose
'plots'. In response to protests by the Commune, the Commission warned
"if by your incessant rebellions something befalls the representatives of
the nation, Paris will be obliterated".[109]

The Death of Marat by

Jacques-Louis David
(1793)

Growing discontent allowed the clubs to mobilise against the Girondins.

:
Backed by the Commune and elements of the National Guard, on 31 May
they attempted to seize power in a coup. Although the coup failed, on 2
June the convention was surrounded by a crowd of up to 80,000,
demanding cheap bread, unemployment pay and political reforms,
including restriction of the vote to the sans-culottes, and the right to
remove deputies at will.[111] Ten members of the commission and another
twenty-nine members of the Girondin faction were arrested, and on 10
June, the Montagnards took over the Committee of Public Safety.[112]

Meanwhile, a committee led by Robespierre's close ally Saint-Just was

tasked with preparing a new Constitution. Completed in only eight days, it
was ratified by the convention on 24 June, and contained radical reforms,
including universal male suffrage. However, normal legal processes were
suspended following the assassination of Marat on 13 July by the
Girondist Charlotte Corday, which the Committee of Public Safety used as
an excuse to take control. The 1793 Constitution was suspended
indefinitely in October.[113]

Key areas of focus for the new government included creating a new state
ideology, economic regulation and winning the war.[114] They were helped
by divisions among their internal opponents; while areas like the Vendée
and Brittany wanted to restore the monarchy, most supported the
Republic but opposed the regime in Paris. On 17 August, the Convention
voted a second levée en masse; despite initial problems in equipping and
supplying such large numbers, by mid-October Republican forces had re-
taken Lyon, Marseilles and Bordeaux, while defeating Coalition armies at
Hondschoote and Wattignies.[115] The new class of military leaders
included a young colonel named Napoleon Bonaparte, who was
appointed commander of artillery at the siege of Toulon thanks to his
friendship with Augustin Robespierre. His success in that role resulted in
:
promotion to the Army of Italy in April 1794, and the beginning of his rise
to military and political power.[116]

Reign of Terror

Nine émigrés are executed by

guillotine, 1793

Although intended to bolster revolutionary fervour, the Reign of Terror

rapidly degenerated into the settlement of personal grievances. At the
end of July, the Convention set price controls on a wide range of goods,
with the death penalty for hoarders. On 9 September, 'revolutionary
groups' were established to enforce these controls, while the Law of
Suspects on 17th approved the arrest of suspected "enemies of
freedom". This initiated what has become known as the "Terror". From
September 1793 to July 1794, around 300,000 were arrested,[117] with
some 16,600 people executed on charges of counter-revolutionary
activity, while another 40,000 may have been summarily executed, or
died awaiting trial.[118]

Price controls made farmers reluctant to sell their produce in Parisian

markets, and by early September, the city was suffering acute food
shortages. At the same time, the war increased public debt, which the
Assembly tried to finance by selling confiscated property. However, few
would buy assets that might be repossessed by their former owners, a
concern that could only be achieved by military victory. This meant the
:
financial position worsened as threats to the Republic increased, while
printing assignats to deal with the deficit further increased inflation.[119]

On 10 October, the Convention recognised the Committee of Public

Safety as the supreme Revolutionary Government, and suspended the
Constitution until peace was achieved.[113] In mid-October, Marie
Antoinette was convicted of a long list of crimes, and guillotined; two
weeks later, the Girondist leaders arrested in June were also executed,
along with Philippe Égalité. The "Terror" was not confined to Paris, with
over 2,000 killed in Lyons after its recapture.[120]

Georges Danton;
Robespierre's close
friend and Montagnard
leader, executed 5 April
1794

At Cholet on 17 October, the Republican army won a decisive victory over

the Vendée rebels, and the survivors escaped into Brittany. Another
defeat at Le Mans on 23 December ended the rebellion as a major threat,
although the insurgency continued until 1796. The extent of the
repression that followed has been debated by French historians since the
mid-19th century.[121] Between November 1793 to February 1794, over
4,000 were drowned in the Loire at Nantes under the supervision of Jean-
:
Baptiste Carrier. Historian Reynald Secher claims that as many as 117,000
died between 1793 and 1796. Although those numbers have been
challenged, François Furet concluded it "not only revealed massacre and
destruction on an unprecedented scale, but a zeal so violent that it has
bestowed as its legacy much of the region's identity."[122] [c]

At the height of the Terror, not even its supporters were immune from
suspicion, leading to divisions within the Montagnard faction between
radical Hébertists and moderates led by Danton.[d] Robespierre saw their
dispute as de-stabilising the regime, and, as a deist, objected to the anti-
religious policies advocated by the atheist Hébert, who was arrested and
executed on 24 March with 19 of his colleagues, including Carrier.[126] To
retain the loyalty of the remaining Hébertists, Danton was arrested and
executed on 5 April with Camille Desmoulins, after a show trial that
arguably did more damage to Robespierre than any other act in this
period.[127]

The Law of 22 Prairial (10 June) denied "enemies of the people" the right
to defend themselves. Those arrested in the provinces were now sent to
Paris for judgement; from March to July, executions in Paris increased
from five to twenty-six a day.[128] Many Jacobins ridiculed the festival of
the Cult of the Supreme Being on 8 June, a lavish and expensive
ceremony led by Robespierre, who was also accused of circulating claims
he was a second Messiah. Relaxation of price controls and rampant
inflation caused increasing unrest among the sans-culottes, but the
improved military situation reduced fears the Republic was in danger.
Fearing their own survival depended on Robespierre's removal, on 29
June three members of the Committee of Public Safety openly accused
him of being a dictator.[129]
:
 The execution of Robespierre on
28 July 1794 marked the end of the
Reign of Terror.

Robespierre responded by refusing to attend Committee meetings,

allowing his opponents to build a coalition against him. In a speech made
to the convention on 26 July, he claimed certain members were
conspiring against the Republic, an almost certain death sentence if
confirmed. When he refused to provide names, the session broke up in
confusion. That evening he repeated these claims at the Jacobins club,
where it was greeted with demands for execution of the 'traitors'. Fearing
the consequences if they did not act first, his opponents attacked
Robespierre and his allies in the Convention next day. When Robespierre
attempted to speak, his voice failed, one deputy crying "The blood of
Danton chokes him!"[130]

After the Convention authorised his arrest, he and his supporters took
refuge in the Hotel de Ville, which was defended by elements of the
National Guard. Other units loyal to the Convention stormed the building
that evening and detained Robespierre, who severely injured himself
attempting suicide. He was executed on 28 July with 19 colleagues,
including Saint-Just and Georges Couthon, followed by 83 members of
the Commune.[131] The Law of 22 Prairial was repealed, any surviving
Girondists reinstated as deputies, and the Jacobin Club was closed and
banned.[132]
:
There are various interpretations of the Terror and the violence with which
it was conducted. François Furet argues that the intense ideological
commitment of the revolutionaries and their utopian goals required the
extermination of any opposition.[133] A middle position suggests violence
was not inevitable but the product of a series of complex internal events,
exacerbated by war.[134]

Thermidorian reaction

The bloodshed did not end with the death of Robespierre; Southern
France saw a wave of revenge killings, directed against alleged Jacobins,
Republican officials and Protestants. Although the victors of Thermidor
asserted control over the Commune by executing their leaders, some of
those closely involved in the "Terror" retained their positions. They
included Paul Barras, later chief executive of the French Directory, and
Joseph Fouché, director of the killings in Lyon who served as Minister of
Police under the Directory, the Consulate and Empire.[135] Despite his
links to Augustin Robespierre, military success in Italy meant Napoleon
Bonaparte escaped censure.[136]
:
 Former Viscount and
Montagnard Paul Barras,
who took part in the
Thermidorian reaction
and later headed the
French Directory

The December 1794 Treaty of La Jaunaye ended the Chouannerie in

western France by allowing freedom of worship and the return of non-
juring priests.[137] This was accompanied by military success; in January
1795, French forces helped the Dutch Patriots set up the Batavian
Republic, securing their northern border.[138] The war with Prussia was
concluded in favour of France by the Peace of Basel in April 1795, while
Spain made peace shortly thereafter.[139]

However, the Republic still faced a crisis at home. Food shortages arising
from a poor 1794 harvest were exacerbated in Northern France by the
need to supply the army in Flanders, while the winter was the worst since
1709.[140] By April 1795, people were starving and the assignat was worth
only 8% of its face value; in desperation, the Parisian poor rose again.[141]
They were quickly dispersed and the main impact was another round of
arrests, while Jacobin prisoners in Lyon were summarily executed.[142]

A committee drafted a new constitution, approved by plebiscite on 23

:
September 1795 and put into place on 27th.[143] Largely designed by
Pierre Daunou and Boissy d'Anglas, it established a bicameral legislature,
intended to slow down the legislative process, ending the wild swings of
policy under the previous unicameral systems. The Council of 500 was
responsible for drafting legislation, which was reviewed and approved by
the Council of Ancients, an upper house containing 250 men over the age
of 40. Executive power was in the hands of five Directors, selected by the
Council of Ancients from a list provided by the lower house, with a five-
year mandate.[144]

Deputies were chosen by indirect election, a total franchise of around

5 million voting in primaries for 30,000 electors, or 0.6% of the
population. Since they were also subject to stringent property
qualification, it guaranteed the return of conservative or moderate
deputies. In addition, rather than dissolving the previous legislature as in
1791 and 1792, the so-called 'law of two-thirds' ruled only 150 new
deputies would be elected each year. The remaining 600 Conventionnels
kept their seats, a move intended to ensure stability.[145]

The Directory (1795–1799)

Troops under Napoleon fire on

Royalist insurgents in Paris, 5
October 1795
:
Jacobin sympathisers viewed the Directory as a betrayal of the
Revolution, while Bonapartists later justified Napoleon's coup by
emphasising its corruption.[146] The regime also faced internal unrest, a
weak economy, and an expensive war, while the Council of 500 could
block legislation at will. Since the Directors had no power to call new
elections, the only way to break a deadlock was rule by decree or use
force. As a result, the Directory was characterised by "chronic violence,
ambivalent forms of justice, and repeated recourse to heavy-handed
repression."[147]

Retention of the Conventionnels ensured the Thermidorians held a

majority in the legislature and three of the five Directors, but they were
increasingly challenged by the right. On 5 October, Convention troops led
by Napoleon put down a royalist rising in Paris; when the first elections
were held two weeks later, over 100 of the 150 new deputies were
royalists of some sort.[148] The power of the Parisian sans-culottes had
been broken by the suppression of the May 1795 revolt; relieved of
pressure from below, the Jacobin clubs became supporters of the
Directory, largely to prevent restoration of the monarchy.[149]

Removal of price controls and a collapse in the value of the assignat led to
inflation and soaring food prices. By April 1796, over 500,000 Parisians
were unemployed, resulting in the May insurrection known as the
Conspiracy of the Equals. Led by the revolutionary François-Noël Babeuf,
their demands included immediate implementation of the 1793
Constitution, and a more equitable distribution of wealth. Despite support
from sections of the military, the revolt was easily crushed, while Babeuf
and other leaders were executed.[150] Nevertheless, by 1799 the economy
had been stabilised, and important reforms made allowing steady
expansion of French industry. Many of these remained in place for much
:
of the 19th century.[151]

Prior to 1797, three of the five Directors were firmly Republican; Barras,
Révellière-Lépeaux and Jean-François Rewbell, as were around 40% of
the legislature. The same percentage were broadly centrist or unaffiliated,
along with two Directors, Étienne-François Letourneur and Lazare Carnot.
Although only 20% were committed Royalists, many centrists supported
the restoration of the exiled Louis XVIII of France in the belief this would
bring peace.[152] The elections of May 1797 resulted in significant gains
for the right, with Royalists Jean-Charles Pichegru elected President of
the Council of 500, and Barthélemy appointed a Director.[153]

Napoléon Bonaparte in
the Council of 500 during
18 Brumaire, 9 November
1799

With Royalists apparently on the verge of power, Republicans attempted a

pre-emptive coup on 4 September. Using troops from Napoleon's Army
of Italy under Pierre Augereau, the Council of 500 was forced to approve
the arrest of Barthélemy, Pichegru and Carnot. The elections were
annulled, sixty-three leading Royalists deported to French Guiana, and
new laws passed against émigrés, Royalists and ultra-Jacobins. The
removal of his conservative opponents opened the way for direct conflict
between Barras, and those on the left.[154]
:
Fighting continued despite general war weariness, and the 1798 elections
saw a resurgence in Jacobin strength. Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in
July 1798 confirmed European fears of French expansionism, and the War
of the Second Coalition began in November. Without a majority in the
legislature, the Directors relied on the army to enforce decrees, and
extract revenue from conquered territories. Generals like Napoleon and
Joubert were now central to the political process, while both the army and
Directory became notorious for their corruption.[155]

It has been suggested the Directory collapsed because by 1799, many

'preferred the uncertainties of authoritarian rule to the continuing
ambiguities of parliamentary politics'.[156] The architect of its end was
Sieyès, who when asked what he had done during the Terror allegedly
answered "I survived". Nominated to the Directory, his first action was to
remove Barras, with the help of allies including Talleyrand, and
Napoleon's brother Lucien, President of the Council of 500.[157] On 9
November 1799, the Coup of 18 Brumaire replaced the five Directors with
the French Consulate, which consisted of three members, Napoleon,
Sieyès, and Roger Ducos. Most historians consider this the end point of
the French Revolution.[158]

Role of ideology

The role of ideology in the Revolution is controversial with Jonathan Israel

stating that the "radical Enlightenment" was the primary driving force of
the Revolution.[159] Cobban, however, argues "[t]he actions of the
revolutionaries were most often prescribed by the need to find practical
solutions to immediate problems, using the resources at hand, not by pre-
conceived theories."[160]
:
The identification of ideologies is complicated by the profusion of
revolutionary clubs, factions and publications, absence of formal political
parties, and individual flexibility in the face of changing circumstances.
[161]
In addition, although the Declaration of the Rights of Man was a
fundamental document for all revolutionary factions, its interpretation
varied widely.[162]

While all revolutionaries professed their devotion to liberty in principle, "it

appeared to mean whatever those in power wanted."[163] For example,
the liberties specified in the Rights of Man were limited by law when they
might "cause harm to others, or be abused". Prior to 1792, Jacobins and
others frequently opposed press restrictions on the grounds these
violated a basic right.[164] However, the radical National Convention
passed laws in September 1793 and July 1794 imposing the death
penalty for offences such as "disparaging the National Convention", and
"misleading public opinion."[165]

While revolutionaries also endorsed the principle of equality, few

advocated equality of wealth since property was also viewed as a right.
[166]
The National Assembly opposed equal political rights for women,[167]
while the abolition of slavery in the colonies was delayed until February
1794 because it conflicted with the property rights of slave owners, and
many feared it would disrupt trade.[168] Political equality for male citizens
was another divisive issue, with the 1791 constitution limiting the right to
vote and stand for office to males over 25 who met a property
qualification, so-called "active citizens". This restriction was opposed by
many activists, including Robespierre, the Jacobins, and Cordeliers.[169]

The principle that sovereignty resided in the nation was a key concept of
the Revolution.[170] However, Israel argues this obscures ideological
:
differences over whether the will of the nation was best expressed
through representative assemblies and constitutions, or direct action by
revolutionary crowds, and popular assemblies such as the sections of the
Paris commune.[171] Many considered constitutional monarchy as
incompatible with the principle of popular sovereignty,[172] but prior to
1792, there was a strong bloc with an ideological commitment to such a
system, based on the writings of Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu and
Voltaire.[173]

Israel argues the nationalisation of church property and the establishment

of the Constitutional Church reflected an ideological commitment to
secularism, and a determination to undermine a bastion of old regime
privilege.[174] While Cobban agrees the Constitutional Church was
motivated by ideology, he sees its origins in the anti-clericalism of Voltaire
and other Enlightenment figures.[175]

Jacobins were hostile to formal political parties and factions which they
saw as a threat to national unity and the general will, with "political virtue"
and "love of country" key elements of their ideology.[176][177] They viewed
the ideal revolutionary as selfless, sincere, free of political ambition, and
devoted to the nation.[178] The disputes leading to the departure first of
the Feuillants, then later the Girondists, were conducted in terms of the
relative political virtue and patriotism of the disputants. In December
1793, all members of the Jacobin clubs were subject to a "purifying
scrutiny", to determine whether they were "men of virtue".[179]

French Revolutionary Wars

:
 French victory at the Battle of
Valmy on 20 September 1792
validated the Revolutionary
idea of armies composed of
citizens

The Revolution initiated a series of conflicts that began in 1792 and ended
only with Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo in 1815. In its early stages, this
seemed unlikely; the 1791 Constitution specifically disavowed "war for the
purpose of conquest", and although traditional tensions between France
and Austria re-emerged in the 1780s, Emperor Joseph II cautiously
welcomed the reforms. Austria was at war with the Ottomans, as were the
Russians, while both were negotiating with Prussia over partitioning
Poland. Most importantly, Britain preferred peace, and as Emperor
Leopold II stated after the Declaration of Pillnitz, "without England, there
is no case".[180]

In late 1791, factions within the Assembly came to see war as a way to
unite the country and secure the Revolution by eliminating hostile forces
on its borders and establishing its "natural frontiers".[181] France declared
war on Austria in April 1792 and issued the first conscription orders, with
recruits serving for twelve months. By the time peace finally came in 1815,
the conflict had involved every major European power as well as the
United States, redrawn the map of Europe and expanded into the
:
Americas, the Middle East, and the Indian Ocean.[182]

From 1701 to 1801, the population of Europe grew from 118 to 187 million;
combined with new mass production techniques, this allowed belligerents
to support large armies, requiring the mobilisation of national resources. It
was a different kind of war, fought by nations rather than kings, intended
to destroy their opponents' ability to resist, but also to implement deep-
ranging social change. While all wars are political to some degree, this
period was remarkable for the emphasis placed on reshaping boundaries
and the creation of entirely new European states.[183]

In April 1792, French armies invaded the Austrian Netherlands but

suffered a series of setbacks before victory over an Austrian-Prussian
army at Valmy in September. After defeating a second Austrian army at
Jemappes on 6 November, they occupied the Netherlands, areas of the
Rhineland, Nice and Savoy. Emboldened by this success, in February
1793 France declared war on the Dutch Republic, Spain and Britain,
beginning the War of the First Coalition.[184] However, the expiration of
the 12-month term for the 1792 recruits forced the French to relinquish
their conquests. In August, new conscription measures were passed and
by May 1794 the French army had between 750,000 and 800,000 men.
[185]
Despite high rates of desertion, this was large enough to manage
multiple internal and external threats; for comparison, the combined
Prussian-Austrian army was less than 90,000.[186]
:
 Napoleon's Italian campaigns
reshaped the map of Italy

By February 1795, France had annexed the Austrian Netherlands,

established their frontier on the left bank of the Rhine and replaced the
Dutch Republic with the Batavian Republic, a satellite state. These
victories led to the collapse of the anti-French coalition; Prussia made
peace in April 1795, followed soon after by Spain, leaving Britain and
Austria as the only major powers still in the war.[187] In October 1797, a
series of defeats by Bonaparte in Italy led Austria to agree to the Treaty of
Campo Formio, in which they formally ceded the Netherlands and
recognised the Cisalpine Republic.[188]

Fighting continued for two reasons; first, French state finances had come
to rely on indemnities levied on their defeated opponents. Second, armies
were primarily loyal to their generals, for whom the wealth achieved by
victory and the status it conferred became objectives in themselves.
Leading soldiers like Hoche, Pichegru and Carnot wielded significant
political influence and often set policy; Campo Formio was approved by
Bonaparte, not the Directory, which strongly objected to terms it
considered too lenient.[188]

Despite these concerns, the Directory never developed a realistic peace

programme, fearing the destabilising effects of peace and the
consequent demobilisation of hundreds of thousands of young men. As
:
long as the generals and their armies stayed away from Paris, they were
happy to allow them to continue fighting, a key factor behind sanctioning
Bonaparte's invasion of Egypt. This resulted in aggressive and
opportunistic policies, leading to the War of the Second Coalition in
November 1798.[189]

Slavery and the colonies

The Saint-Domingue slave

revolt in 1791

In 1789, the most populous French colonies were Saint-Domingue (today

Haiti), Martinique, Guadeloupe, the Île Bourbon (Réunion) and the Île de la
France. These colonies produced commodities such as sugar, coffee and
cotton for exclusive export to France. There were about 700,000 slaves in
the colonies, of which about 500,000 were in Saint-Domingue. Colonial
products accounted for about a third of France's exports.[190]

In February 1788, the Société des Amis des Noirs (Society of the Friends
of Blacks) was formed in France with the aim of abolishing slavery in the
empire. In August 1789, colonial slave owners and merchants formed the
rival Club de Massiac to represent their interests. When the Constituent
Assembly adopted the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen
in August 1789, delegates representing the colonial landowners
successfully argued that the principles should not apply in the colonies as
they would bring economic ruin and disrupt trade. Colonial landowners
:
also gained control of the Colonial Committee of the Assembly from
where they exerted a powerful influence against abolition.[191][192]

People of colour also faced social and legal discrimination in mainland

France and its colonies, including a bar on their access to professions
such as law, medicine and pharmacy.[193] In 1789–90, a delegation of free
coloureds, led by Vincent Ogé and Julien Raimond, unsuccessfully
lobbied the Assembly to end discrimination against free coloureds. Ogé
left for Saint-Domingue where an uprising against white landowners
broke out in October 1790. The revolt failed and Ogé was killed.[194][192]

In May 1791, the National Assembly granted full political rights to

coloureds born of two free parents, but left the rights of freed slaves to
be determined by the colonial assemblies. The assemblies refused to
implement the decree and fighting broke out between the coloured
population of Saint-Domingue and white colonists, each side recruiting
slaves to their forces. A major slave revolt followed in August.[195]

In March 1792, the Legislative Assembly responded to the revolt by

granting citizenship to all free coloureds and sending two commissioners,
Sonthonax and Polvérel, and 6,000 troops to Saint-Domingue to enforce
the decree. On arrival in September, the commissioners announced that
slavery would remain in force. Over 72,000 slaves were still in revolt,
mostly in the north.[196]

Brissot and his supporters envisaged an eventual abolition of slavery but

their immediate concern was securing trade and the support of
merchants for the revolutionary wars. After Brissot's fall, the new
constitution of June 1793 included a new Declaration of the Rights of Man
and the Citizen but excluded the colonies from its provisions. In any
:
event, the new constitution was suspended until France was at peace.
[197]

In early 1793, royalist planters from Guadeloupe and Saint-Domingue

formed an alliance with Britain. The Spanish supported insurgent slaves,
led by Jean-François Papillon and Georges Biassou, in the north of Saint-
Domingue. White planters loyal to the republic sent representatives to
Paris to convince the Jacobin controlled Convention that those calling for
the abolition of slavery were British agents and supporters of Brissot,
hoping to disrupt trade.[198]

In June, the commissioners in Saint-Domingue freed 10,000 slaves

fighting for the republic. As the royalists and their British and Spanish
supporters were also offering freedom for slaves willing to fight for their
cause, the commissioners outbid them by abolishing slavery in the north
in August, and throughout the colony in October. Representatives were
sent to Paris to gain the approval of the convention for the decision.[198]
[199]

The Convention voted for the abolition of slavery in the colonies on 4

February 1794 and decreed that all residents of the colonies had the full
rights of French citizens irrespective of colour.[200] An army of 1,000
sans-culottes led by Victor Hugues was sent to Guadeloupe to expel the
British and enforce the decree. The army recruited former slaves and
eventually numbered 11,000, capturing Guadeloupe and other smaller
islands. Abolition was also proclaimed on Guyane. Martinique remained
under British occupation, while colonial landowners in Réunion and the
Îles Mascareignes repulsed the republicans.[201] Black armies drove the
Spanish out of Saint-Domingue in 1795, and the last of the British
withdrew in 1798.[202]
:
In republican controlled areas from 1793 to 1799, freed slaves were
required to work on their former plantations or for their former masters if
they were in domestic service. They were paid a wage and gained
property rights. Black and coloured generals were effectively in control of
large areas of Guadeloupe and Saint-Domingue, including Toussaint
Louverture in the north of Saint-Domingue, and André Rigaud in the
south. Historian Fréderic Régent states that the restrictions on the
freedom of employment and movement of former slaves meant that,
"only whites, persons of color already freed before the decree, and
former slaves in the army or on warships really benefited from general
emancipation."[201]

Media and symbolism

Newspapers

A copy of L'Ami du
peuple stained with the
blood of Marat

Newspapers and pamphlets played a central role in stimulating and

defining the Revolution. Prior to 1789, there have been a small number of
heavily censored newspapers that needed a royal licence to operate, but
the Estates-General created an enormous demand for news, and over
130 newspapers appeared by the end of the year. Among the most
significant were Marat's L'Ami du peuple and Elysée Loustallot's
:
Revolutions de Paris.[203] Over the next decade, more than 2,000
newspapers were founded, 500 in Paris alone. Most lasted only a matter
of weeks but they became the main communication medium, combined
with the very large pamphlet literature.[204]

Newspapers were read aloud in taverns and clubs, and circulated hand to
hand. There was a widespread assumption that writing was a vocation,
not a business, and the role of the press was the advancement of civic
republicanism.[205] By 1793 the radicals were most active but initially the
royalists flooded the country with their publication the "L'Ami du Roi"
(Friends of the King) until they were suppressed.[206]

Revolutionary symbols

To illustrate the differences between the new Republic and the old
regime, the leaders needed to implement a new set of symbols to be
celebrated instead of the old religious and monarchical symbols. To this
end, symbols were borrowed from historic cultures and redefined, while
those of the old regime were either destroyed or reattributed acceptable
characteristics. These revised symbols were used to instil in the public a
new sense of tradition and reverence for the Enlightenment and the
Republic.[207]

La Marseillaise

La Marseillaise
1:20

The French national anthem La

Marseillaise; text in French.

Problems playing this file? See media

help.
:
 Marche des Marseillois,
1792, satirical etching,
London[208]

"La Marseillaise" (French pronunciation: [la maʁsɛjɛːz]) became the national

anthem of France. The song was written and composed in 1792 by
Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle, and was originally titled "Chant de guerre
pour l'Armée du Rhin". The French National Convention adopted it as the
First Republic's anthem in 1795. It acquired its nickname after being sung
in Paris by volunteers from Marseille marching on the capital.

The song is the first example of the "European march" anthemic style,
while the evocative melody and lyrics led to its widespread use as a song
of revolution and incorporation into many pieces of classical and popular
music. De Lisle was instructed to 'produce a hymn which conveys to the
soul of the people the enthusiasm which it (the music) suggests.'[209]

Guillotine
:
 Cartoon attacking
the excesses of
the Revolution as
symbolised by the
guillotine

The guillotine remains "the principal symbol of the Terror in the French
Revolution."[210] Invented by a physician during the Revolution as a
quicker, more efficient and more distinctive form of execution, the
guillotine became a part of popular culture and historic memory. It was
celebrated on the left as the people's avenger, for example in the
revolutionary song La guillotine permanente,[211] and cursed as the
symbol of the Terror by the right.[212]

Its operation became a popular entertainment that attracted great crowds

of spectators. Vendors sold programmes listing the names of those
scheduled to die. Many people came day after day and vied for the best
locations from which to observe the proceedings; knitting women
(tricoteuses) formed a cadre of hardcore regulars, inciting the crowd.
Parents often brought their children. By the end of the Terror, the crowds
had thinned drastically. Repetition had staled even this most grisly of
entertainments, and audiences grew bored.[213]

Cockade, tricolore, and liberty cap

:
 A sans-culotte and
Tricoloure

Cockades were widely worn by revolutionaries beginning in 1789. They

now pinned the blue-and-red cockade of Paris onto the white cockade of
the Ancien Régime. Camille Desmoulins asked his followers to wear green
cockades on 12 July 1789. The Paris militia, formed on 13 July, adopted a
blue and red cockade. Blue and red are the traditional colours of Paris,
and they are used on the city's coat of arms. Cockades with various
colour schemes were used during the storming of the Bastille on 14 July.
[214]

The Liberty cap, also known as the Phrygian cap, or pileus, is a brimless,
felt cap that is conical in shape with the tip pulled forward. It reflects
Roman republicanism and liberty, alluding to the Roman ritual of
manumission, in which a freed slave receives the bonnet as a symbol of
his newfound liberty.[215]

Role of women
:
 Club of patriotic women
in a church

Deprived of political rights by the Ancien Régime, the Revolution initially

allowed women to participate, although only to a limited degree. Activists
included Girondists like Olympe de Gouges, author of the Declaration of
the Rights of Woman and of the Female Citizen, and Charlotte Corday,
killer of Marat. Others like Théroigne de Méricourt, Pauline Léon and the
Society of Revolutionary Republican Women supported the Jacobins,
staged demonstrations in the National Assembly and took part in the
October 1789 March to Versailles. Despite this, the 1791 and 1793
constitutions denied them political rights and democratic citizenship.[216]

In 1793, the Society of Revolutionary Republican Women campaigned for

strict price controls on bread, and a law that would compel all women to
wear the tricolour cockade. Although both demands were successful, in
October the male-dominated Jacobins who then controlled the
government denounced the Society as dangerous rabble-rousers and
made all women's clubs and associations illegal. Organised women were
permanently shut out of the French Revolution after 30 October 1793.[217]

At the same time, especially in the provinces, women played a prominent

:
role in resisting social changes introduced by the Revolution. This was
particularly so in terms of the reduced role of the Catholic Church; for
those living in rural areas, closing of the churches meant a loss of
normality.[218] This sparked a counter-revolutionary movement led by
women; while supporting other political and social changes, they
opposed the dissolution of the Catholic Church and revolutionary cults
like the Cult of the Supreme Being.[219] Olwen Hufton argues some
wanted to protect the Church from heretical changes enforced by
revolutionaries, viewing themselves as "defenders of faith".[220]

Prominent women

Olympe de Gouges,
Girondist author of the
Declaration of the Rights
of Woman and of the
Female Citizen, executed
in November 1793

Olympe de Gouges was an author whose publications emphasised that

while women and men were different, this should not prevent equality
under the law. In her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and of the
Female Citizen she insisted women deserved rights, especially in areas
:
concerning them directly, such as divorce and recognition of illegitimate
children.[221] Along with other Girondists, she was executed in November
1793 during the Terror.

Madame Roland, also known as Manon or Marie Roland, was another

important female activist whose political focus was not specifically
women but other aspects of the government. A Girondist, her personal
letters to leaders of the Revolution influenced policy; in addition, she
often hosted political gatherings of the Brissotins, a political group which
allowed women to join. She too was executed in November 1793.[222]

Economic policies

The Revolution abolished many economic constraints imposed by the

Ancien Régime, including church tithes and feudal dues although tenants
often paid higher rents and taxes.[223] All church lands were nationalised,
along with those owned by Royalist exiles, which were used to back paper
currency known as assignats, and the feudal guild system eliminated.[224]
It also abolished the highly inefficient system of tax farming, whereby
private individuals would collect taxes for a hefty fee. The government
seized the foundations that had been set up (starting in the 13th century)
to provide an annual stream of revenue for hospitals, poor relief, and
education. The state sold the lands but typically local authorities did not
replace the funding and so most of the nation's charitable and school
systems were massively disrupted.[225]
:
 Early Assignat of 29
September 1790: 500 livres

Between 1790 and 1796, industrial and agricultural output dropped,

foreign trade plunged, and prices soared, forcing the government to
finance expenditure by issuing ever increasing quantities assignats. When
this resulted in escalating inflation, the response was to impose price
controls and persecute private speculators and traders, creating a black
market. Between 1789 and 1793, the annual deficit increased from 10% to
64% of gross national product, while annual inflation reached 3,500%
after a poor harvest in 1794 and the removal of price controls. The
assignats were withdrawn in 1796 but inflation continued until the
introduction of the gold-based Franc germinal in 1803.[226]

Impact

The French Revolution had a major impact on western history, by ending

feudalism in France and creating a path for advances in individual
freedoms throughout Europe.[227][2] The revolution represented the most
significant challenge to political absolutism up to that point in history and
spread democratic ideals throughout Europe and ultimately the world.
[228] Its impact on French nationalism was profound, while also
stimulating nationalist movements throughout Europe.[229] Some modern
historians argue the concept of the nation state was a direct
consequence of the revolution.[230] As such, the revolution is often seen
:
as marking the start of modernity and the modern period.[231]

France

The long-term impact on France was profound, shaping politics, society,

religion and ideas, and polarising politics for more than a century.
Historian François Aulard wrote:

"From the social point of view, the Revolution consisted

in the suppression of what was called the feudal system,
in the emancipation of the individual, in greater division
of landed property, the abolition of the privileges of noble
birth, the establishment of equality, the simplification of
life.... The French Revolution differed from other
revolutions in being not merely national, for it aimed at
benefiting all humanity."[232]

The revolution permanently crippled the power of the aristocracy and

drained the wealth of the Church, although the two institutions survived.
Hanson suggests the French underwent a fundamental transformation in
self-identity, evidenced by the elimination of privileges and their
replacement by intrinsic human rights.[233] After the collapse of the First
French Empire in 1815, the French public lost many of the rights and
privileges earned since the revolution, but remembered the participatory
politics that characterised the period. According to Paul Hanson,
"Revolution became a tradition, and republicanism an enduring option."
[234]

The Revolution meant an end to arbitrary royal rule and held out the
:
promise of rule by law under a constitutional order. Napoleon as emperor
set up a constitutional system and the restored Bourbons were forced to
retain one. After the abdication of Napoleon III in 1871, the French Third
Republic was launched with a deep commitment to upholding the ideals
of the Revolution.[235][236] The Vichy regime (1940–1944), tried to undo
the revolutionary heritage, but retained the republic. However, there were
no efforts by the Bourbons, Vichy or any other government to restore the
privileges that had been stripped away from the nobility in 1789. France
permanently became a society of equals under the law.[234]

Agriculture was transformed by the Revolution. With the breakup of large

estates controlled by the Church and the nobility and worked by hired
hands, rural France became more a land of small independent farms.
Harvest taxes were ended, such as the tithe and seigneurial dues.
Primogeniture was ended both for nobles and peasants, thereby
weakening the family patriarch, and led to a fall in the birth rate since all
children had a share in the family property.[237] Cobban argues the
Revolution bequeathed to the nation "a ruling class of landowners."[238]

Economic historians are divided on the economic impact of the

Revolution. One suggestion is the resulting fragmentation of agricultural
holdings had a significant negative impact in the early years of 19th
century, then became positive in the second half of the century because
it facilitated the rise in human capital investments.[239] Others argue the
redistribution of land had an immediate positive impact on agricultural
productivity, before the scale of these gains gradually declined over the
course of the 19th century.[240]

In the cities, entrepreneurship on a small scale flourished, as restrictive

monopolies, privileges, barriers, rules, taxes and guilds gave way.
:
However, the British blockade virtually ended overseas and colonial trade,
hurting the cities and their supply chains. Overall, the Revolution did not
greatly change the French business system, and probably helped freeze
in place the horizons of the small business owner. The typical
businessman owned a small store, mill or shop, with family help and a few
paid employees; large-scale industry was less common than in other
industrialising nations.[241]

Europe outside France

Historians often see the impact of the Revolution as through the

institutions and ideas exported by Napoleon. Economic historians Dan
Bogart, Mauricio Drelichman, Oscar Gelderblom, and Jean-Laurent
Rosenthal describe Napoleon's codified law as the French Revolution's
"most significant export."[242] According to Daron Acemoglu, Davide
Cantoni, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson the French Revolution
had long-term effects in Europe. They suggest that "areas that were
occupied by the French and that underwent radical institutional reform
experienced more rapid urbanization and economic growth, especially
after 1850. There is no evidence of a negative effect of French invasion."
[243]

The Revolution sparked intense debate in Britain. The Revolution

Controversy was a "pamphlet war" set off by the publication of A
Discourse on the Love of Our Country, a speech given by Richard Price to
the Revolution Society on 4 November 1789, supporting the French
Revolution. Edmund Burke responded in November 1790 with his own
pamphlet, Reflections on the Revolution in France, attacking the French
Revolution as a threat to the aristocracy of all countries.[244][245] William
:
Coxe opposed Price's premise that one's country is principles and
people, not the State itself.[246]

Conversely, two seminal political pieces of political history were written in

Price's favour, supporting the general right of the French people to
replace their State. One of the first of these "pamphlets" into print was A
Vindication of the Rights of Men by Mary Wollstonecraft .
Wollstonecraft's title was echoed by Thomas Paine's Rights of Man,
published a few months later. In 1792 Christopher Wyvill published
Defence of Dr. Price and the Reformers of England, a plea for reform and
moderation.[247] This exchange of ideas has been described as "one of
the great political debates in British history".[248]

In Ireland, the effect was to transform what had been an attempt by

Protestant settlers to gain some autonomy into a mass movement led by
the Society of United Irishmen involving Catholics and Protestants. It
stimulated the demand for further reform throughout Ireland, especially in
Ulster. The upshot was a revolt in 1798, led by Wolfe Tone, that was
crushed by Britain.[249]

German reaction to the Revolution swung from favourable to antagonistic.

At first it brought liberal and democratic ideas, the end of guilds, serfdom
and the Jewish ghetto. It brought economic freedoms and agrarian and
legal reform. Above all the antagonism helped stimulate and shape
German nationalism.[250]

France invaded Switzerland and turned it into the "Helvetic Republic"

(1798–1803), a French puppet state. French interference with localism
and traditions was deeply resented in Switzerland, although some
reforms took hold and survived in the later period of restoration.[251][252]
:
During the Revolutionary Wars, the French invaded and occupied the
region now known as Belgium between 1794 and 1814. The new
government enforced reforms, incorporating the region into France.
Resistance was strong in every sector, as Belgian nationalism emerged to
oppose French rule. The French legal system, however, was adopted, with
its equal legal rights, and abolition of class distinctions.[253]

The Kingdom of Denmark adopted liberalising reforms in line with those

of the French Revolution. Reform was gradual and the regime itself
carried out agrarian reforms that had the effect of weakening absolutism
by creating a class of independent peasant freeholders. Much of the
initiative came from well-organised liberals who directed political change
in the first half of the 19th century.[254]

The Constitution of Norway of 1814 was inspired by the French

Revolution,[255] and was considered to be one of the most liberal and
democratic constitutions at the time.[256]

North America

Initially, most people in the Province of Quebec were favourable toward

the revolutionaries' aims. The Revolution took place against the
background of an ongoing campaign for constitutional reform in the
colony by Loyalist emigrants from the United States.[257] Public opinion
began to shift against the Revolution after the Flight to Varennes and
further soured after the September Massacres and the subsequent
execution of Louis XVI.[258] French migration to the Canadas experienced
a substantial decline during and after the Revolution. Only a limited
number of artisans, professionals, and religious emigres were allowed to
:
settle in the region during this period.[259] Most emigres settled in
Montreal or Quebec City.[259] The influx of religious emigres also
revitalised the local Catholic Church, with exiled priests establishing a
number of parishes across the Canadas.[259]

In the United States, the French Revolution deeply polarised American

politics, and this polarisation led to the creation of the First Party System.
In 1793, as war broke out in Europe, the Democratic-Republican Party led
by former American minister to France Thomas Jefferson favored
revolutionary France and pointed to the 1778 treaty that was still in effect.
George Washington and his unanimous cabinet, including Jefferson,
decided that the treaty did not bind the United States to enter the war.
Washington proclaimed neutrality instead.[260]

Historiography

The first writings on the French revolution were near contemporaneous

with events and mainly divided along ideological lines. These included
Edmund Burke's conservative critique Reflections on the Revolution in
France (1790) and Thomas Paine's response Rights of Man (1791).[261]
From 1815, narrative histories dominated, often based on first-hand
experience of the revolutionary years. By the mid-nineteenth century,
more scholarly histories appeared, written by specialists and based on
original documents and a more critical assessment of contemporary
accounts.[262]
:
 Hippolyte Taine, Georges Lefebvre, Marxist
conservative historian of historian of the French
the French Revolution Revolution

Dupuy identifies three main strands in nineteenth century historiography

of the Revolution. The first is represented by reactionary writers who
rejected the revolutionary ideals of popular sovereignty, civil equality, and
the promotion of rationality, progress and personal happiness over
religious faith. The second stream is those writers who celebrated its
democratic, and republican values. The third were liberals like Germaine
de Staël and Guizot, who accepted the necessity of reforms establishing
a constitution and the rights of man, but rejected state interference with
private property and individual rights, even when supported by a
democratic majority.[263]

Jules Michelet was a leading 19th-century historian of the democratic

republican strand, and Thiers, Mignet and Tocqueville were prominent in
the liberal strand.[264] Hippolyte Taine's Origins of Contemporary France
(1875–1894) was modern in its use of departmental archives, but Dupuy
sees him as reactionary, given his contempt for the crowd, and
Revolutionary values.[265]

The broad distinction between conservative, democratic-republican and

:
liberal interpretations of the Revolution persisted in the 20th-century,
although historiography became more nuanced, with greater attention to
critical analysis of documentary evidence.[265][266] Alphonse Aulard
(1849–1928) was the first professional historian of the Revolution; he
promoted graduate studies, scholarly editions, and learned journals.[267]
[268]
His major work, The French Revolution, a Political History, 1789–
1804 (1905), was a democratic and republican interpretation of the
Revolution.[269]

Socio-economic analysis and a focus on the experiences of ordinary

people dominated French studies of the Revolution from the 1930s.[270]
Georges Lefebvre elaborated a Marxist socio-economic analysis of the
revolution with detailed studies of peasants, the rural panic of 1789, and
the behaviour of revolutionary crowds.[271][272] Albert Soboul, also writing
in the Marxist-Republican tradition, published a major study of the sans-
culottes in 1958.[273]

Alfred Cobban challenged Jacobin-Marxist social and economic

explanations of the revolution in two important works, The Myth of the
French Revolution (1955) and Social Interpretation of the French
Revolution (1964). He argued the Revolution was primarily a political
conflict, which ended in a victory for conservative property owners, a
result which retarded economic development.[274][275]

In their 1965 work, La Revolution française, François Furet and Denis

Richet also argued for the primacy of political decisions, contrasting the
reformist period of 1789 to 1790 with the following interventions of the
urban masses which led to radicalisation and an ungovernable situation.
[276]
:
From the 1990s, Western scholars largely abandoned Marxist
interpretations of the revolution in terms of bourgeoisie-proletarian class
struggle as anachronistic. However, no new explanatory model has gained
widespread support.[231][277] The historiography of the Revolution has
expanded into areas such as cultural and regional histories, visual
representations, transnational interpretations, and decolonisation.[276]

See also

Age of Revolution

Bourgeois revolution

Cordeliers

Democracy in Europe

Glossary of the French Revolution

History of France

List of people associated with the French Revolution

List of political groups in the French Revolution

List of films set during the French Revolution and French Revolutionary
Wars

Musée de la Révolution française

Paris in the 18th century

Timeline of the French Revolution

Notes

a. French: Révolution française [ʁevɔlysjɔ̃ fʁɑ̃sɛːz]

:
 b. Contrary to what is often assumed, the nobility were subject to tax,
although how much they were able to evade or pass onto their tenants is
disputed.[17]

c. Other estimates of the death toll range from 170,000[123] to 200,000–

250,000[124]

d. In one exchange, a Hébertist named Vadier threatened to 'gut that fat

turbot, Danton', who replied that if he tried, he (Danton) would 'eat his
brains and shit in his skull'.[125]

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ISBN 978-0-1982-2108-1.

Lalevée, Thomas J. (2019). National Pride and Republican grandezza:

Brissot's New Language for International Politics in the French
Revolution (https://h-france.net/rude/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/L
aleveeVol6.pdf) (PDF) (PHD thesis). Australian National University.

Lauritsen, H.R.; Thorup, M. (2011). Rousseau and Revolution (https://books.

google.com/books?id=2BjJPXCnw0MC&pg=PT100) . Continuum
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Lefebvre, Georges (1962). The French Revolution: From Its Origins to 1793 (
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Levy, Darline Gay; Applewhite, Harriet Branson; Johnson, Mary Durham,

eds. (1979). Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789–1795. University of
Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-2520-0409-4.

Lewis, Gwynne (2002). The French Revolution: Rethinking the Debate.

Routledge. ISBN 978-0-2034-0991-6.

Linton, Marisa (2013). Friends, Enemies, and the Role of the Individual. in
McPhee 2013.

Livesey, James (2001). Making Democracy in the French Revolution.

Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-6740-0624-9.

Ludwikowski, Rhett (1990). "The French Declaration of the Rights of Man

and Citizen and the American Constitutional Development" (https://r
uj.uj.edu.pl/xmlui/handle/item/151153) . The American Journal of
Comparative Law. 2: 445–462. doi:10.2307/840552 (https://doi.org/
10.2307%2F840552) . JSTOR 840552 (https://www.jstor.org/stabl
e/840552) . S2CID 143656851 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/Cor
pusID:143656851) .

Lyons, Martyn (1975). France under the Directory (https://archive.org/detail

s/franceunderdirec0000lyon) (2008 ed.). Cambridge University
Press. ISBN 978-0-5210-9950-9.

Martin, Jean-Clément (1987). La Vendée et la France (in French). Éditions

du Seuil.

Marzagalli, Sylvia (2015). Economic and Demographic Developments. in

Andress 2015.
:
 Andress 2015.

McLynn, Frank (1997). Napoleon (1998 ed.). Pimlico. ISBN 978-0-7126-

6247-5.

McManners, John (1969). The French Revolution and the Church

(1982 ed.). Praeger. ISBN 978-0-3132-3074-5.

Melzer, Sarah; Rabine, Leslie, eds. (1992). Rebel Daughters: Women and
the French Revolution. Oxford University Press Inc. ISBN 978-0-
1950-6886-3.

McPhee, Peter, ed. (2013). A Companion to the French Revolution. Wiley-

Blackwell. ISBN 978-1-4443-3564-4. OL 25355797M (https://openli
brary.org/books/OL25355797M) .

Palmer, Robert R. (1970), The Age of the Democratic Revolution, vol. 2

Palmer, Robert R. (1986). "How Five Centuries of Educational Philanthropy

Disappeared in the French Revolution" (https://archive.org/details/si
m_history-of-education-quarterly_summer-1986_26_2/page/181) .
History of Education Quarterly. 26 (2): 181–197. doi:10.2307/368736
(https://doi.org/10.2307%2F368736) . JSTOR 368736 (https://ww
w.jstor.org/stable/368736) . S2CID 147116875 (https://api.semantic
scholar.org/CorpusID:147116875) .

Palmer, Robert R.; Colton, Joel (1995). A History of the Modern World (http
s://archive.org/details/isbn_9780679432531) . Alfred A Knopf.
ISBN 978-0-6794-3253-1.

Pas, Niek (2008). De geschiedenis van Frankrijk in een notendop: (bijna)

alles wat je altijd wilde weten (in Dutch). Bakker. ISBN 978-9-0351-
3170-5.

Pelling, Nick (2002). Anglo-Irish Relations: 1798-1922. Routledge.

ISBN 978-0-2039-8655-4.

Price, Munro (2003). The Road from Versailles: Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette,
and the Fall of the French Monarchy (https://archive.org/details/road
:
 and the Fall of the French Monarchy (https://archive.org/details/road
fromversaill00pric) . St Martins Press. ISBN 978-0-3122-6879-4.

Régent, Frédéric (2013). A Companion to the French Revolution. in McPhee

2013.

Riemer, Neal; Simon, Douglas (1997). The New World of Politics: An

Introduction to Political Science. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-
9396-9341-2.

Ross, A.; Holtermann, J.H.; Bindreiter, U. (2019). On Law and Justice (http
s://books.google.com/books?id=JzG-DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA323) .
Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-1910-2579-2.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20230209002457/https://boo
ks.google.com/books?id=JzG-DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA323) from the
original on 9 February 2023. Retrieved 9 February 2023.

Rothenberg, Gunter (1988). "The Origins, Causes, and Extension of the

Wars of the French Revolution and Napoleon" (https://archive.org/de
tails/sim_journal-of-interdisciplinary-history_spring-1988_18_4/pag
e/771) . The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 18 (4): 771–793.
doi:10.2307/204824 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F204824) .
JSTOR 204824 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/204824) .

Rudé, George (1988). The French Revolution: Its Causes, Its History and Its
Legacy After 200 Years. Grove Press. ISBN 978-1-5558-4150-8.

Sargent, Thomas J.; Velde, Francois R (1995). "Macroeconomic features of

the French Revolution" (https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-po
litical-economy_1995-06_103_3/page/474) . Journal of Political
Economy. 103 (3): 474–518. doi:10.1086/261992 (https://doi.org/10.
1086%2F261992) . JSTOR 2138696 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/2
138696) . S2CID 153904650 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/Corp
usID:153904650) .

Schama, Simon (1977). Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the

Netherlands, 1780–1813. Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-0021-6701-7.
:
 Netherlands, 1780–1813. Harper Collins. ISBN 978-0-0021-6701-7.

Schama, Simon (1989). Citizens, A Chronicle of The French Revolution

(2004 ed.). Penguin. ISBN 978-0-1410-1727-3.

Scott, Samuel (1975). "Problems of Law and Order during 1790, the
"Peaceful" Year of the French Revolution" (https://archive.org/detail
s/sim_american-historical-review_1975-10_80_4/page/859) . The
American Historical Review. 80 (4): 859–888. doi:10.2307/1867442
(https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1867442) . JSTOR 1867442 (https://ww
w.jstor.org/stable/1867442) .

Shusterman, Noah (2013). The French Revolution; Faith, Desire, and

Politics. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-4156-6021-1.

Smith, Jay M. (2015). Nobility. in Andress 2015.

Soboul, Albert (1975). The French Revolution 1787–1799 (https://archive.or

g/details/frenchrevolution00sobo) . Vintage. ISBN 978-0-3947-
1220-8.

Spang, Rebecca (2003). "Paradigms and Paranoia: How modern Is the

French Revolution?". American Historical Review. 108 (1).
doi:10.1086/ahr/108.1.119 (https://doi.org/10.1086%2Fahr%2F108.1.1
19) .

Sutherland, D. M. G. (2002). "Peasants, Lords, and Leviathan: Winners and

Losers from the Abolition of French Feudalism, 1780–1820" (https://
archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-economic-history_2002-03_62_
1/page/1) . The Journal of Economic History. 62 (1): 1–24.
JSTOR 2697970 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/2697970) .

Tackett, Timothy (2003). "The Flight to Varennes and the Coming of the
Terror". Historical Reflections / Réflexions Historiques. 29 (3): 469–
493. JSTOR 41299285 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/41299285) .

Tackett, Timothy (2004). When the King Took Flight. Harvard University
Press. ISBN 978-0-6740-1642-2.
:
 Press. ISBN 978-0-6740-1642-2.

Tackett, Timothy (2011). "Rumor and Revolution: The Case of the

September Massacres" (https://h-france.net/rude/wp-content/uploa
ds/2017/08/TackettVol4.pdf) (PDF). French History and Civilization.
4. Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20181130071546/https://h-
france.net/rude/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/TackettVol4.pdf)
(PDF) from the original on 30 November 2018.

Thompson, James Matthew (1932). Leaders of the French Revolution (http

s://books.google.com/books?id=0W0OAQAAMAAJ) . B. Blackwell.
Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20230412042615/https://boo
ks.google.com/books?id=0W0OAQAAMAAJ) from the original on
12 April 2023. Retrieved 6 April 2023.

Tilly, Louise (1983). "Food Entitlement, Famine, and Conflict" (https://archiv

e.org/details/sim_journal-of-interdisciplinary-history_autumn-1983_
14_2/page/333) . The Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 14 (2):
333–349. doi:10.2307/203708 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F20370
8) . JSTOR 203708 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/203708) .

Vardi, Liana (1988). "The Abolition of the Guilds during the French
Revolution". French Historical Studies. 15 (4): 704–717.
doi:10.2307/286554 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F286554) .
JSTOR 286554 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/286554) .

Walton, Charles (2013). Clubs, parties, factions in The Oxford Handbook of

the French Revolution. Wiley.

Wasson, Ellis (2009). A History of Modern Britain: 1714 to the Present. John
Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-4051-3935-9.

Weir, David (1989). "Tontines, Public Finance, and Revolution in France and
England, 1688–1789" (https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-eco
nomic-history_1989-03_49_1/page/95) . The Journal of Economic
History. 49 (1): 95–124. doi:10.1017/S002205070000735X (https://d
oi.org/10.1017%2FS002205070000735X) . JSTOR 2121419 (https://
:
 oi.org/10.1017%2FS002205070000735X) . JSTOR 2121419 (https://
www.jstor.org/stable/2121419) . S2CID 154494955 (https://api.sem
anticscholar.org/CorpusID:154494955) .

White, Eugene Nelson (1995). "The French Revolution and the Politics of
Government Finance, 1770–1815" (https://archive.org/details/sim_jo
urnal-of-economic-history_1995-06_55_2/page/227) . The Journal
of Economic History. 55 (2): 227–255.
doi:10.1017/S0022050700041048 (https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS0022
050700041048) . JSTOR 2123552 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/212
3552) . S2CID 154871390 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusI
D:154871390) .

Woronoff, Denis (1984). The Thermidorean regime and the directory: 1794–
1799. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-5212-8917-7.

Further reading

Abray, Jane (1975). "Feminism in the French Revolution" (https://archive.or

g/details/sim_american-historical-review_1975-02_80_1/page/43) .
The American Historical Review. 80 (1): 43–62.
doi:10.2307/1859051 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1859051) .
JSTOR 1859051 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/1859051) .

Beckstrand, Lisa (2009). Deviant women of the French Revolution and the
rise of feminism. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press. ISBN 978-1-
6114-7400-8.

Bell, David Avrom (2007). The First Total War: Napoleon's Europe and the
Birth of Warfare as We Know It. Mariner Books. ISBN 978-0-6189-
1981-9.

Blanning, Timothy C. W (1997). The French Revolution: Class War or Culture

Clash? (https://archive.org/details/frenchrevolution0000blan_d3f
3) . Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-3336-7064-4.
:
 Bredin, Jean-Denis (1988). Sieyes; la clé de la Révolution française (in
French). Fallois.

Censer, Jack (2002). Klaits, Joseph; Haltzel, Michael (eds.). The French
Revolution after 200 Years in Global Ramifications of the French
Revolution. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-5215-2447-6.

Clark, Samuel (1984). "Nobility, Bourgeoisie and the Industrial Revolution in

Belgium". Past & Present (105): 140–175. doi:10.1093/past/105.1.140
(https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fpast%2F105.1.140) . JSTOR 650548 (ht
tps://www.jstor.org/stable/650548) .

Cole, Alistair; Campbell, Peter (1989). French electoral systems and

elections since 1789. Gower. ISBN 978-0-5660-5696-3.

Comninel, George C (1987). Rethinking the French Revolution: Marxism and

the Revisionist Challenge. Verso. ISBN 978-0-8609-1890-5.

Cook, Bernard A (2004). Belgium (Studies in Modern European History, V.

50). Peter Lang Publishing Inc. ISBN 978-0-8204-5824-3.

Devance, Louis (1977). "Le Féminisme pendant la Révolution Française".

Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française (in French). 49 (3).

Dorginy, Marcel (2003). The Abolitions of Slavery: From L.F. Sonthonax to

Victor Schoelcher, 1793, 1794, 1848. Berghahn Books. ISBN 978-1-
5718-1432-6.

Doyle, William (2001). The French Revolution: A very short introduction.

Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-1928-5396-7.

Ellis, Geoffrey (1997). Aston, Nigel (ed.). Religion according to Napoleon;

the limitations of pragmatism in Religious Change in Europe 1650–
1914: Essays for John McManners. Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-
1982-0596-8.

Fremont-Barnes, Gregory (2007). Encyclopedia of the Age of Political

Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760–1815. Greenwood. ISBN 978-
:
 Revolutions and New Ideologies, 1760–1815. Greenwood. ISBN 978-
0-3130-4951-4.

Furet, François (1981). Interpreting the French Revolution. Cambridge

University Press.

Furet, François (1995). Revolutionary France, 1770–1880. Blackwell

Publishing. ISBN 978-0-6311-9808-6.

Fursenko, A.A; McArthur, Gilbert (1976). "The American and French

Revolutions Compared: The View from the U.S.S.R." (https://archive.
org/details/sim_william-and-mary-quarterly_1976-07_33_3/page/48
1) The William and Mary Quarterly. 33 (3): 481.
doi:10.2307/1921544 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F1921544) .
JSTOR 1921544 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/1921544) .

Garrioch, David (1994). "The People of Paris and Their Police in the
Eighteenth Century. Reflections on the introduction of a 'modern'
police force". European History Quarterly. 24 (4): 511–535.
doi:10.1177/026569149402400402 (https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0265
69149402400402) . S2CID 144460864 (https://api.semanticschol
ar.org/CorpusID:144460864) .

Gershoy, Leo (1957). The Era of the French Revolution. Van Nostrand.
ISBN 978-0-8987-4718-8.

Goldhammer, Jesse (2005). The headless republic : sacrificial violence in

modern French thought (https://archive.org/details/headlessrepublic
00gold_0) . Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-4150-9.
OCLC 783283094 (https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/783283094) .

Hampson, Norman (1988). A Social History of the French Revolution (http

s://archive.org/details/socialhistoryoff0000hamp) . Routledge:
University of Toronto Press. ISBN 978-0-7100-6525-4.

Hibbert, Christopher (1980). The Days of the French Revolution (https://arc

hive.org/details/daysoffrenchrevo0000hibb) . Quill, William Morrow.
:
 ISBN 978-0-6880-3704-8.

Hufton, Olwen (1983). "Social Conflict and the Grain Supply in Eighteenth-
Century France" (https://archive.org/details/sim_journal-of-interdisci
plinary-history_autumn-1983_14_2/page/303) . The Journal of
Interdisciplinary History. 14 (2): 303–331. doi:10.2307/203707 (http
s://doi.org/10.2307%2F203707) . JSTOR 203707 (https://www.jstor.
org/stable/203707) .

Hunt, Lynn (1996). The French Revolution and Human Rights (2016 ed.).
Bedford/St Martins. ISBN 978-1-3190-4903-4.

James, C. L. R. (1963). The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the

San Domingo Revolution (2001 ed.). Penguin Books.

Jefferson, Thomas (1903). Ford, Paul (ed.). The Works of Thomas

Jefferson, Vol. XII: Correspondence and Papers 1808–1816
(2010 ed.). Cosimo Classics. ISBN 978-1-6164-0215-0.

Jourdan, Annie (2007). "The "Alien Origins" of the French Revolution:

American, Scottish, Genevan, and Dutch Influences" (http://hdl.hand
le.net/2027/spo.0642292.0035.012) . The Western Society for
French History. 35 (2). University of Amsterdam.
hdl:2027/spo.0642292.0035.012 (https://hdl.handle.net/2027%2Fsp
o.0642292.0035.012) .

Kołakowski, Leszek (1978). Main Currents of Marxism: The Founders, the

Golden Age, the Breakdown. W.W. Norton. ISBN 978-0-3930-6054-
6.

Lefebvre, Georges (1947). The Coming of the French Revolution (https://arc

hive.org/details/comingoffrenchre0000lefe) (2005 ed.). Princeton
University Press. ISBN 978-0-6911-2188-8.

Lefebvre, Georges (1963). The French Revolution: from 1793 to 1799 (http
s://archive.org/details/frenchrevolution0000lefe_m6h9) . Vol. II.
New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-2310-2519-5.
:
 New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-2310-2519-5.

Lefebvre, Georges (1964). The Thermidorians & the Directory (https://archi

ve.org/details/thermidoriansdir0003lefe) . Random House.
ISBN 978-0-1344-4539-7.

Léonard, Jacques (1977). "Femmes, Religion et Médecine: Les Religieuses

qui Soignent, en France au XIXe Siècle". Annales: Économies,
Sociétés, Civilisations (in French). 32 (55).

McHugh, Tim (2012). "Expanding Women's Rural Medical Work in Early

Modern Brittany: The Daughters of the Holy Spirit" (https://www.ncb
i.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3376001) . History of Medicine and
Allied Sciences. 67 (3): 428–456. doi:10.1093/jhmas/jrr032 (https://
doi.org/10.1093%2Fjhmas%2Fjrr032) . PMC 3376001 (https://www.
ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3376001) . PMID 21724643 (htt
ps://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/21724643) .

McMillan, James H (1999). France and women, 1789–1914: gender, society

and politics (https://archive.org/details/francewomen178910000mc
mi) . Routledge. ISBN 978-0-4152-2602-8.

Marx, Karl (1983). Kamenka, Eugene (ed.). The Paris Commune and the
Future of Socialism: 1870–1882 in The Portable Karl Marx (https://ar
chive.org/details/portablekarlmarx0000marx) . Penguin Books.
ISBN 978-0-1401-5096-4.

Mitchell, CJ (1984). "Political Divisions within the Legislative Assembly of

1791". French Historical Studies. 13 (3): 356–389.
doi:10.2307/286298 (https://doi.org/10.2307%2F286298) .
JSTOR 286298 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/286298) .

Neely, Sylvia (2008). A Concise History of the French Revolution (https://arc

hive.org/details/concisehistoryof00neel) . Rowman & Littlefield.
ISBN 978-0-7425-3411-7.

Rossignol, Marie-Jeanne (2006). The American Revolution in France: Under

:
 the Shadow of the French Revolution in Europe's American
Revolution. Springer. ISBN 978-0-2302-8845-4.

Shlapentokh, Dmitry (1996). "A problem in self-identity: Russian intellectual

thought in the context of the French Revolution". European Studies.
26 (1): 61–76. doi:10.1177/004724419602600104 (https://doi.org/10.
1177%2F004724419602600104) . S2CID 145177231 (https://api.se
manticscholar.org/CorpusID:145177231) .

Sepinwall, Alyssa Goldstein (2017). "Beyond "The Black Jacobins": Haitian

Revolutionary Historiography Comes of Age" (https://www.jstor.org/s
table/44478370) . Journal of Haitian Studies. 23 (1): 17.
doi:10.1353/jhs.2017.0000 (https://doi.org/10.1353%2Fjhs.2017.000
0) . JSTOR 44478370 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/44478370) .
S2CID 158697106 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:15869
7106) . Archived (https://web.archive.org/web/20230410035456/ht
tps://www.jstor.org/stable/44478370) from the original on 10 April
2023. Retrieved 12 April 2023.

Soboul, Albert (1977). A short history of the French Revolution: 1789–1799

(https://archive.org/details/shorthistoryoffr00sobo) . Geoffrey
Symcox. University of California Press, Ltd. ISBN 978-0-5200-3419-
8.

Soper, J. Christopher; Fetzer, Joel S (2003). "Explaining the

accommodation of Muslim religious practices in France, Britain, and
Germany". French Politics. 1 (1): 39–59.
doi:10.1057/palgrave.fp.8200018 (https://doi.org/10.1057%2Fpalgrav
e.fp.8200018) . S2CID 145008815 (https://api.semanticscholar.org/
CorpusID:145008815) .

Stewart, John (1951). A Documentary Survey of the French revolution (http

s://archive.org/details/documentarysurve0000stew) . Macmillan.

Thompson, J.M. (1952). Robespierre and the French Revolution (https://arc

hive.org/details/robespierrefrenc0000unse) . The English
:
 hive.org/details/robespierrefrenc0000unse) . The English
Universities Press. ISBN 978-0-3400-8369-7.

Thompson, J.M. (1959). The French Revolution. Basil Blackwell.

Tombs, Robert; Tombs, Isabelle (2007). That Sweet Enemy: The French and
the British from the Sun King to the Present. Random House.
ISBN 978-1-4000-4024-7.

External links

Museum of the French Revolution (http://w Library resources about

ww.domaine-vizille.fr/) (French) the French Revolution

Primary source documents (http://www.ford Online books (https://ftl.toolf

orge.org/cgi-bin/ftl?st=wp&s
ham.edu/halsall/mod/modsbook13.html) u=French+Revolution&librar
from The Internet Modern History y=OLBP)
Resources in your library (htt
Sourcebook. ps://ftl.toolforge.org/cgi-bin/f
tl?st=wp&su=French+Revolu
Liberty, Equality, Fraternity: Exploring the tion)
French Revolution (http://chnm.gmu.edu/rev Resources in other libraries (
https://ftl.toolforge.org/cgi-bi
olution/) , a collaborative site by the Center n/ftl?st=wp&su=French+Rev
olution&library=0CHOOSE0)
for History and New Media (George Mason
University) and the American Social History Project (City University of New
York).

Vancea, S. The Cahiers de Doleances of 1789 (https://web.archive.org/web/

20151114165139/http://cliojournal.wikispaces.com/The%20Cahiers%20de%
20Doleances%20of%201789) , Clio History Journal, 2008.

French Revolution Digital Archive (https://web.archive.org/web/2014013023

2229/http://frda-stage.stanford.edu/en/images) a collaboration of the
Stanford University Libraries and the Bibliothèque nationale de France,
containing 12000 digitised images

The guillotined of the French Revolution (http://les.guillotines.free.fr/)

: